Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 13, Addenda. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1915.
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Draft of proposed Act of Parliament for extending
into Wales the jurisdiction of the English Courts respecting
lands, tenements, hereditaments, goods or chattels.
Begins: "For as much as it appeareth by divers most godly and wholesome laws, statutes and Acts of Parliament made and established by the sovereign governor of this Realm that there hath been taken great care as well for the abolishing and reforming of the Welsh laws customs and usages wherein was great inconveniences as also for the conforming of the country and people of Wales to this her Majesty's Realm of England and the laws and customs thereof, &c." Ends: "Provided also that this present act nor anything herein contained shall extend to any lands or tenements within the counties Palatine of Lancaster, Chester or Durham or any of them, but that the same may remain and continue as heretofore they have done, anything in these presents to the contrary notwithstanding."
Draft with corrections. Undated. 18 sheets. (218. 12.)
|Mary Queen of Scots to the Queen.|
|[1585,] Jan. 13.||Signed. Printed in Murdin, p. 564, in extenso. 1 p. (133. 56.)|
|The Elector of Cologne.|
|[1585, Jan.]||Entre les affaires qui importent maintenant a la cause commune de la Chrestiente doit estre mis a bon droict aux premiers rangs celui de l' Archevesque de Cologne.|
|Pourtant les Princes vrayement Chrestiens ne le doyvent mespriser, ou considerer comme de loing, ou comme leur estant de nulle ou peu d' importance.|
|On a tousjours trouve suffisamment utile, pour ce quil estoit bon et honette de soulager et maintenir un Prince depossedé injustement. Ce qui est notoire en ce bon Prince si jamais en aucun autre.|
|Car on scait assez que la seule profession de Religion, que surtout les Princes Chrestiens sont tenus de maintenir et avancer au prix de leurs biens et vies, lui ont suscite toute ceste tempeste.|
|Et estoit son entreprise si haulte magnanime et de telle consequence que toute la Papaute ne pouvoit gueres recevoir de coup plus mortel.|
|Ce qui a este bien entendu par la faction du Pape, comme elle la monstrait par la diligence et effort employes a estaindre cest embrasement. Cependant avec grande honte les Princes Chrestiens se sont mis euxmesmes les entraves aux pieds et aux mains, pour ne rien faire ou entreprendre.|
|On scait aussi que de ce faict depend l'avancement ou diminution des maisons d'Austriche et d'Espagne, comme l'Empereur et le Roy d'Espagne l'ont monstre par experience.|
|Il n'y a aussi moyen plus propre ou pour empescher la faction Papistique, ou pour arrester le cours des desseins de l'Espagnol, que par ceste entreprise opposer a sa grandeur ce grand et puissant corps de l'Allemagne.|
|Chacun aussi peut concever de quelle importance est ce fait pour ces pays . . . divertissant les forces des ennemis et donnant courage aux autres.|
|Que si l'Espagnol est une fois empesche en ces deux affaires d'Allemagne et des Pays Bas, il lui restera peu de moyen de nuire aux autres pays, qu'il n'a pas seulement aesseingnes sous sa tyrannie, mais desia devores par esperance.|
|Or peut sa Mate pour peu de chose a son regard donner bon exemple et courage aux autres Princes, qui tous jettent les yeux sur elle, et qui ont besoing en leur bonne volonte d'estre esguillonnes.|
|Et ne faut penser que l'Electeur demande argent pour ses usages particuliers, ains seulement pour cest affaire general.|
|Car et l'argent dont le Roi de Navarre l'a aidé liberalement est encores conserve en son entier, et le refus qu'il fait de composition, ses intelligences, le reste de ses hommes de guerre, monstrent asses a quoy il tend.|
|Il ne faut non plus estimer ceste cause deploree et la defense trop tardive, car la cause des Princes d'Allemagne estoit bien plus accablee sous la force de l'Empereur, quand Dieu la retenu en un moment. Et souvent s' est veu en France ques affaires de la Religion Dieu par peu fait de choses admirables.|
|Mais il se faut souvenir qu'il est besoing de diligence, car plusieurs belles occasions se sont ja accordees, se passeront . . . apres lesquelles n'y aura plus de ressource.|
|Et mesme dans peu de temps on taschera de lui oster le tiltre d'Electeur, que lui est reste jusques icy.|
|Tellement que sans secours prompt, selon l'apparance, il sera ou ruiné, ou contraint d'accepter les conditions d'accord de trois cents mille escus qu'on lui presante, avec un dommage indicible pour la Chrestiente, à la grande honte et possible ruine commune des autres Princes Chrestiens par un juste jugement de Dieu.|
S'il plaisait done a Sa Mate, seroit bien faict de desployer
sa bienvueillance promptement, et y pourvoir par le mesme
voyage de Monsr Davidson. Et quant et quant il sejourne
en Holande, faire une autre depesche en Allemagne pour
avancer cest affaire et autres appartenans a la cause commune.
Endorsed: "pour l'Electeur de Cologne." Much faded. 1 p. (167. 148.)
|Act for the surety of the Queen's person.|
|[1585, Jan. ?]||
i. Bill against the practisers of invasion and
rebellion. (fn. 1) —Undated.
Begins: "If any person or persons that doth may or shall pretend title to the crown of this realm, &c."
Draft. temp. Eliz.
|Followed by notes, commencing "Sir John (? Brocket) in the Audience." As to his supposed composition for wool, coneys and pigs. He cannot be relieved by the composition, though he should prove it. And so for lambs, and pannage of hogs.|
"Bigg in the Audience for agistament for 24 years."
Refers to the same composition, and concludes that neither
Sir John nor any other from whom he claims ever had any
tithe of agistament in Symondshyde (Herts).
Undated. 2 pp. (205. 128.)
ii. Another copy of a portion of the above Act.
Endorsed by Burghley: In the bill of surety. 1½ pp. (210. 17.)
|William Frankland's Lands.|
|1584–5, Feb. 18.||
Brief of indentures between John Foxall
and Hugh Frankland of the one part, and Thomas Owen
and others of the other part, concerning a lease of the
manors of Goldingtons and Rye in Essex and Herts; lands
called Barnetts, Herts; the Great House in Thames St. and
other tenements; and the manor of Bloberhouse, with Bloberhouse Hall, in the Forest of Knaresborough, Yorks, late
William Frankland's of the Rye.—February 18, 1584.
2 pp. (2135.)
|The Earl of Lincoln's Evidences.|
|1584–5, Feb. 26.||
Indenture between Elizabeth Countess
Dowager of Lincoln and Henry Earl of Lincoln, touching
certain evidences delivered to the said Earl by her.
2 pp. (141. 135.)
|The Earl of Derby and Sir Edward Stafford to Sir F. Walsingham.|
|1584–5, March 3.||
Their audience with the King of France
on Sunday. The King took them into his cabinet, a more
secret place than his "chamber of estate," wherein they found
him. Bellievre and Pinard only were present with him.
Discussion of French relations with the Low Countries since
Monsieur's death. The King advised her Majesty to join with
him "in a more strait amity and league than ever they did"
and jointly to interpose with the King of Spain to secure
to his subjects in the Low Countries their old customs and
liberties of the time of their subjection to the Duke of
Burgundy. The objections urged by Stafford to the King's
proposals failed to move him. The Queen-mother next
interviewed was troubled with the incommodities likely to
come of the King's proposals but excused the matter "upon
the great practices in this realm, whereof the King daily
was advertised of, which, if the King did occupy himself
otherwise, might burst out to his great harm and endanger
Headed: "Copy of my lord of Derby's letter and mine to Mr. Secretary of 3 March, 1584, by Mr. Marbury."
Copy. 15 pp. (138. 172.)
[The original is in State Papers, Foreign Series, France, Vol. XIII.]
|1584–5, March 5–15.||
Discourse touching the causes of
the preparations in France. By B. M. Describes the state
of parties in France. The writer predicts a second
St. Bartholomew.—Paris, 15 March, 1584.
12½ pp. (246. 99.)
|The Queen to Sir Thomas Bromley, Lord Chancellor.|
|1585, March 3.||
James [Harvey] knight, late citizen and
alderman of London, deceased, did by lawful conveyance
dispose his lands and goods amongst his children, not without
the knowledge of our Chief Justice. Yet his sons-in-law
have sought by suits in the Court of Chancery to overthrow
the same as void and fraudulent. In the behalf of Sebastian
Harvey his son and heir, her pleasure is the validity of the
same assu[rance] be tried only by the Courts of common
law and that the suits be dismissed out of the Court of
Chancery.—Greenwich, March 3, 27 Eliz.
Contemporary copy. Much damaged. 1 p. (213. 14.)
|Mary Queen of Scots to the Queen.|
|[1585.] March 23.||
Tutbury, ce 23 Mars.
Printed in Murdin, pp. 565–568 in extenso.
French. Signed. 4½ pp. (133. 57.)
|Earl of Bedford's Lands.|
Account of the revenue of the Earl of
Bedford's lands, to be answered to the Queen.
Notes by Burghley. 5 pp. (146. 62.)
|Earl of Bedford's Lands.|
|1585, July 20 to 1586, June 30.||Papers relating to the possessions, and debts of the Earl of Bedford.|
|1585, July 20.||
i. The thirds of the Earl of Bedford's lands
which is to come to her Majesty.
½ p. (146. 95.)
|1585, Dec. 29.||
ii. Schedule of the Earl of Bedford's lands
for the heirs general.
1 sheet. (146. 98.)
iii. Lands supposed to come to the heirs general
of Francis late Earl of Bedford.
½ p. (146. 82.)
iv. The third part of the Earl of Bedford's lands
descended to the heirs general.
Endorsed by Burghley. 1 p. (146. 96.)
v. Particular of lands of Francis Earl of Bedford.
Endorsed by Burghley. 5 pp. (146. 56.)
vi. Possessions of the late Francis, Earl of Bedford.
Notes by Burghley. 2 pp. (146. 60.)
vii. Brief of the Earl of Bedford's lands.
Notes by Burghley. ½ p. (146. 65.)
viii. Brief of the value of the possessions of the
Earl of Bedford.
Notes by Burghley. 3 pp. (146. 74.)
ix. Lands and possessions of the Earl of Bedford.
2 pp. (146. 76.)
x. Revenue and possessions of Francis, late Earl
Notes by Burghley. 1 p. (146. 81.)
xi. Account of the living of the Earl of Bedford,
the jointure of the Countess of Bedford, the jointure of the
Lady Grey, Sir Francis Russell's living, and Sir William
2½ pp. (146. 93.)
xii. State of the late Earl of Bedford's debts.
2½ pp. (146. 85.)
xiii. Note of the debts &c., of the late Earl of
Bedford, and what remains to answer them.
Notes by Burghley. 1 p. (146. 87.)
|[1585.]||xiv. Warrant by the Queen.|
As to the late Earl of Bedford's affairs. The Queen is
pleased to grant leases of certain lands during the minority,
to pay debts which cannot be otherwise satisfied on account
of the entail; also to provide for the two daughters of Lady
Russell, wife of the late Lord John Russell, and for the payment of the debts of the latter.
Draft in Burghley's hand. 2½ pp. (146. 88.)
|On the same paper is another draft warrant in Burghley's hand, to the same effect. ½ p.|
|(2) Copy of the above. 2½ pp. (146. 90.)|
xv. Mr. Owen's remembrance from my Lord
of Bedford for my Lady Russell's daughters, respecting lands.
1 p. (146. 83.)
xvi. "Money which I have and am to disburse
for the charges of the lease which I humbly crave allowance
1½ pp. (146. 72.)
xvii. Rental of the tenements near Russell
½ p. (146. 73.)
|1585–6, Feb. 20.||
xviii. Particular of the lands of the
Earl of Bedford descended to the heirs general.
Latin. Notes by Burghley. 1 sheet. (146. 97.)
|1585–6, March 1.||
xix. Rents paid into the Court of Wards
for the lands and possessions of the Earl of Bedford.
Endorsed by Burghley. 2 pp. (146. 61.)
|1585–6, March 5.||
xx. John Hare to Lady Russell.
Notes of lands of the Earl of Bedford's. As to the wardship of her daughters. Sends survey of Russell House, also note of other lands for the Queen's third part, and Vaughan's answer. Asks for an acre or two of Sir Francis Englefield's woods.—Blackfriars, 5 March, 1585.
½ p. (146. 54.)
|[1585–6, March 5.]||
xxi. Answer of Hugh Vaughan as to
the benefit which may yearly grow by a lease to be gotten
from the Queen of the late Earl of Bedford's lands and
possessions, to be employed towards the payment of his
Endorsed by Burghley. 2½ pp. (146. 67.) (See 146. 54.)
|[1586, April 19 ?]||
xxii. Mr. Drew's valuation of the Earl
of Bedford's lands in Devon and Cornwall, now in wardship
to the Queen.
1 p. (146. 66.) (See 146. 69.)
|1586, April 19.||
xxiii. Edward Drewe to Lord Burghley.
As to rents in Devon due to the Queen by the wardship of the Earl of Bedford. Deaths of Sir Arthur Basset and Sir John Chichester, and six other justices of the peace, of the same infection.—Inner Temple, 19 April, 1586.
1 p. (146. 69.)
xxiv. Edward Drew to Mr. Barnard.
Asks what is to be done as to the money collected by the bailiffs, and still remaining in their hands.—Inner Temple. Undated.
¼ p. (146. 70.)
|1586, June 18.||
xxv. Dowager Countess of Bedford to the
Asks to be tenant of certain lands at Covington and the More, parcel of the possessions of her late Lord.—Cheynes, 18 June, 1586.
Signed. 1 p. (146. 71.)
|[1586, June 30.]||
xxvi. Commissioners named to survey
the lands and possessions of the young Earl of Bedford.
1 p. (146. 55.)
xxvii. Schedule of the value of the Earl of Bedford's
lands. It is prayed that the Queen will accept them after
these values, and grant a lease of them towards the better
answering of the late Earl of Bedford's debts.
Notes by Burghley. 4 pp. (146. 77.)
|The Duke of Guise.|
A discourse touching the Duke of Guise,
his taking arms, with arguments to prove that the King of
France and the Duke of Guise concur secretly with the King
French. 10½ pp. (246. 127.)
|German Troops in French Employ.|
|1585, April 1.||
Protest of German troops employed by the
French King, complaining of not receiving their promised
pay.—April 1, 85.
Endorsed: The protestation of the Reystmasters, 1585. German. Printed broadsheet. (208. 13.)
|1585, April 10.||
Inquisition taken at the Old Bailey,
10 April, 1585, of the inventory and valuation of the moveable
goods of Lord Paget, now in his house in Fleet St., and in the
custody of Robert Bankes and Francis Ayre.
Parchment. 2 sheets.
Includes "2 French books called Whitacre's Confutation, 12d." Total valuation, 97l. 9s. 8d.
|1585, April 10.||
Schedule containing the valuation and
appraisement of Lord Paget's goods and chattels at the time
of his departure, and now remaining in the hands of Sir Thomas
Leighton; taken at the Old Bailey, London, 10 April, 1585,
by William Fletewoode and others. The like of his goods
remaining in the hands of Richard Young. The latter contains
the following books:—Vitellius' Mathematicks 3s. 4d.;
Ecclesiasticall Historie for 600 Years after Christ 3s. 4d.;
an old English Bible 4s.; the Abridgement of the Historie
of Trogus Pompeius 1s.; Gwytherdines Historie of Trogus
Pompeius 5s.; the Horologe of Princes, by Marcus Aurelius
2s. 6d.; the Historie of Herodian 8d.; the Treasorie of
Evonimus 1s.; the Recantation of John Nicholls 2d.
Parchment, 2 sheets. (216. 12.)
|Earls of Angus and Mar.|
|1585, April 20.||
"The answer of the Earls of Angus and
Mar and the Master of Glames afore the Lord Chancellor,
Lord Treasurer, Lord of Hunsdon."
An endorsement only, by Burghley. (Note by Stewart: "Only a printed document in German enclosed." This document is not now with the paper, but see 208. 13 under date 1 April, 1585.) (213. 43.)
|Alexander Morley and Thomas Fenne to the Queen.|
|1585, May 13.||
Morley, as an old servant of the Queen at
Hatfield, and Fenne, a yeoman of the Chamber, pray for a
lease in reversion of the rectory of Estrington, Yorks, and
tithes in Osmotherley, Yorks, to pass in the tenants' names.
Note by Thomas Sekford that the Queen refers the suit to the Lord Treasurer and the Chancellor of the Exchequer.—Court at Greenwich, 13 May, 1585.
½ p. (986.)
|1585, June 4.||
Memorial for work at Theobalds.
In Burghley's hand. 1 p. (143. 59.)
|The King of Scotland to the Queen.|
|1585, June 27.||Madame and dearest sister. I must most earnestly crave and beseech you to pardon me for my long delay of writing in respect I thought your own servant, Robert Alexander, the bearer hereof, fittest to be the carrier of it; for, if I had as oft written thanks within this short space as you furnished subject, then had I importuned your eyes with reading and yet done nothing that had worthily requited the great good will of such a prince as you are; whom to I am within these few days in so manifold ways beholden as by no deeds (much less writings) I can worthily requite your using of me. For set aside your loving despatch (to my full contentment) of my late ambassador Justice Clerk, as also the directing towards me of so honourable and so wise a gentleman, so well affected to the amity and so well thought of by you, as Edward Wotton, your ambassador, as also the directing since of so discreet a gentleman and so fit for his office as your foresaid servant Alexander, with a number of so fair and good horses as he brought (the most acceptable present that ever came to me) as also your loving letters sent as well by Justice Clerk as by your ambassador and Alexander, set aside I say all these foresaid tokens and proofs of your inward friendship, your only memorial touching the horses sent to me with your foresaid ambassador hath more bound me unto you than any letters, presents or deeds of amity that ever you have or could have bestowed upon me; for not only were the words thereof most loving but also the purpose discovered such a kind carefulness in you over me as it seemed rather to have proceeded from some alter ego than from any strange and foreign prince, which I can on no ways requite but by offering unto you my person and all that is mine to be used and employed by you as a loving mother would use her natural and devoted child. Thus praying you ever to use and employ me so, I pray most humbly the Creator, Madam and dearest Mother, to preserve you from all your foes whatsomever, to cast them in their own snares (as He did Haman) and to increase your days in all honour and happiness as they have ever yet been.—Dunfermline, 27 June, 1585.|
P.S.—Madame I have according to my promise in my last
letter been trying out yon alleged report of the Lord Maxwell's
concerning you; which, so far as I can try, was indeed
vaunted of by him, as also that he had the like favour of me
(both untrue) whereof how soon one Bowman, a servant of
the Lord Scrope's got moyen by some that were about the
said lord, he advertised Jonston of it.
Holograph. Seals. 2 pp. (133. 44.)
|Edwarde Wotton to Mr. Archibald Douglas or Mr. Secretary Walsingham.|
|1585, June 30.||I was sending the packet away, when as the Master of Gray came unto me this evening very late requesting me to excuse him unto Mr. Secretary and yourself, that he did not write unto you that which by this he prayed me to signify unto you as he would have done if it had not been so late. The matter he declared to me at some length but the packet only staying for th(is) I will briefly acquaint you how that this night at supper Sir William Stuard, Arran's brother, came unto, . . and craving leave to confer with him, seemed to lament his brother's hard case that lived in so hard terms of friendship with such a man as he was. With many kind speeches, how far himself was particularly bound to him when the Earl his brother had forsaken him, and in process of speech told him indeed that he came . . . unto him directed from his brother (though he willed him not to tell him so) to offer unto him all kind of satisfaction of Arran's part, if he pleased to appoint . . . place of meeting and conference: naming for that purpose the park here. The Master gave general answers unto his speeches, and hath refused to deal with the Earl (in) any such set place, but would be content, whenever he list to seek it of him, to confer with him in any public place as occasion might fall out that they met each other. Which answer not liking Sir William, he requested that the Master and himself might at better leisure talk together in the King's Gallery sometime to-morrow, which he yielded unto. In talk he told the Master many things touching and against his brother, therefore the Master, knowing the facility of the man, was the more contented to confer with him. He told the Master that his brother had had secret dealings with the Secretary, whereof he would inform him, but quod he, the Secretary is not for our purpose, but your friendship he "suits" above all men, because he kens you to be a man of "sprite" and one that cares for no man. Then, quod the Master, you seek me for to serve your purpose. Always he agreed to speak [with] him whenever he should call upon him. This he came of purpose to tell me this night late, and withal that Sir William promised to bring him a blank from the Earl his brother to use at his pleasure.|
It seems Arran either fears the Master's credit and the
present gathering together of his friends and so would gladly
be reconciled; or else, as he hath do[ne] the Secretary, so he
assayeth the Master, to see if he can win him from the rest . . .
. . . them in sunder to have the . . . all three: but the Master
is wise . . . seeth their fetches, and will make . . . their
subtlety. . . . . may suffice to satisfy such as . . . his
credit with the King. . . . the last of June, 1585.
Holograph. Mutilated. 2 pp. (203. 60.)
|Proceedings concerning the Earl of Northumberland.|
|1585 [after June 24].||There was of late delivered in public, by persons of honour, credit and reputation, a large declaration of certain treasons practised by the late Earl of Northumberland, of the manner of his untimely death, being with his own hand murdered in the Tower, and of the causes that wrought him thereunto. The particulars whereof are such and so many as for the help of my memory (coming then to the Star chamber by occasion and not looking for any such presence of the nobility and Privy Council as I found there at that time, and not looking for any such cause to be handled there that day) took notes of the several matters declared by the Lord Chancellor, Mr. Attorney and Mr. Solicitor General, the Lord Chief Baron and Mr. Vicechamberlain; for, as I remember, they spake in order as they are here marshalled and therefore I place them in this sort and not according to their precedence in dignity.|
|Upon the hearing of the treasons with their proofs and circumstances and the desperate manner of the Earl's destruction, I supposed no man to be so void of judgment or the use of common reason that would have doubted of any one point or particle thereof until it was my chance, falling in company with divers persons at sundry times, as well about the city of London as abroad, to hear many men report variably and corruptly of the matter, possessing the minds of the people with manifest untruths, as that the earl had been unjustly detained in prison without proof or just cause of suspicion of treason, and that he had been murdered by device of some great enemies and not destroyed by himself. These slanderous reports have ministered unto me this occasion to set forth unto thy view (gentle reader) this short collection of the said treasons and murder, as near unto the truth as my notes taken may lead and permit me, with the view of some of the examinations themselves for my better satisfaction since obtained.|
|Upon the 24 June last assembled in the court of Star Chamber, Sir Thomas Bromley, knight, Lord Chancellor of England, William Lord Burghley, Lord Treasurer of England, George Earl of Shrewsbury, Lord Marshal of England, Henry Earl of Derby, Robert Earl of Leicester, Charles, Lord Howard of Effingham, Lord Chamberlain, Henry Lord Hunsdon, Lord Governor of Berwick, Sir Francis Knollis, knight, Treasurer, Sir James Crofte, knight, Comptroller of her Majesty's Household, Sir Christopher Hatton, knight, Vicechamberlain to the Queen, the Lord Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench, the Master of the Rolls, the Chief Baron of the Exchequer and others. The audience very great of knights, esquires and men of other quality. The Lord Chancellor began briefly and summarily to declare that whereas, Henry, late Earl of Northumberland, for divers notable treasons and practices by him taken in hand to the danger, not only of her Majesty's royal person but to the peril of the whole realm, had been long detained in prison; and, looking into the guilt of his own conscience and perceiving by such means of intelligence as he by corrupting of his keepers and other like devices had obtained, that his treasons were by sundry examinations and confessions discovered, grew thereby into such a desperate estate as that thereupon he had most wickedly destroyed himself: which being made known to the lords of the Privy Council, order was given to the Lord Chief Justice, the Master of the Rolls and the Lord Chief Baron to examine the manner and circumstances of his death, which they with all good diligence had accordingly performed. And lest through the sinister means of such persons as be evil affected to the present estate of her Majesty's government some bad and untrue conceits might be had, as well of the cause of the Earl's detainment as of the manner of his death; it was, therefore, thought necessary to have the truth thereof made known in that presence. And then he required her Majesty's learned counsel there present to deliver at large the particulars, both of the treasons and in what sort the Earl had murdered himself.|
|Then began John Popham, Attorney General, as followeth; The Earl of Northumberland, about the time of the last rebellion in the north, 11 Elizabeth, (then Henry Percie, knight) had undertaken the conveying away of the Scottish Queen, for the which as appeareth by a record of 14 Elizabeth, in the Court of Queen's Bench, he was indicted, confessed the offence and put himself to her Majesty's mercy. At which time upon his said confession, submission and faithful promise of duty and allegiance from henceforth the Queen's Majesty of her merciful nature was pleased not to look into his offence with the extremity of her laws but dealt therein as by way of contempt only, as may appear by the record (copy produced).|
|By this it may appear that the Earl had his finger in that rebellion, but for a further proof thereof it is most manifestly discovered in a tract written by the Bishop of Rosse (wherein he showeth how faithfully he behaved himself in the managing of those treasons at and about the time of that rebellion) that the said Earl was in effect as far plunged into the same as the late Earl his brother, howsoever he wound himself out of the danger at that time.|
|Notwithstanding this, the Queen was contented to remit all within a short time, and then accepted most graciously of him both in honour and favour, though unworthily, for that he utterly forgetting those graces and favours received at her hands was contented to enter into a new plot now lately contrived for delivering the Scotch Queen and invading the realm, the overthrow of the government as well concerning the state of religion as otherwise, the danger of her Majesty's sacred person and advancing of the said Scotch Queen to the crown and sceptre of this realm.|
|Then did Mr. Attorney enter into particulars of the treasons, leaving many parts untouched because the case stood so as it was not convenient to reveal them, in respect that they touched other persons undealt withal at that time, shewing that Throckmorton's treasons were not old but fresh in every man's memory and how far forth they reached unto the Earl; and for that Throckmorton's treasons tended especially to the invading of the realm with foreign forces, the purposes of that invasion long before determined were proved as follows:—|
|In a letter from Dr. Sanders to Dr. Allen, the traitor, from Madrid, the 6 June, 1577, he writeth that the state of Christendom stood upon the stout assailing of England.|
|John Harte, seminary priest, deposed upon oath, 31 December, 1580, that about February then last, Dr. Allen (with whom the said Hart was very inward) received a letter from Rome, with articles enclosed, touching an audience given by the Pope to the ambassadors of Spain and Florence who had agreed on a league against the Queen of England, which articles by Dr. Allen's command he copied and was forbidden to use any speech of. The effect of which was that the realm should be invaded by 20,000 men, and the most part at the King of Spain's charge; that her Majesty should be deposed, some English catholic elected king, etc. The said Harte in another examination 3 November, 1581, said that the coming over of so many priests was to win great numbers to the catholic party to join (if opportunity served) either with foreign invasion or tumult at home.|
|Ralph Nicolson, examined 10 June, 1581, saith that at Narbonne in Provence, about a year past and more he met with an Englishman, head preacher there, who told him that the King of Spain should shortly invade England and restore the popish religion, and that he (the said Nicolson) was persuaded at Rome to be a soldier to join with King Philip's army, and that priests do come over into England and disperse themselves into countries to make their party strong.|
|Edward Rushton, seminary priest, confessed 22 November, 1581, that Evan Haydock, at Shrove-tide then last, willed him to tell Dr. Allen that whereas he had received word from Allen, at All Hallowtide before, that men and all things were in readiness, if the place of landing might be known, that Allen should forthwith send him word whether things were in such readiness or not; and if they were he would then send him such perfect instructions as he could.|
|The same Rushton confessed further, 24 December, 1581, that Haydock said it was a message of great secrecy, and that Allen had sent him word that it was the King of Spain that had those men in a readiness.|
|Ralph Hill, 4 July, 1581, confessed that Payne (a traitor executed for treason) told him, at Shrove-tide then last, that this realm could not long continue in the state wherein it was, for that the Pope had a special care thereof and would in a short time either by foreign Princes or by some other means work a change of things here.|
|By these examinations is discovered the purpose of the Pope, King of Spain and others to invade the realm some years before the apprehension of Fra: Throckmorton. Now follow confessions of Throckmorton touching the same and how the Earl of Northumberland standeth charged as privy to that treason.|
|Francis Throckmorton examined 19 and 22 November, 1583, confessed, that, about four years past, Sir Francis Englefield wrote unto him he had been a means that the state of this realm had been often presented to the consideration of the Spanish King; who after long hearkening resolved to yield what furtherance he might and to give all aids necessary for the reformation of religion, so they might be backed by such as were well affected within this country, and prayed Throckmorton to send men therein here, and gave orders how Throckmorton's letters should be directed unto him. Throckmorton dealt with the Spanish ambassador to convey his letters to Sir Francis Englefield, who agreed thereunto and affirmed that he had been entreated thereunto by Sir Francis.|
|Also on 9 December, 1583, he confessed that Sir Francis Englefield wrote unto him that it were better for us to live under any person in the world than to continue in heresy.|
|And on 23 November, 1583, that he did advise Sir Francis Englefield by his letters to move the Spanish King to have the matter followed by his ambassador here, wherein Throckmorton promised his furtherance, and withal confessed that his brother Thomas did tell him at his last coming over into this realm, if the Duke of Lennox had lived, he had entered into Scotland with forces, and that the Duke of Guise had solicited for two years together the Pope and King of Spain to supply him with forces; but being crossed by the death of the Duke of Lennox it was now grown to this pass; if there could be a party found in England to join in the action, and convenient places and means for landing and other things necessary, there should be a supply for Guise of foreign strength; and said further that the Spanish ambassador in France, called Jo. Baptista de Taxis, was acquainted with this matter.|
|On 4 December, 1583, he confessed that Jo. Baptista de Taxis, being wholly employed for the attempts to be made here by the Spanish king, recommended Throckmorton and the matter to Don Bernardino de Mendoça, the King's ambassador resident here in England, who acquainted Throckmorton what plot was laid for the enterprise of the Duke of Guise; and that he was willed to confer with the said Throckmorton in the matter, who thereupon acquainted the said ambassador with the plot of the havens and with the noblemen and gentlemen that he had set down as fit to be dealt withal in that cause. At which time the Spanish ambassador did affirm that the King his master had promised to disburse one half of the charges in that enterprise.|
|On 9 December, 1583, he affirmed that the bottom of this enterprise, which he said was not to be known to many, was that, if a toleration of religion might not be obtained without alteration of the government, that then the government should be altered and the Queen removed.|
|On 3 December, 1583, he confessed that Thomas Throckmorton said upon the report of Thomas Morgan that the Scottish Queen was made acquainted from the Duke of Guise of the intention to relieve her by these forces.|
|On 17 December, 1583, that it was in debate between Francis Throckmorton and Mendoça how the Scottish Queen might be delivered as by an enterprise to be made with 200 or 300 horse, and said his brother Thomas told him it was a principal matter in debate beyond the sea how she might be delivered with safety, the lack of resolution wherein was the principal stay of the execution of the attempt of invasion.|
|On 18 December he confessed further that, about Bartholomew-tide then last, Don Bernardino de Mendoça, late ambassador here from the Spanish King, found to be a principal instrument in contriving of the invasion, told him that one Moape was come into England to sound the Earl of Northumberland and other principal men in Sussex; and that, about the end of September last the same ambassador told him that Moape was Charles Paget and that he came not so much to sound the men as to view the country and the havens.|
|On 26 January, 1583, he said further that Mendoça told him he was advertised out of France that Charles Paget was sent over to sound Catholics and view the havens; and in his examination of 2 December said that Paget came over to view the places, the havens, the provisions and means, and the nearness and commodity of men's abiding that should join with the foreign forces.|
|Also that it was the device of Mendoça that such noblemen and others as would assist the foreign forces, being justices of the peace and in credit in their countries, might by colour of their authority levy men as for her Majesty's defence and yet employ them to assist the foreign forces; which device he imparted to the Lord Paget two days before his apprehension who answered he had already thought on that course and it was a good course.|
|On 9 December, 1583, he said that Thomas, his brother, during the time of his last being here received letters out of France to advise him he should not marvel if in his absence matters were referred over to another hand, and that he should hear of the success; and that Mendoça told him that Moape was Charles Paget who had been in Sussex and had spoken with those that were there, and that he came over to move the Earl of Northumberland and others.|
|On 17 December, 1583, he said further that the night before his apprehension he was with the Lord Paget and desired him that he would not acquaint any man with such matters as had passed between them two, concerning what he knew by him, namely the Earl of Northumberland, the Lord Henry Howard and Charles Arundell. And Lord Paget answered "Deal ye as wisely for your part as I will do for mine and all shall be well, but the Earl of Northumberland knows ye well enough."|
|In his examination of 2 December, 1583, there is set down at some length a conference between him and Lord Paget containing in effect how great a loss and interruption there grew to this enterprise by the death of the Duke of Lenox; that there was a continuance of the purpose nevertheless to be executed by the Duke of Guise; that the Duke required 14,000 or 15,000 men, which number the King of Spain thought would not be well provided for, shipped and victualled; that the Duke of Guise desired to land in Sussex, being over against Dieppe in Normandy, which was misliked because those parts lay too near to her Majesty's greatest force and store, and the people thereabout for the most part Protestants; the Earl of Northumberland was thought to be a fit man to be drawn into the action. It was answered by Lord Paget that the Earl was wise, that he had not much living there nor many followers to be able to do much in that country.|
|Agreeing with this plot, there was found about one William Creighton, a Scotch Jesuit, taken upon the seas in his voyage towards Scotland last summer (1584), a discourse of a like enterprise against England by way of Scotland, which should have been executed about September or October then last, namely that forces should land in Scotland and pass presently into England, wherein assurance is made of the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, Dacres that is dead, whom they term Lord Dacres, and of all the Catholic lords and gentlemen in the north parts; setting down that it is not said by conjecture that these men are assured but that it is known certainly that they will do it; affirming that the priests dispersed in the realm can dispose of the other Catholics of the realm as they shall be ordered. It manifesteth also that the Pope's excommunication should be renewed and pronounced against her Majesty and those that shall take her part, and that all such shall be holden for traitors which should not join with the army of the Scotch Queen; and the forces to be of Spaniards and other nations to have been furnished and waged by the Pope and the Spanish King. Creighton having been hereupon examined hath confessed the matters in this discourse contained. And in a letter intercepted, dated London, 5 May, 1585, addressed to Don Bernardino de Mendoça are contained these words following: "If any man be sent unto me to treat of the invasion, he must be a Spaniard and no Italian, because no man here will trust any but a Spaniard"; whereby it doth appear that the invasion of the realm heretofore intended is yet in handling both abroad and at home.|
|There were hereupon produced by Mr. Attorney divers other examinations and confessions effectually proving the purpose of this invasion as confessed by Throckmorton and Creighton, which I forbear to write in respect that my course reacheth principally to prove the Earl of Northumberland a chief party in this treason, and, therefore, I now proceed to prove that Charles Paget came at that time into the realm and came to deal with the Earl and others about the invasion.|
|W. Wicliffe, secretary to the Earl of Northumberland, examined 20 December, and 11 January, 1583[–4] confesseth that Charles Paget came to Petworth in September last, and coming thither he wrote a letter to this examinate requiring him to deliver the other letter enclosed to the Earl his master, which he delivered accordingly; and the Earl upon the sight thereof said immediately "this letter cometh from Charles Paget," and that he was come to the town to speak with him. Whereunto this examinate said "I would wish your lordship should have no dealing with him." The Earl answered "Well! he is come, I cannot help it now," and seemed much appalled. Howbeit the Earl commanded this examinate to bring Paget that night unto him in his gallery, and there they had conference about an hour, none being there but they two (this examinate standing at the gallery door) and this was about 10 or 11 o'clock at night. This examinate conveyed Paget back again to the town where he rested that night. The next night by like order from the Earl he conveyed Charles Paget secretly to a lodge in the Earl's park at Petworth, with special charge to keep it as secret as possible. He confesseth that Charles Paget was kept secret in the lodge about a week whither the Earl resorted often unto him, and that the day after he was placed in the lodge one Robotham, a servant of the Earl's, came home from beyond the seas who then attended on Paget and this examinate was no more employed about him. He saith further that, within a day or two after Paget came to the lodge, the Earl told him that he had written to Lord Paget to come to Petworth for that a friend of his was there, not naming Charles Paget, and told this examinate that it was to come to Charles Paget to set his things in order: and this examinate remembereth that Charles Paget asked him if he could draw an indenture, whereunto he answered that he would do the best he could but heard no more of the matter, whereby he supposed and yet thinketh that speech to have been framed between the Earl and Paget to the intent that this examinate should not know the certain cause of the sending for the Lord Paget. The Lord Paget came to Petworth (as he thinketh) upon Monday and stayed there two nights and lodged in the Earl's house, and supposeth that it was upon the Friday or Saturday following that Charles Paget departed, and that the keeper, or Robotham, provided two horses for him and his man and one of those horses was the Earl's.|
|The Earl of Northumberland, often examined of the cause of Paget's coming unto him, confessed at the first that Paget came to pass certain writings and conveyances between Lord Paget and him, but could not tell what they were. Examined at other times what writings and conveyances passed between Lord Paget and Charles his brother, at Petworth, answered that there was only a will or testament signed and sealed by Lord Paget. But it hath fallen out evidently by occasion of the seizure of the lands and goods of Lord Paget after his departure out of the realm that his lordship had taken another course, by the advice of learned counsel, for disposing of his goods and lands by assurances sealed and delivered at London, and, therefore, the pretence of coming to Petworth to sign and seal writings there was but a device to shadow their traitorous conferences; and, for the better manifesting thereof, it is confessed by William Shelley, of Michelgrove, Sussex, 19 December, 1583, that he coming to his house the 4 or 5 September last before, Antonio Snappe, his man, delivered him a letter, left at William Davye's house by one Mr. Spring; the contents whereof were, that Spring, otherwise Charles Paget, was glad to hear that he was well. About five days later, a letter from Charles Paget, from Petworth, signed with the counterfeit name Robert Spring, was brought him by a footman that served the Earl of Northumberland not long before, desiring to see him at Petworth. He came on a Wednesday and enquired of the Earl for Charles Paget by the name of Spring. The Earl knew Paget by that name and caused Shelley to be taken to him to the lodge, where they conferred together. The Saturday following Paget came again to Davies' house, whereof Davies gave warning to Shelley on Sunday, when Shelley met him in the afternoon in a coppice, and came to him likewise on Monday and Tuesday in the same place and conferred with him. Paget departed to the sea the same Tuesday or the next day and was conveyed to Dieppe in Normandy by one Haler, hired by him to bring him over and convey him back again. The same Shelley 10 June, 1585, confessed that, at the conferences in the coppice, Paget told him that he would write unto him from beyond the seas and for his safety would not sign his letters with his name, but make a cross at the upper end of the paper and another at the nether end.|
|Charles Paget was inquisitive to know of him the strength and fortification of Portsmouth, and what forces and strength her Majesty had in other parts westward. Also he wished Shelley, whatever should happen, to follow the Earl of Northumberland in all things, affirming that there was not a nobleman in England like to the said Earl. He declared that the Kings of France and Spain, finding all the troubles of their countries to have grown from her Majesty, would be careful to revenge the same and would omit no time or opportunity that might serve. He doubted not but the Catholics here would find some ease and relief shortly.|
|Examined on 12 June, 1585, Shelley confessed that Charles Paget said further that foreign Princes would seek revenge of her Majesty at such time and opportunity as might best serve, and that the Earl of Northumberland was affected to the Scottish Queen and would do what he could for her, and therein advised him to follow the Earl. Paget said also to him that the Duke of Guise had forces in readiness to be employed by the way of Scotland for altering the state of religion in England and to set the Scottish Queen at liberty and that, whensoever an attempt should be made against the Queen, it should be in the north parts. Shelley gathered that Paget had dealt with the Earl of Northumberland as a chief party and a man forward in these actions.|
|On 16 June, 1585, William Shelley saith that Paget said unto him that all foreign Princes disdained to see the Scottish Queen so kept and used here and would use all their forces for her delivery; and that the Duke of Guise would be a dealer therein and the Earl of Northumberland an assistant unto them, and all Catholics would join for so good a purpose, for it would be a means to reform religion. Paget acquainted him further that he came over to break and deal in that matter. He relied upon the Earl of Northumberland to be a man of the greatest force and able to make most forces in the north. He declared unto Shelley that the stir would be in the north and the foreign forces land in Scotland, for that Sussex was not convenient for there were no safe landing places, and it was so near London where the Queen would be ready to resist them. When any stir should be, the Earl of Northumberland would not stay in Sussex but would into the north parts.|
|Paget required Shelley, if he sent any letters from beyond the seas to him, endorsed with H.N., to convey them to the Earl of Northumberland, and said further, "if you fall into trouble it is likely ye shall find friends for your uncle's sake, but if the Earl fall into trouble he is like to find hard favour."|
|Immediately upon the apprehension of Francis Throckmorton, the Earl sent for Shelley and very earnestly entreated him to help to get lord Paget conveyed over the sea, wherein he promised to do his endeavour. Whereupon the Earl said he understood that Throckmorton had been put to miserable torments but nothing could be gotten from him, and commended him to be wise, saying that Throckmorton had entered into some actions and set down certain plots, which were the great matters to be laid against him, but told not Shelley what the plots and actions were; and said "I pray God send me such a secret friend to stand by me if I have need." Shelley saith he thinketh verily the Earl of Northumberland understood of Francis Throckmorton's practices.|
|When Mr. Attorney General had laid down these particulars of the treasons, then presently Thomas Edgerton, esquire, her Majesty's Solicitor, a man indeed with excellent gifts of speech and judgment, began as followeth; You have heard the course of these treasons particularly dilated by Mr. Attorney and may consider of what quality they are and how heinous the offences of the late Earl of Northumberland; but, as they were best known to himself and in what degree of danger he stood if they should be revealed, he perceived his only hope of safety to consist in the cunning concealing of them and endeavour to cover them by all possible means he could devise. After lord Paget was conveyed away (as you have heard) and thereupon Throckmorton had discovered by his confessions the arrival of Charles Paget at Petworth and that now it was known to her Majesty that lord Paget had fled out of the realm with the privity of the Earl of Northumberland (whereof the Earl, being then at London, had received secret intelligence from the Court) the Earl coming down from London to Petworth over night sent the next morning one — Shaftow, his servant, to William Shelley to come to him. Whereupon Shelley coming to Petworth met the Earl in his parlour ready to go to dinner, who immediately led him from that place into a chamber and there abruptly, as a man distracted and much troubled in mind, entered into these speeches: "Alas, I am but a man cast away and fear the actions I have entered into will be my utter undoing," thereby uttering the desperation of his own conceits. He thereupon desired Shelley to keep his counsel and to discover no more of him than he must needs; he also intreated Shelley to find means that Climsall his servant (a man employed in the conveying away of lord Paget) might not come to hand, for the Queen took in evil part the conveying of his lordship away. A few days after the Earl wrote another letter for that purpose unto Shelley by Shafto his man, and Shelley in his examination of 3 June, 1585 saith the Earl dealt with him also to convey away William Davies, at whose house Charles Paget had lodged three days. Whereunto Shelley assented and gave order to them to convey themselves away. Robotham, the Earl of Northumberland's man, whom he had employed in many voyages and messages into France, came over at the time of Charles Paget's arrival at Petworth, was appointed to attend on Charles Paget at the lodge, (Wicklife being first and before Robotham's coming home appointed to wait on Paget there) was conveyed away by the Earl and neither he nor Davies can as yet be heard of; so that the lord Paget, Robotham, Davies and Climsall, men severally able to discover the Earl's doings, are by his practice conveyed away.|
|The Earl and Shelley prisoners in the Tower (though not kept with that care that appertained) had intelligence together, whereby Shelley advertised the Earl by one Giles Greene, the Earl's servant, of his confession in his first examinations taken before their late restraint. Since they were restrained and kept close, the Earl by corrupting his keeper Edward Brice and such like means, hath practised to have continual advertisement as before (Edward Brice, 21 June, 1585) as well of things done within the Tower as from abroad, insomuch as by Brice alone he hath sent twelve several letters out of the Tower in 9 or 10 weeks, and one of those on Sunday, 20 June, in the morning when he murdered himself the night following. And Brice confesseth further that James Price, his fellow, hath been one that hath given intelligence between the Earl and others and that he hath suffered James Price to come to the Earl and confer with him. He confesseth also that the Earl gave him 5s. a week for his attendance and going abroad about these affairs.|
William Shelley, 19 June, 1585, confesseth he received a message from the Earl by Anne Smith, a maidservant at the Tower,
by which he required Shelley to stand to his first confessions
and go no further; whereunto Shelley returned him answer
that he could hold out no longer; that he had concealed the
matters as long as he could, and willed the Earl to consider
there was great difference in their estates, for the Earl, being
a nobleman, was not in danger to be dealt withal in such
sort as Shelley was like to be, being but a private gentleman
and therefore to be used with all extremities to be made
confess the truth. Wherefore he advised the Earl to deal
plainly and remember what speeches passed in his house
at Petworth when Charles Paget came last thither. Shelley
confessed further 24 June, 1585, that James Price came to
him the Friday or Saturday before Trinity Sunday last and
told him the Earl was very desirous to understand how far
he had gone in his confessions which he accordingly shewed
unto Price, who said he could not bear it well away and desired
him to write it that he might carry it to the Earl, promising
that he would return the paper again after the Earl had seen
it. Whereupon Shelley wrote as well as he could the substance
of his last confessions, which Price delivered to the Earl and
brought back again, when Shelley immediately tore it in
pieces. On knowledge of the confessions, the Earl fell into
desperation. He knew the quality of his offences and how
heinous they were: he feared the justice and severity of the
laws and so the ruin of his house. Here grew the alteration
of his cheer and countenance. He became heavy and perplexed
and, as it is confessed (7 June, 1585) by Jacques Pantins, groom
of the Earl's chamber, who attended him in the Tower ten
weeks before his death, he often said that Mr. Shelley was
no faithful friend unto him and had confessed such things
as was sufficient to overthrow them both, and that he was
undone by Shelley's accusation. After his last examination
he began to despair of himself (Jaques Pantins, 21 June, 1585)
often with tears lamenting his cause, which the Earl said to
proceed only of the remembrance of his wife and children,
and said that such weighty matters were laid to his charge
that he expected no favour, but to be brought to trial, and
then he was a lost man; saying often that Shelley had undone
him; and still mistrusting his cause wished often for death,
for that he and his posterity were undone. So that his sorrow
daily increasing, the said Pantins could not but think that
his conscience accusing him made him commit the desperate
act of his destruction.
Headed by Walsingham: "Against those that report maliciously of the proceedings against the Earl of Northumberland."
Incomplete. 44 pp. (138. 180.)
|Lead Mines in Scotland.|
Lease granted by James [Arran] Earl of
Avane and Hamilton, Chancellor of Scotland, to Eustache
Roghe, "mediciner," of lead mines in Glengower, and Wynlok,
Lanark, and elsewhere.—Halyruid House, June, 1585.
1 p. (141. 137.)
|The King of Scotland to the Queen of Scots.|
|1585, July 3.||
Madame and Mother—Since haste, anger,
and extraordinary sorrow will not permit any long letter,
this present shall only serve to assure you of my honest
innocence in this late mischief and of my constancy in that
course mentioned in my last letter unto you; not doubting
but your ambassador hath written unto you at large both of
the one and the other. I have also directed expressly the
bearer hereof unto you to know your mind and desire for the
repairing of this aforesaid mischief. Whom praying you
firmly to credit, and to esteem still of my truth, I commit
you to God's holy protection.—St. Andrews, 3 July, 1585.
P.S.—I doubt not but you have kept one ear for me, notwithstanding of many malicious tongues that now do boldly speak.
Holograph. Seal. ½ p. (133. 45.)
|The Lord Admiral.|
|1585, July 9.||
Commission of the Lord Admiral, lord
Howard of Effingham, for reprisals.
Copy. 2 pp. (142. 30.)
|The King of Scotland to the Queen of Scots.|
|1585, July 19.||
This present shall serve, Madame and
Mother, to assure you of the constancy of my professed good
will in my letter with Alexander and of the continuance of
that promised course in religion and league; as also it shall
serve for a counterpoise to reports made or to be made by
any seditious fellows in the contrary of this proceeding. Thus
(praying you to continue me in your good grace and notwithstanding of whatsomever bruits or reports to keep still one ear
for me), I commit you to God's holy protection.—Falkland,
19 July, 1585.
Holograph. Seals. (133. 46.)
|English troops in Flanders.|
|[1585, July.]||1. They shall swear loyally and faithfulty to serve her Majesty as their natural Princess, according to the charge given by her Majesty to Monsieur de Nourritz (? Norris) as her general.|
2. Subject to the above homage, they shall swear loyalty
to the States General of the United Provinces, their friends
and confederates, being of the reformed Christian religion,
the Count Maurice de Nassau and the Council of State and
their officers; and shall be bound to impeach the enemies
thereof in the military operations ordered by the commanders:
those who refuse to do so, or cause disturbance, to be hung
French. Endorsed: Premier article. 1½ pp. (186. 158.)
|Her Majesty's Mails.|
|1585, Aug. 1.||
Account by John Rigges, the Queen's
Majesty's standing post of Huntingdon, of letters &c. come
to his hands for her Majesty's service.
6 pp. (138. 202.)
|Musters in Lincolnshire.|
|1585, Aug. 7.||
Musters taken out of Horncastle Sessions,
Lincoln.—August 7, 1585.
33 pp. Much damaged. (214. 19.)
|The King of Scotland to the Queen.|
|1585, Aug. 13.||
Madame and dearest sister.—The receipt
of your three favourable letters, whereof two be of your own
hand, hath moved me to give you by this present the most
hearty thanks therefor of him who is most devoted to you
of any prince in Christendom. But specially I think myself
more beholden unto you than I can ever acquit for the promise
and vow you make in one of your letters not to trust any evil
of me until you hear my own declaration of my part. Since
you have so honourably dealt with me in this cause, I think it my
part, as it was always, to sift out the trial of this last mishap
with all possible speed; and on the other part I will earnestly
require you to suspend your judgment until you hear from
me what success my travails have taken, whereof you shall
be, with God's grace, advertised in very few days. So shall
my honest part be cleared, the guilty known and punished,
you resolved what to crave for your satisfaction and reparation
of the fact, and the conclusion of the amity and league go
forward, whereunto I do already fully assent. Whereof,
since your ambassador doth more largely write, I will end
here.—Stirling, 13 August, 1585.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (133. 47.)
|The Same to the Same.|
|[1585, Aug. 13.]||
Notwithstanding of my instant writing
one letter unto you yet could I not satisfy my unrestful and
longing spirit except by writing of these few lines, which,
albeit they do not satisfy it, yet they do stay the unrest
thereof until the answers returning of this present. Madame,
I did send you before some verse; since then Dame Cynthia
has oft renewed her horns and innumerable times supped
with her sister Thetis, and the bearer thereof returned and
yet void of answer. I doubt not you have read how Cupid's
dart is fiery called because of the sudden ensnaring and restless
burning, thereafter what can I else judge but that either you
had not received it, except the bearer returned with the contrary
report; or else that you judge it not to be of me because it is
incerto authore. For which cause, I have inserted my name
to the end of this sonnet here enclosed. Yet one way am I
glad of the answer's keeping up because I hope now for one
more full after the reading also of these presents and hearing
this bearer dilate this purpose more at large according to my
secret thoughts. For you know dead letters cannot answer
no questions, therefore I must pray you how unapparent
soever the purpose be to trust him in it as well as if I myself
spake it unto you face to face (which I would wish I might)
since it is specially and in a manner only for that purpose
that I have sent him. Thus, not doubting of your courtesy
in this far, I commit you to God's holy protection the day
and date as in the other letter, your more loving and affectionate brother and cousin than (I fear) yet you believe, James R.
The Sonnet follows. Holograph. (133. 48.)
|The Same to the Same.|
|1585, Aug. 19.||
Madam and Mother. In great haste ready
to ride. Your ambassador's present despatch hath moved me to
write these few words to assure you that, although my articles
that the ambassador sends you desires the league to concern
only religion, yet my plain intention is that the league shall
be offensive and defensive for all invasions upon whatsomever
pretext. I therefore will pray you to keep this present in
token and testimony of my plain assent thereunto and that
I will employ my crown and country to resist to whatsomever
invasion upon yours. Thus praying you to appardon this
scribbling in haste and to continue still my loving mother
as I shall be your devoted son, I commit you to God's holy
protection the 19 day of August from Stirling, 1585, your most
loving and devoted brother and son, James R.
Holograph. 1 p. (133. 55.)
|[1585? Aug.?]||Information of the services of Colonel Stewart, lord of Pettynweme, to the Estates of the Netherlands, with the just cause he has to pursue his debt and the arrearages thereof.|
Details of his services, which included the levying of two
companies of Scottish infantry, and the arming and
transporting them to the Netherlands. After the pacification
of Ghent he went with 15 of his countrymen to Brabant, and
for his valiant behaviour at the rencontre of the Spaniards
beyond the Maes he was appointed lieutenant colonel of the
Scottish there. He afterwards passed to the wars of Dantzig,
returning to the Netherlands with his regiment in May, 1578,
and served there till his recall by the King of Scots in December,
2½ pp. (99. 21.)
|Lord Cobham to Lord Burghley.|
|1585, Sept. 2.||
For the wardship of the son of his neighbour
Mr. Philfemour.—Cobham, 2 September, 1585.
½ p. (2410.)
|Berwick on Tweed.|
|1585, Sept. 17.||
Grant to John Cary, esq., for life of the
office of Chamberlain of Berwick on Tweed in succession to
Francis Russell, Knt., lord Russell, deceased, with the same
fees as the said Russell, or Robert Turwhitt, Robert Ellerker
or any other chamberlain had. With liberty to keep a retinue
of 12 soldiers, each of four to receive 10 marks yearly wages,
and each of the rest 9 marks.—Wealdhall, 17 September,
Latin. Great Seal, damaged. Parchment. (222. 16.)
|Composition or Cess in Connaught.|
|1585, Sept. 27.||
Abstract of the composition taken in the
province of Connaught and Thomound, as well for the
Queen as for the lords and freeholders thereof, for their
castles, lands and hereditaments, to be confirmed to them in
English succession, and their former Irish rents &c. to be
extinguished. Therein is set down all special manors there
newly erected, with the lands &c. annexed to them; also
the contents of all other lands spiritual and temporal divided
into quarters in the several counties, either chargeable with
the said composition, or allowed to the lords and chieftains
by way of freedoms. Also, names "of all the Macks and
Ooes" within the province whose rents &c. are extinguished.
Subjoined: i. The Lords and Chieftains of the province to the Lord Deputy.
Sir Nicholas White, Master of the Rolls, and Sir Richard
Bingham "our chief officer" have been sent hither, as well
to order the inequality and uncertainty of the composition,
as to compound the great question between the lords and
the freeholders. The writers certify that the same is now
so certainly set down, that not only all occasions of strife
are removed, but they and the people greatly contented,
not doubting that if the covenants between the Queen and
them be well kept by the Queen's officers, she shall always
stand sure of her composition, and every of them be far
bettered than they have been.—From the province of
Connaught, 27 September, 1585.
Signed by William Tuamen', Ullicke Clanriccard, D. Thomound, and 9 others.
Endorsed by Burghley: 28 (sic) September, 1585.
Copy. 18 pp. (208. 12.)
Another copy is in S.P. Ireland, Eliz., Vol. 119, No. 38.
|Court of Wards and Liveries.|
|1585 Sept. 29.||
A short declaration of the accounts of
George Goring, esquire, Receiver General of the Court of
Wards and Liveries for a whole year ended Michaelmas,
3 pp. (139. 185.)
|Treasurer of the Chamber.|
|1585, Sept. 29.||
Abstract of the accounts of Sir Thomas
Heneage, Treasurer of the Queen's Chamber, for one year
ending Michaelmas, 27 Eliz.
1 p. (199. 10.)
|Michel de Castelnau to Archibald Douglas.|
|[1585, Oct. 12–22.]||Monsieur mon bon amy, je vous feray ceste letre par Monsieur de Moullins qui sen va en v[ost]re pays. Je suys au mien et en France, ou je ne congnoys personne, et en y arivant jay fet ung sy grand nauffraige de tout ce que javoys, et du beau present de la royne dangleterre, de toute ma veyssell, et generallement et particullierement de tous mes mebles, de ma femme, de mes serviteurs, et dune grande cantite de choses exquises, quil ne nous est rien devenu et sy y a pour plus de xviij mil escutz de marchandises. Jen ecris encores a Monsieur de Walsyngham. Le tout a este prins par ung Anglois et ung Flamen et a ce que je puys juge le tout a este mene a la Flesinge. Soyez, je vous supply, le solliciteur dune cause sy juste. Mandez moy des nouvelles, je vous pry, et de ce qui se passe par dela; par icy les afferes sont en toutes extremites et avec resolution de fere la guerre a toute oultrance aux Huguenotz, qui daultre coste se pensent deffendre. Lon veyra ce que le temps produyra et souvent je vous en doneray avis, et prieray dieu, Monsieur, quil vous done en parfet sante tres heureuse et longe vie.—De Paris, xxij Octobre.|
[P.S.]—Besez les mains de mes bons amis par dela, de M. le
Conte de Lester, de M. de Chedney [Sidney] et de M. de
Raglay, en le remercient [de]tant daffection quil ma demonstrée
par dela, dont jauray tousioures souvenence. Monsieur de
Moullins vous contera de mes nouvelles, et comme toutes
choses passent icy et en ceste court ou je me suys trouve ne
congnoistre plus personne, et avec labsence de dix annes
avoir perdu tout ce que javoys vaillant en biens, terres,
estatz, gouvernements, de sorte que toute la tempete est
premierement tombe sur moy, dont ceste perte par dela
augment . . . ment la doulleur.
Addressed: "A Monsieur Archibal du Glas a Londres en angre."
Holograph. Damaged. 2 pp. (185. 125.)
|Patrick Lychtman to Archibald Douglas.|
|[1585, Oct. 14.]||
(He) used his direction according to
Douglas's information. Small account made thereof, as far
as he can perceive. Not gotten presence as yet. Thinks
he will offer his departing, according to the Master's promise.
As for . . . Stewart he cares not much whether . . . be
delivered or not, for long keeping thereof . . . and because
he (Stewart) has employed Captain Patone already craves
no further employment to be made before he know
what he has proceeded. Asks Douglas to give Mr. Secretary
thanks for his good affections therein showed. The King
has commanded the whole force he can make to meet in
Crafuirdjohne upon the 22nd day of October, to ride upon
my Lord Maxvaill; "but if it shall had, God knows," because
of my lord Ambassador riding away not taking goodnight
from the King. What will proceed thereupon he refers
to Douglas's wisdom. He stays only upon the King's coming
to Stirling from Kingcarne, thereafter to crave his despatch
to come back again.—Stirling, 14th of this inst.
1 p. Part illegible from damp. (98. 144.)
|Prizes brought into Dover Haven.|
|1585, Oct.||Answer of Monsieur Valck, a deputy of the Estates of the United Provinces, by word of mouth in London the — of October, 1585, to John Wilford sent unto him by the Lord Admiral and Secretary Walsingham, touching certain prizes brought into Dover Haven by Captain Pedle and Captain Lillo authorised by commission from Count Maurice to take all ships that they should find carrying victuals or merchandise to the enemy.|
Upon perusal of the States' placard and the letters and
passports found in the prizes, who were all bound for Calais,
he was of opinion that the victuals and munition which should
have been discharged at Calais were good prize; but for the
rest of the merchandise for which the owners had passports
out of the office of the Admiralty at Flushing he thought it
no reason they should be made prize, being passed by order
and not contrary to the placard. Lastly he thought it
reasonable that the further proceedings in this matter should
be referred to the Admiralty at Flushing, whence the captains
received their authority and where they were bound to render
an account of their dealings in this case. Signed: John Wilford.
1 p. (37. 24.)
|Michel de Castelnau to M. du Blay.|
|[1585, Oct.]||See p. 477.|
|Clement Skydmore to Archibald Douglas.|
|1585, Nov. 24.||
For present payment of money lent.—
24 November, 1585.
½ p. (203. 61.)
|[Laird of] Restalrige to [the Same].|
|1585, [Dec.] Sept. 6. (fn. 2)||
I thought not meet to write at length
by reason of your lordship coming down, and then ye will
know all things yourself: But your "forefaltie" with the
Earl of Mortouns and black Armstrong is only stayed at this
Parliament, and yet the Master says it is no matter: for I
will assure you he is greater with the King's grace nor ever
he was. For at the answer giving to the minister's articles
whilk the King penned with his own hands, he barred all
the Lords from entry, but only the Master. The Secretary
is the only evil willer ye have here. The Master and the Earl
Bothwell was at swords out for the hurting of Mr. William
Fowler, but they are agreed again. Every day once at least
the Earl Bothwell troubles this Court. Ye will find it true
I writ before, if the Parliament were ended, many controversies
amongst them. The Master of Glamis is made Treasurer
and Captain of the Guard. The Secretary himself intends
to be Chancellor. The Earl Bothwell, my Lord Home and
the Secretary is not like to agree. I shall hound them together
for your causes so fast as I may. I will not trouble you
with longer letter, hoping to meet your lordship shortly; but I
would pray you if it were possible to give this bearer a trim
horse to bring to me.—From Linlithgow the vi of September.
Holograph. Scotch. 1 p. (179. 166.)
|English Colonies in Ireland.|
|1585, Dec. 21.||
Scheme for the transporting of English
Colonies into Ireland.
Notes by Burghley thereon.
2 pp. (141. 138.)
|1585, Dec. 22.||
Copy of Lord Talbot's warrant for the
two parks at Whorleton, and the manor house of Templehurst.
—22 December, 1585.
1 p. (2437.)
|Property bought by Lord Burghley.|
List in Burghley's hand of purchases of house and
landed property, 1564–85.
6 pp. (143. 101.)
View of Mr. Grimston's lands in Edmonton, i.e.
Deephams and Pleasantonns.
4 pp. (143. 104.)
|Loan for the Earl of Leicester's Expedition.|
|[1585.]||"Names of the persons that have been dealt with for the Earl of Leicester, about the loan of money."|
|The names of such as have assented: The Lord Mayor, Sir Thomas Ramsey, Aldermen Bond, Martin, Harte, Allot, and Massam; Mr. Customer Smythe, Mr. Sheriff Ratcliffe, Messieurs Byllingesleye, W. Hewet, W. Whitmore, W. Elkyn, Ric. Salkynstone, J. Taylor, Ric. Hale, Ro. Wilkyn, Gi. Garton, Jo. Bodley, Ric. Maye, Hugh Offley, Tho. Aldersey.|
|Such as must take time: Tho. Skynner, Roger James, Robert Brooke, Roger Clarcke, Arthur Malbye, Willm. Cockyn, Tho. Banckes, Ric. Platte, Jo. Dente, Jo. Trotte, Tho. Cambell.|
|Such as were absent and not dealt withal: Sir Nicholas Woodroofe, Sir Tho. Blancke, Aldermen Calthroppe, Woodcocke, Rowe, Spenser and Slaney; Wm. Albany, Ric. Gorney, Robert Offeley, Tho. Brassye, Wm. Colles, Wm. Stone, Nich. Mosley, Hen. Bechar, H. Hewet, Roger Wylcockes, Jo. Garret, Jo. Cage, Jo. Croche, Tho. Hunte, Stephen Some.|
|Such as have refused, as wanting ability: Alderman Webbe, Garrerd Gower, Tho. Gower.|
Various remarks, and marks, are appended to some of the
1 p. (16. 69.)
|Dangers to England.|
|[c. 1585.]||Dangers: 1. great: 2. many: 3. imminent. Great in respect of (a) the persons; the Q. Majesty herself as patient. The Pope. The Kings of France and Spain. The Q. of Scots as the instrument whereby the perils do grow. (b) the matters.|
|Matters. (a) Recovery of the tyrannous estate to the Church of Rome, which of late years hath been in many parts weakened, and now so earnestly regarded by the two principal monarchies of Christendom, that is of France and Spain, as they have left all other affairs, and buried all other quarrels, and have made an open profession under the title of executing the Council of Trent, to recover by the sword the authority of the Pope: which matter was never in such earnest and plain sort attempted in this age before now. (b) Eviction of the Crown of England from the Q. Majesty, to set it upon the head of the Q. of Scots, as a matter specially also tending to the purpose of the said two Monarchs' attempts and enterprise.|
|The recovery of the tyrannous estate of Rome cannot be sufficiently accomplished, and to the contentation of the two monarchies, but by means of; (a) wars in France to make a full conquest of all Protestants there, and the like in Flanders and the Low Countries; (b) changing of the state of England to Popery, which cannot be accomplished whilst the Q. Majesty liveth nor so assuredly and plausibly compassed, as by placing the Q. of Scots in the seat of this Crown.|
|The means and reasons to exalt the Q. of Scots by (a) the opinion of the present title that the Papists allow to the Queen of Scots, and disallow the Q. Majesty's right; (b) the assurance had of constant determination in the Q. of Scots to maintain Papistry; (c) giving to her uncles and her allies countenance and certainly to continue and increase their estate.|
|The helps to the Q. of Scots' cause by (a) strength of her friends and allies, who also are the heads of the league for the Pope: (b) weakness of the Q. Majesty's friends.|
|The strength of the Q. of Scots and her friends stands at this present by (a) the universal opinion of all the States and sorts of people adhering to the Church of Rome in the justice of her title: (b) the countenance, favour and maintenance of the greatest monarchies who after their own particular conquests, or rather jointly with them, will attempt to recover the Q. of Scots to her title: (c) the plausible opinion of a multitude both in Scotland and England that have an earnest disposition, and as it were a natural "instinction" to join both England and Scotland together, which cannot be but by means of the Q. of Scots.|
|The weakness of the Q. Majesty cometh by (a) lack of marriage, children, alliance with foreign princes: (b) reason of long peace, and consequently ignorance of martial knowledge; lack of a number of captains and leaders of soldiers; overmuch boldness grown in a multitude of subjects upon opinion of the Q. Majesty's remissness and favourable government, seeing no strait execution of her laws made for her surety: (c) imperfections in lack of treasure; excess of all ordinary charges; poverty of the nobility and specially of all persons that are devoted to her service, the wealth being in the contrary sorts.|
|The multitude of the perils may be gathered of the premises and to number them particularly were too much offensive and uncomfortable.|
|Imminency of the former perils approaching may appear by (a) consideration of the causes of the prolongation of the perils until this time: (b) examination of the present perils and their nature.|
The prolongation hitherto hath grown by the (a) accidents
in France since the beginning of the Q. Majesty's reign: the
death of King Henry of France: the dissension for government
in his son King Francis' time betwixt the Q. Mother and the
King of Navarre: the death of K. Francis whereby the
Q. of Scots' titles were severed from the crown of France:
the inward troubles in France for matters of religion which
have continued now these [blank] years: (b) accidents in
Scotland these 8 or 9 years: the discord betwixt the nation
of Scotland and the French army: the "unluckly" marriage
of the Q. of Scots with the L. Darnley: the division of the
nobility for that marriage: the death and murder of the said
L. Darnley, wherewith the Q. being charged, her son was
crowned, whereupon the civil dissension continueth, not
without peril to the state of England if Hamilton recover
In Burghley's handwriting. 3 pp. (199. 8.)
|Fortifications at Portsmouth.|
i. Plan of Portsmouth fortifications, "before the
beginning of Spiers' wall."—Undated.
Vellum. (Maps 1. 30.) Cf. S.P. Dom: Eliz. 7–9 Aug. and 27 Nov, 1585, etc.
ii. Plan of Portsmouth fortifications, by Brian
Vellum. (Maps 1. 33.)
|1585–6, Jan. 19.||
iii. Plan of the defences of Portsmouth,
Endorsed: Pierce's new plot for the fortifications of Portsmouth.—January 19, 1585.
Vellum. (Maps 1. 34.)
Plan of Vlissinghe (Flushing) by Robert Adam,
Endorsed: Macaenati suo optimo Francisco Walsinghamo. 1 sheet. (Maps 2. 43.)
Discourse touching the present state of France.—
Endorsed: 1585. French. 2½ pp. (246. 134.)
|Lord Burghley's Pedigree.|
Descents of divers in consanguinity with Sir W.
Cecil. Certain notes to be added in the tables under the
In Burghley's hand. Endorsed: 1585. 3 pp. (203. 62.)
Certificate of the general musters of able men fit
to serve &c., for Spittle Sessions, Lincolnshire.—1585.
80 pp. (214. 21.)
|Goods of Fugitives.|
Note of property of Water Come and Robert Aden,
fugitives, and thereby their goods supposed to be forfeited
to the Queen.
Endorsed: Mr. Quarles' suit to her Majesty for Water Come. The suit referred by the Queen to the Lord Treasurer per Henry Sekeford. 1585. ½ p. (214. 20.)
Lower half of a book apparently containing copies
of warrants appointing Commissioners in Ireland to examine
the accounts of Sir Henry Wallop, treasurer at wars there,
from his entry into office August 10, 21 Eliz. (1579) to
September 30, 25 Eliz. (1583). One warrant is dated November
1583: another August 19, 26 Eliz. (1584). A later warrant
requires them to proceed to the termination of the accountant's
accounts unto September 30, 27 Eliz. (1585).
8 pp. Much damaged. (203. 64.)
|Nicholas Pels, of Emden, to Lord Burghley.|
The merchants of the 72 towns of the Hanse
resident at the Stillyard in London, are bound by their statute
to import bowstaves. John Wanton, Mr. Middlemore's
deputy, has caused him twice to be arrested for noncompliance;
but he is not bound by the statute, as Emden is not one of
the 72 towns. Prays that Wanton be ordered not to molest
½ p. (823.)
|"A Bill for the Grants."|
Certain of the Irishry, and divers descended of
English name, having petitioned the Queen to accept surrender
of their lands, to be regranted to them from her Majesty, the
bill enacts arrangements for the regrant.
Endorsed by Burghley. 1 p. (141. 272.)
|William Webb to the Queen.|
For a lease in reversion, for his services as sergeant
farrier, and as the Queen's old servant at Hatfield.—Undated.
Note by Valentine Dale, that the Queen grants the petition.
1 p. (1247.)
|Thomas Kelley to the Queen.|
For a lease in reversion to certain tenants, for
his services as chief plaisterer since the time of Henry VIII.—
Note by Valentine Dale that the Queen grants the petition.
1 p. (1248.)
|Kings of Scotland.|
Genealogy of the Scottish Kings, traced
from "Ethelwolde or Ethelbert, King of all England" and
"Rollo a Dane and a panim, born in Norway, and conquered
Normandy, afterwards christened and named the first Duke
there then called Newstria," to James VI.
Drawn up during Mary's lifetime.
Additions in Burghley's hand.
3 pp. (141. 32.)