Capt. Tomkyns to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1605–6], Feb. 1.
Behold my wrongs with compassion. If the
law of nations, of nature, or my adversaries' information can
prove anything worthy of death or imprisonment I am ready to
suffer the punishment. Upon my return out of the Levant Seas
in Aug. 1603 the Lord High Admiral's officers pillaged me of more
than 4,000l. in money, and other goods; next I and all my company were proclaimed pirates in every city and haven town of
England; then six of my mariners were hanged at Southampton
for the sins of the people—all these extremities passed against us
upon my enemy's report only. My men were condemned of
murder upon no proof nor witness against them. In regard we
went into the Straits and took the Barbyana of Venice, myself
unwilling to endure the cruelty of the time went to Spainge to
my best refuge against oppression, and from thence returned to
my native country upon the warrant of his Majesty's pardon and
my own innocency, being most willing to justify myself an honest
man, and to answer whatsoever the Venetians can charge me with.
I understand that two knights, Sir Robert Mansfeild and Sir John
Trever, have authority to apprehend me. I crave this much
favour, that I may have liberty to answer for myself. Extend
your relief unto my present oppressed fortunes, only that I may
have liberty to follow my troubles urged against me by the
Venetian Ambassador.—Westminster, 1 Feb.
Holograph. Seal. Endorsed: "1605." 1½ pp. (109. 153.)
Sir Anthony Ashley to the Same.
1605–6, Feb. 1.
I have supplied with good success Mr.
Topcliffe's office, and have apprehended John Digbie at a house
where he meant to sup this evening about 8 o'clock, but his
counterfeit name is mistaken in the note I delivered your lordship, for he is known by the name of John Browne. I should
unseasonably trouble you with him before to-morrow morning,
till which time I mean to take charge of him in mine own house.
I have likewise made stay of one Harcourt his companion, who
as it seems has kept company with him ever since his landing
here in England. By very good chance I came to knowledge of
his certain repair to the place where he was apprehended, as you
would little think probable when the particulars are known.—
From my poor house in Holborn, this Saturday night, 1 Feb., 1605.
Signed. Fragment of seal. ½ p. (109. 154.)
Commission for Shooting.
[1605–6, Feb. 1.]
Commission to the Lord Mayor of London,
the Council and others.
The profitable exercise of shooting in the fields has been
hindered by enclosures, hedges and banks. The above are
appointed Commissioners to survey all grounds within 2 miles
round London as before have been used to have marks therein for
archers to shoot at, and to reduce them to order as they were in
the beginning of Henry the 8th; and are given power to order
the farmers and occupiers of the premises to reform the obstructions.
Draft. The date 1 Feb. 3 James I is in the margin. 2 pp.
Sir John Popham, Lord Chief Justice, to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 1.
I have perused my papers, and all that I can
find very material tending to this last most wicked purpose I send
you in a note here enclosed. The originals of the first two articles
contained in the note I presently sent unto you, and kept but the
copy of it with myself: the last I have still remaining with me.
They so concur with the matter and the time of the first plotting
thereof as in all probability it was the very foundation of this
late plot. Wherefore it were fit that Strange and some others
most like to be acquainted therewith were thoroughly followed
by some of his Majesty's counsel learned in a more strict manner,
the matter being of that nature that it falls out to be, for if ever
in any case a strict course of examination has been requisite, it is
most needful in this, but not fit to trouble your lordship in that
kind. I have in like manner returned unto you herein enclosed
Sir Thomas Challynor's letter: but for the book delivered
Sir Thomas Challynor I never had it. But this much I remember,
that upon Ratclyff's return out of the Low Countries he sent me
word by one that he used that he had set down a discourse of his
whole journey at that time, but understanding that he carried
over one Greneway with him (of whom I had been well informed
before), that he had discovered Ratclyff to many Romish Catholics
to be a spy upon them. I told the party, doubting he had been
misled by Greneway, that I was not acquainted with his sending
over, and therefore willed him in any wise to acquaint such as
were privy thereto with that discourse; and this morning I sent
for the party that came to me to understand what was become of
that discourse. He tells me he verily thinks that Sir Thomas
Challoner had it, and that Mr. Wryght carried it unto him. But
this he tells me withal, that there was another draft thereof,
which he verily thinks, by occasion of a search in which Ratclyff
was taken, was showed to the Recorder, who kept it. But Mr.
Recorder being gone to the hall, I could not be satisfied thereof
by him, but will as soon as I can speak with him.—Serjeants'
Inn, 1 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. 2 pp. (190. 35.)
Sir Edward Coke, Attorney-General, to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 2.
Understanding that his Majesty goes from
Whitehall to-morrow, I thought it my duty to inform you for the
administration of justice how the case now stands concerning the
office of the Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, and that before
any petition should be made by others. First, no man that is
grieved by any erroneous proceeding or judgment in that Court
can have any writ of error until there be a Chief Justice, for the
writ of error is to be directed to the Chief Justice only, and
cannot be to any other. 2. There have no issues by nisi prius
been tried in London all this term, nor shall be till there be a
Chief Justice. 3. The circuits are now presently to be appointed,
and for many other causes it is of necessity that there be a Chief
Justice this term. I am bold also to inform you what course
I must take. First, I must be made Serjeant, which may be on
Saturday next, and the Chief Justice on Monday. There must
be a writ (for which my Lord Chancellor must have warrant),
returnable on Saturday, to call me to be a Serjeant, and a warrant
for the patent of the office of Chief Justice of the Common Pleas.
Hereof I presume to inform you, lest if others should complain
blame might be imputed to me. This bearer has the seal, which
remains with the Chief Justice for sealing of processes for execution of justice, which all this term have stayed. There was never
a term passed (for the causes aforesaid) without a Chief Justice.—
2 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. 1 p. (109. 155.)
Lamoral, Prince de Ligne et du Saint Empyre, to the
Earl of Headfort.
1605–6, Feb. 2/12.
Since Headfort's departure from this
country the writer has been 6 months in Spain, and therefore
unable to offer his services. He sent Headfort a petition to the
King of Great Britain, praying him to use his authority with the
States of Holland to allow to his son, during his absence abroad
from thence, 2000 to 3000 crowns a year out of his property at
Wassenaer. He has asked the Ambassador Edmondes's assistance
in the matter, and begs Headfort to let him know the result.
Bruxelles, 12 Feb., 1606.
Holograph. French. 1 p. (115. 104.)
Dr. John Rainolds to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1605–6], Feb. 3.
The peril wherein their whole College stands,
as their learned counsel informs him, unless they be relieved by
an Act of Parliament, enforces him to beg Salisbury's help. His
godly compassionate affection will lovingly consider that the
conservation of their College is of greater weight to them than was
the recovery of Babylon to Darius. Doubts not his furtherance
of a conscionable suit.—Corpus Christi College in Oxford, Feb. 3.
Holograph. Endorsed: "1605. Dr. Raynolds." 1 p. (190.
Lady Remington to the Earl of Suffolk, Lord Chamberlain.
1605–6, Feb. 4.
Such are my distresses by reason of my
husband's absence, that I am compelled to crave your favour.
Whereas it pleased his Majesty to sign a commission of review,
now it is stayed at the Privy Seal upon some information made to
the Earl of Salisbury. I am assured if his Honour knew the
injuries and oppressions offered by Sir Pexall Brockas, he would
not believe his false suggestions. Therefore move my Lord of
Salisbury that he will be pleased not to make any further stay
thereof, being a thing usual and ordinary justice.—Bewreper,
4 Feb., 1605.
Signed. Seal. ½ p. (109. 156.)
Doctor Robert Soame to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 5.
Your care for the religion is an argument of
God's great favour to your lordship. If the popish sort curse
you, it is but Goliath's curse. The positions of the Popish church
concerning the deposing of princes are very false and dangerous;
false, for they have no ground to stand upon in God's book or ancient
father; dangerous, for they arm subjects against their sovereigns.
God's late extraordinary favour to our gracious sovereign and
his royal issue have appeared in great letters; they are not
benefits but miracles. For your favour to myself I thank you
and crave your mediation to his Highness for my preferment.—
From Cambridge, 5 Feb., 1605.
Signed. ½ p. (109. 159.)
Sir Thomas Chaloner to the Same.
[1605–6], Feb. 5.
After a long search amongst many papers,
I have found the most part of those letters and advertisements,
which Ratcliff sent me: the last only I cannot find, which he sent
me immediately after his return out of the Low Countries, but if
my memory fail me not, I left it either in your hands or with my
Lord Chief Justice. On Tuesday as I was coming out of Westminster Hall Ratcliff overtook me at the very door, so that we
had the opportunity to walk aside and pass a few words together.
He complained much of the small credit given heretofore to his
informations, and found himself much aggrieved that he was
discovered and disabled to serve the State. He affirmed that he
had two men of great sufficiency, who could effectually supply
his defect; which I could the more easily credit, if Ratcliff
undertook to assist them with his counsel.—Richmond, 5 Feb.
Holograph. Seal. Endorsed: "1605." 1 p. (109. 160.)
William Morton to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 5.
I have presumed to offer to your lordship a
sudden intelligence lately come to my hand. In these parts
beyond all others lie continual false bruits, laboured by the popish
faction to breed a wavering in the people's mind and so a revolt
from religion and in the end a rebellion; what I have long marked
here in Newcastle, where I reside, and in Northumberland and
the bishopric, by reason of my office of archdeacon, I once
enjoyed in that, and now do in this. Now they convene in every
corner, spread rumours and rail on me and others that resist
them, whereof this enclosed rebellious libel bears sufficient
witness. At the first sight as I got it I thought fit to send it
without communicating to any.—From my house at Newcastle
upon Tine, 5 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (109. 161.)
The Clerks of the Chancery to the Privy Council.
1605–6, Feb. 5.
Whereas we are entreated to give testimony
of the behaviour, honesty and sufficiency of this bearer, Mr. Daniel
Powell, who not long since exercised the place of a clerk in one of
our offices in Chancery we assure your lordships, that during all
the time of his 5 or 6 years above in the said office his behaviour
was ever honest and blameless, and his ability to discharge the
businesses to his place belonging every way sufficient.—From our
office in Chancery Lane, 5 Feb., 1605.
Signed: Jo. Evelyn: Edm. Kedermister: Wm. Tothill:
Richard Wilkinson: Stephen Powle: Jo. Clapham. Seal. ½ p.
Lord Gerard to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 5.
I presented here enclosed my brother
Houghton's letter sealed up as your lordship saw it. I hope this
will be a warning unto him. Ever resting most bound to you
and ready to deserve the same by the best service I shall be able.—
5 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. Seal. ½ p. (109. 163.)
The Earl of Salisbury to Lord Dirleton.
[1605–6, Feb. 6.]
Being newly come home from a long and
late session in Parliament, and being close by my chimney's end,
a place proper for Beagles, I was in dispute whether I should
trouble his Majesty with this day's journal, having heard a report
of his purpose to return to-morrow. Nevertheless conceiving it
will not be unpleasing to his Majesty to hear as well the truth from
my pen as from others' report, I have thought good to entreat
you to acquaint him as follows. This afternoon 40 of my Lords
met with 4 score of the Lower House, to whom that was delivered
in general, as the cause of our meeting, wherewith his Majesty
was acquainted by me before his going. The first part whereof
was concerning the priests and papists, wherein they came
prepared with divers articles. So did we, and by that means it
appeared that both Houses had one end, and wanted only the
assurance to attain it by one and the same way: a matter though
rather formal than essential, yet of such necessity in passing of
bills as, being left unreconciled, much time would be expended.
Of which point I will say no more at this time, but that we are
very like to concur: having in a manner sympathised in all
things, as well appeared to both our contentments when the
articles of each side were compared. After which dispute in
pleno Concilio, I took out a writing and used this speech (as near
as I can remember), that as that people was happy which either
lived under philosophers, or had kings that were philsophers, so
might I speak of our felicity, whose Sovereign was not only rich
in wisdom, but in zeal, without which wisdom were folly. That
for proof of the zeal and the wisdom thereof, I was able to show
them fair and clear records, wherein because I daily discerned how
great an advantage we had that lived at the feet of Gamaliel in
respect of others more removed; and found so good cause to
wish them part of our contentments, I would encroach upon his
Majesty's future interpretation, rather than to deprive them
of that joy and consolation which I conceived they would gather
from the excellent composition of his Majesty's private meditations: not doubting but they would join with a Secretary so far
as to free him by their suit a poena. though not a culpa, if I had
strained too far upon the liberty to make use of his Majesty's
papers: adding thereunto that I had suffered all men to use the
liberty of their own sense before I would produce this, lest any
man might have conceived I had sought thereby to lead or bind
up any man's judgment by the weight and authority of princes'
propositions. And so, after an earnest calling for it to be read
and general attention, it was read, and received with infinite
applause and acclamation, being, I protest unto you, different in
nothing from their projects, but in that which is only the attribute
of a king, that is full of mercy. Much more passed of him that
I will write: for I love not to praise him, where his eyes shall
look upon me or upon my words. Only this I will say, that whilst
my worn body holds my mind, it shall serve him till by serving
him I shall trouble him: for my love to his person hath no
dimension, nor will I ever put it to the hazard whether faith once
broken can ever be well "sodered." For the rest which we
intended should be only accidental, and rather remembrances
that such things must have their turn than as now intending to
propound them, they were pertinently touched and sufficiently
conceived, being two things in general: the one to supply the
necessities of the Crown for the good of the same: the other to
remember that the work of our commission, by which the
differences in laws and customs were reconciled, and all things
duly and carefully ordered which were necessary for the common
good of both kingdoms, must not longer lie asleep than mere
necessity required. To conclude, all this will be reported, and
we intend to-morrow some of us to consult, who shall now
amongst them set those things awork, without attending further
circumstance. Thus have you in effect the true state of Parliament causes, to which I will only make this addition, that we are
sure of Hall and Walley in the Gatehouse, to which place we have
this night committed them, themselves not sticking now to
acknowledge their dignities.—Undated.
Draft in hand of Cecil's secretary. Endorsed: "Minute to the
L. Dirlton from my Lord. 6 Feb., 1605." 6 pp. (190. 37.)
Sir Thomas Edmondes to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 6.
As yet there is no kind of order out of Spain
in answer to his Majesty's demand, although within these two
days a courier thence has brought the enclosed letters from Sir
Charles Cornwallis. By the same messenger the Marquis of
Spinola certified his arrival at Valladolid but that he had not yet
spoken with the King by reason of his absence. In the meantime
till further news comes from him concerning the new levies order
is given for levying supplies of all nations to re-inforce the old
companies and the Count of Buquoy is appointed to go into
Artois to raise some new companies of Walloons.
Baldwin is looked for shortly to return from St. Omers. He
makes these perambulations under colour of employing himself
in the business of the seminaries which he never vouchsafed before
to attend in this manner, but it is that his liberty may serve him
for a pretence to justify him abroad against the matters laid to
One Chambers, a priest preaching of late in the English nunnery,
made a very lewd invective against the deceased Queen and her
Council, whereof Edmondes intends to inform the Archduke.
Some English captains are going to England to fetch supplies
for the companies here and amongst them Sir Wm. Windsor, who
by this means may be dealt with touching the matters informed
against him by Sir Griffin Markam. He is extremely superstitious
and has been a passionate follower of the Jesuits, not withstanding
his professions to the contrary.—Bruxelles, 6 Feb., 1605.
Copy. 1¼ pp. (227. p. 178.)
[Portion of the original letter which is in the P.R.O. State
Papers, Foreign, Flanders, 8.]
Mary, Lady Digby, to the Privy Council.
1605–6, Feb. 7.
Pleaseth your lordships to receive the petition
of a poor distressed widow, who being informed that some of her
late goods are as yet unsold doth beseech you to give order that
I may buy them for my money before others as they are or shall
be reasonably praised; and that you will so commiserate my
poor infants' hard case, as that which by law is due to them may
be preserved to their use, which, if you have any doubt, I will
cause some learned lawyer to wait upon you to inform you. And
that also all writings and evidences now in the sheriff's possession
or delivered by him into the Exchequer, which any way appertain
to me and mine, may be re-delivered to me, or the true copies
thereof.—7 Feb., 1605.
Signed. ½ p. (109. 164.)
Sir Henry Guldeford to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 8.
Sickness preventing my ability to attend you
myself makes me bold to offer these few lines to your view,
humbly craving you to endorse the same, with reference to the
Attorney of the Wards (the petition here enclosed approving
itself reasonable to your justice) wherein you shall increase your
favours upon me.—Worcester House, 8 Feb., 1605.
Signed. ½ p. (97. 168.)
Henry Darby, Mayor, and others of Gloucester to the
1605–6, Feb. 8.
According to your direction received by
Mr. Overbury, our recorder, and Mr. Robins, our town clerk, we
have re-examined Valentine Palmes, stayed here upon suspicion
of him conceived by his Majesty's proclamation; whose examination we send you enclosed. Further we certify that he did
voluntarily before us take the oath of supremacy and did offer to
take his oath that he is no priest: yet notwithstanding we detain
him until we shall receive further direction from you.—From
Gloucester, 8 Feb., 1605.
Signed. ½ p. (110. 1.)
Dr. Dupont, Deputy Vice Chancellor of Cambridge, to the
1605–6, Feb. 9.
Being deputed for supply of the ViceChancellor's office in his absence this Parliament time, there was
brought before me the 7th of this present one Southwicke, a
gentleman as he says, not for any other misdemeanour that I
can yet find but only that he has lurked, being a stranger, in a
poor house in the town, very suspiciously these three weeks, upon
pretence that he is enforced to flee from his creditors in London.
who seek by all means to lay him up. Being examined, though
he make profession of sincerity in religion, yet he confesses that
he has been beyond the seas and conversed much with Dr.
Bagshawe and Dr. Stevens and other priests and Jesuits in Paris
and other places; affirming that he has been employed by the
Ambassador of France in certain intelligences unto your lordship,
and that you have accepted well of his service and gave him 15l.
I shall most willingly attend your good pleasure whether you will
have any further stay or inquiry made of him. Having rather
commiseration of his poor estate than any great cause to use
exemplary justice upon him, till I know more, I have been contented to take him for the while in fair terms for some attendance
about me until further order from you.—Jesus College in Cambridge, 9 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. 1 p. (136. 129.)
Sir David Foulis to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 10.
This afternoon there is one buried in this
town after five days sickness. Upon knowledge of his sudden
death (which gave me some cause of suspicion) I caused a search
to be made, and it is found that he is dead of the plague. The
house is shut up, none in it but the father, the mother, and the
daughter, very poor folks all. This much I thought fit to signify,
although I hope the danger be not great.—Richmond, this
afternoon, 10 Feb., 1605.
Signed. ½ p. (110. 3.)
The Earl of Derby to the Same.
1605–6, Feb. 10.
I have received your letters concerning
Sir Richard Houghton and perceive your care of my honour and
quietness in this country. The gentlemen's names that I commend unto you are Robert Hesketh, John Ireland and Hugh
Hesketh, esqres., all justices of peace. These are perfectly
acquainted with these occasions, and my nearest neighbours.
Mr. Robert Hesketh has been my deputy vice-admiral in this
business and is acquainted with what several parcels of goods
(besides the wines) he detains. The 27th of this month or the
6th of March next are our market days at Ormeschurch town,
through the which the carriages are to pass, and one of those
days I think it convenient for them to be here at this my house
at Knowsely. Your little nephew my son I thank God battens
well and my wife commends her kindly to you.—Knowsely my
house. 10 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. ½ p. (110. 4.)
Francis Bernard to the Same.
1605–6, Feb. 11.
There was brought before me this Tuesday
morning one George Butcher, whose behaviour has been ever bad,
and one that goes and rides about the country and is seldom at
his own house. I have also sent Butcher's examination, but he
would confess very little. I have sent the party himself that
charges Butcher "to warrant there are four hundred traitors and
papists in Essex," and further charges him for conveying letters
between papists. For their further ordering they attend your
pleasure.—Written at Margaretting. 11 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. ½ p. (110. 6.)
(1) Examination of George Butcher, of Sudmuster (sic), before
Francis Bernard, a J.P. in co. Essex, 11 Feb., 1605.
Examinate saith he came from Sudmuster on Thursday
last to Chelmsford to the spiritual court, and from thence to
Widford on Friday following, which is but one mile, and there
stayed until Monday next following. That day he came to
Ingerstone which is from thence four miles, and there he fell into
the company of divers, amongst which was one Philip Jurden.
He further saith there was one Richard Weldon alias Cocke of
Burntwood, who said that most of the chief inhabitants where he
did dwell were papists: upon which words examinate asked how
he escaped being one of them? but he answered him nothing.
This examinate doth further warrant there are four hundred
papists in Essex, but denieth that he said or named any traitors.
½ p. (110. 5(1).)
(2) The like examination of Philip Jurden, of Fryaninge.
On Monday last being 10 Feb. he was in company of one George
Butcher and some others in a house in Ingerstone, where they
fell in talk about the execution and arraignment of the late
traitors. Whereupon examinate saith there was few or none of
these traitors in Essex. But George Butcher confidently affirmed
that there were four hundred traitors and papists in Essex.
Examinate doth further say that he doth suspect him to be one
that doth carry letters to and fro between divers papists: whereupon examinate willed the rest of the company to bear witness
of his words of warranties and presently caused him to be apprehended.
½ p. (110. 5(2).)
Dr. John Duport to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 11.
According to your commandment I have
sent up poor Southaik by his Majesty's messenger, of whom I
must needs give this testimony, that during these few days he
has been with me, not above 5 or 6 at the most, he has carried
himself very honestly and religiously; and in the many discourses
I have had with him of his travails abroad has ever showed an
utter detestation of all popery and popish practices, with a most
dutiful commemoration of your lordship and the whole estate,
as occasion was offered.—Jesus College in Cambridge, 11 Feb.,
Holograph. Seal. ½ p. (110. 7.)
The Earl of Salisbury to Sir Thomas Edmondes.
[1605–6, Feb. 12.]
Because I doubt not you have long before
this time received my letter of 22 Jan. and so remain sufficiently
informed of the present state of his Majesty's affairs, yet I think
fit in one thing to "preoccupate" any suggestion which may be
made unto you and you only driven to resort to the strength of
your own judgment for lack of particular direction, namely
touching the suspicion which is conceived there, that his Majesty
hath forbidden any more of his subjects to pass into Flanders
for the Archduke's service. Wherein for truth this you shall
understand, that since the late discovery of that horrible conspiracy which had digged a pit for our destruction, his Majesty's
people in general (but above all in particular the Lower House of
Parliament) are uncapable almost of any other belief than a mere
condemnation of those English troops which serve the Archdukes
to have been destined for the seconders of this treason: and in
that respect they earnestly press, that not only none should be
suffered any more to go thither but also to revoke those that are
there in service already considering how dangerous it might prove
to this State to have so many ill affected in religion enabled in
means, and trained up in martial services, which might one day
convert their swords to the prejudice of this established government, and that even all the seminaries breed treasonable spirits.
Notwithstanding all which his Majesty being dealt with by the
Spanish Ambassador (who taketh now upon him all the business
of the Low Countries) concerning a new levy which he is desirous
to make of 10 or 12 companies in England and as many in Ireland,
hath made no other answer to the Ambassador but that he must
desire him to forbear it a while, the rather because his Majesty
expecteth to receive some answer out of Spain upon his former
request of delivering into his hands those two unnatural subjects
of his, Owen and Baldwin: not that his Majesty's resolution in
that point of the levies depended upon such answer as he should
receive out of Spain, but that by forbearing a little time his
Majesty might the better satisfy his subjects' humours, which are
now so bitterly bended against that service. More than this
provident and gentle answer there hath not passed anything
concerning any further stay of soldiers. And for the interdict
of the Scots passing along which is alleged unto you, that you
may protest is a mere surmise without foundation, for there
never was commandment to stay any; only a great while since
direction was given to all the ports of England, and signification
thereof also sent into Scotland, that none of the soldiers to be
levied there for any foreign services should be suffered to land in
troops in England and to march over land; but that they were
to take their course by sea for such places as they were bound
unto. And this was done only to avoid the pestering of this
country with many wandering and idle people, the freeing of
highways from robberies and such like inconveniences which do
commonly accompany the passing of such people, and whereat
his Majesty's good subjects are much grieved. Upon which
occasion I pray you let fall to him and others, that Princes must
not neglect the very colours of grieving their subjects, as well as
the effects, if they have anything to procure of them, so as in
truth the true friendship of Princes is to be reputed when they
have some feeling of their neighbour's interest and conveniency
as well as their own occasions.
This direction surely ought not to grieve the Archdukes seeing
it extends to all in general, as well to those that go to the States'
service as to the Archdukes', for having any warrants: for you
may affirm it that Mons. Caron is denied to levy any new companies, and the Archdukes may better bear with delay, for they
have the more ready and less chargeable way open to receive
forces than the States have, who get men by means of transportation. Now concerning the information which you have
received against Sir Wm. Windsor, which implieth so great a
probability that he had foreknowledge of this late treason, his
Majesty is pleased that you take the same course with him that
you were directed to do with Capt. James Blont, by summoning
him upon his allegiance to his Majesty forthwith to repair into
England to answer to such things as he standeth accused of for
dangerous practices against this State; and thereof to advertise
the Archduke (as I have done already to his Ambassador) without
further intimating them either the particularities of the accusation or the proofs we have thereof. And if Sir Wm. Windsor or
Capt. Blont shall refuse to come, then to advertise us with all
convenient speed of the manner of their denial, that his Majesty
being certified thereof may take such further course with them
as shall be expedient.
As for the particular depositions against Owen and Baldwin
which the Archdukes desire to have a sight of, you may let them
know that it is a matter which can make but little to the purpose,
considering that his Majesty already upon his royal word hath
certified the Archdukes of their guilt; and that his own Ambassador and all the world else can inform them out of the depositions
of the late prisoners which were publicly read at their arraignment how far those two persons stand engaged in it.
Concerning Thomas Philips it is true that both before from the
Lord Arundel before his coming over, and since from you, and
now lately from Barnes I have been informed of his continuing
correspondency with Owen, ever since Owen was committed
prisoner, and thereupon hath been brought in question and his
house suddenly searched. In his examination he hath not
denied his correspondency, but protesteth it was not with any evil
purpose but only to draw on thereby some reward for his former
troubles. He is committed close prisoner, and what course shall
be further taken you shall be advertised.
For Barnes he is now returning again into Flanders with many
vows and promises to continue to do good service. As he was at
Dover with my pass, carrying a letter from Philips to Owen (of
Barnes's own handwriting, wherewith I was before acquainted)
he was suddenly stayed by order from the Lord Warden upon
suspicion that he was one Acton, a traitor of the late conspiracy,
who is yet untaken; the description of Acton agreeing almost in
all parts with Barnes's person. Whereupon his papers and
letters being sent to my Lord of Northampton, I thought fit not
to defer any longer the calling of Philips into question, which till
then I had forborne, hoping by Barnes's means to have discovered
some further matter than before I could do. You may have an
eye of Barnes's proceeding there, and as you see cause advertise
me of it.
For our occurrences here, 8 of the principal traitors, Sir Everard
Digby, Robert Winter, John Graunt, Tho. Bates, Thos. Winter,
Ambrose Rookewood, Robert Kaies and Guy Faukes, have been
arraigned, condemned and executed; the 4 first on the west end
of Paul's Churchyard, the others at the Old Palace at Westminster.
Most of them confessed their offence against God and this State;
some few, and especially Graunt, did obstinately hold that this
late action was no sin against God; but all died true Roman
Catholics. Since their execution Garnet, the provincial Jesuit,
with some other Jesuits is taken at Mr. Abington's house in
Worcestershire and brought to London.
The Parliament still continueth and is very busy to make some
strict laws against recusants, and especially against Jesuits and
Copy. 4⅓ pp. (227. p. 179.)
Henry Wright to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 12.
There be some papers of import concerning
Strange alias Hungerford now "entowred," which I hope long
before this are come to your hands; but doubting lest they might
be forgotten, and considering what I have lately heard of the like
negligences, I thought it my duty to come and know: for howsoever hitherto I have been slightly regarded or rewarded, yet
by God's leave I will never fail in my duty, come life, come
death—to which last since I first engaged in these actions I have
been very near the papers you may easily know, for they are
written in a ragged hand for the most part, being Strange's own
hand, and one of them, in which are these words caute et expedite
omnia, is written with the juice of lemons or oranges. Touching
the E[arl] of Northumberland I think there be not above three
or four persons which can say much against him now that Percy
is gone, but I presume (upon some good grounds) that those
three or four can say something to the purpose. This Strange
is one, part of whose examination I desire that I may institute,
because I have been thoroughly acquainted with his own letters
in the country and find them to have great coherence with a
great many intelligences [that] have passed through my hands,
all which are fresh in my memory.—Clertonwell [sic: Clerkenwell ?], 12 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (110. 8.)
Sir William Cooke to the Same.
1605–6, Feb. 12.
Give me leave to remember you of my late
suit to you to speak to the Dean of Westminster in my behalf,
that whereas the Dean and Chapter are to grant a lease of the
parsonage of Godmanchester to Sir Robert Osburne for 21 years
after the old lease in being expired, that the Dean in whose
power it is chiefly now would grant it for 3 lives; Sir Robert
Osburne only desiring it in his love to me for the good of my
child, being content that one of my sons shall be with himself and
Lady [Osburne] the three lives. For the good of them be my
means to Mr. Dean as a thing he may lawfully do, to procure it;
craving one suit more that when by any occasion you shall speak
with Sir Robert Osburne you would take notice of this his kindness; for Sir Robert has promised to do a great deal more for
my children than this comes unto.—12 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (110. 9.)
Lord Chief Justice Popham to the Earls of Suffolk and
1605–6, Feb. 12.
Robert Kyng, who was now brought to me
by the pursuivant, is a man well known to me, for he has served
my brother Mr. Baron Clerke above ten years and wasever of a
very honest carriage for anything I ever saw in him. But about
some year past he fell sick and since that as I have learned this
day he has grown into some kind of lunacy; for being brought
to me out of Essex this afternoon suspected for one fit to be
stayed in respect of uncertain answers which he made, I knowing
the man and finding he was not sound of his wits willed him to go
to his friends, which he said he meant to have done into Suffolk.
But seeing he is so lightheaded as he is it were fit he were sent to
Bedlam to be recovered.—At Serjeants' Inn, 12 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. 1 p. (110. 10.)
Earl of Essex.
1605–6, Feb. 12.
Copy of an Order of the Court of Exchequer
directing the customers or farmers of the Port of London to pay
an annuity of 20l. out of the customs of that port, and the Sheriff
of Herefordshire to pay an annuity of twenty marks out of the
issues of his county, to Robert Earl of Essex, together with all
arrears of the same due to the Earl since his restoration to the
title. The annuities were formerly allowed to Robert, late Earl
of Essex, deceased, as creation money for the maintenance of the
honours and dignities of the said Earl as Earl of Essex and
Viscount Hereford respectively.
Note at foot: "There was the like order for the Earl of
Arrundell this last Trinity term."
1 p. (118. 152.)
Dr. John Cowell to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 13.
My very loving friend Mr. Hawkesworth has
requested me to certify you my opinion of Mr. Chapman's religion,
who is likely to be presently employed into Spain. I assure you
that I hold him not only a sound Protestant for the present, but
also a man of a very sad wit and a judgment so settled as will
remain most constant against the subtlest charms of the most
wily Jesuit. The grounds of this my persuasion I have more
particularly delivered to Mr. Hawkesworth of whom, for avoiding
tediousness, you may require them.—The Doctors Commons in
London, 13 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. 1 p. (110. 11.)
The Earl of Derby to his uncle, the Earl of Salisbury.
[1605–6, before Feb. 14.]
Birth of his son and heir. He and
his wife beg Salisbury to pray the King to be their Royal gossip,
and beseech him that the child may be held worthy of his own
name. His wife challenges Salisbury's promise to be the other
Holograph. Endorsed: "1605." 1 p. (113. 161.)
[See Calendar of S.P. Dom., 1603–1610, p. 289.]
[The Earl of Salisbury] to Lord [Darcy?].
1605–6, Feb. 14.
Although this letter from his Majesty which
I enclose need no other circumstance than the delivery, yet because
I must confess myself partly guilty of the election, I cannot
forbear to acknowledge that you shall have that petty surplusage
of my particular obligation over and above his Majesty's gracious
acceptation. In this case therefore it only remains for you to
expect when my Lord of Derby shall send to you, without putting
yourself to any other trouble; for having advertised him of his
Majesty's choice I have likewise written to him that he shall give
your lordship convenient warning. And for all things that are
to be done in respect of his Majesty's service, you shall find one
of his Majesty's gentlemen ushers at Kously [? Knowsley], and
wardropers to attend you there and inform you concerning the
ceremonies. His Majesty's pleasure is that you shall honour
the young Lord with his own name.—Undated.
Draft in hand of Salisbury's secretary. Endorsed: "1605
Feb. 14. To the Earl of Derby [sic]." 1½ pp. (190. 41.)
Sir Edward Coke to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 15.
At length I have finished the long bill of
annexation, which I think were best to be first preferred in the
Upper House; but I leave it to your consideration. This
morning came Mr. Kirton, my Lord of Hertford's solicitor, for a
case of the Duke of Suffolk's lands, which I (fearing they would
suddenly press it) was ready for him, and he had it with him.
He demanded two questions of me, first whether his Majesty's
favour towards my Lord in the speedy finding of an office was
altered. I answered him, as there was no cause of alteration
given on my Lord's part, so for his Majesty his pleasure was, I
assured myself, that justice should evenly and speedily proceed
between them. But this question was moved and ordered in
Trinity Term last, without his Majesty's or your privity that
any such motion should be made; and therein the opinion of
the reverend judges openly in Court satisfied each party. The
second question was whether I thought the law to be for the King,
not as King's attorney, but as I thought ex animo; to whom I
answered that my opinion was that the grant to the Duke was
void, not by mistaking of names or error of the writer, but that
the King was really deceived in matters of great value. Then,
said Mr. Kirton, my Lord cannot proceed in this course of finding
of an office. I advised him that his counsel learned might
consider of the case, and I would be ready to confer with any of
them to give the cause all the expedition I could.—15 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. 1 p. (190. 42.)
Lord Carew to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1605–6, Feb. 15.]
He sends a letter from his cousin the
Ambassador, that he may tell his own tale. His cousin desired
him to present to Salisbury these two books. The French
pamphlet he has read, but will gladly read the other when
Salisbury has done so, because the discourse is of a good subject.
He also sends the Popish Festicalis, which is a record of their
Holograph. Endorsed: "15 Feb 1605." ½ p. (190. 43.)
Sir Robert Johnson to the Same.
1605–6, Feb. 17.
Touching the common evil of purveyance,
wherein it pleased you the first session of this Parliament to
demand my private opinion, I would divide this grievance, for
brevity's sake, into three chief heads, and endeavour to prove
that it lies in the power of his Majesty and his Council very fully
to ease the subjects by due execution of the laws that be without
further accumulation of more, and that only by a grave moderation and prevention of their misdoings, by a course very easy to
be done if approved.
First, his Majesty's officers give warrant of purveyance for 3
or 4 to one that his Majesty either uses or wants. Secondly, their
ministers make purveyance for 5, 6, 10, sometimes 20 to one that
they have warrant for. Thirdly, the commissions are often
made without form of law, and more often also directly repugnant
to law. If question be made of the reason of the first error the
answer is this, that for any particular whatsoever [that] is wanting
they will send forth divers persons, each for the self same things,
under colour that not knowing how they shall speed they so do
to be sure of the provision, and those purveyors and their deputies
do not fail sunderly to purvey for the most part ten to one as it is
conceived; which error is not discoverable by any law or order
yet established. If it be demanded how the excessive purveyances be made and not discovered, the commission or warrant
carrying still one constant form still gives colour to demand the
whole quantity; there being no certain course for the subjects to
know what is formerly purveyed thereby, except in some few
natures touching which by the statute of 2 and 3 Ph. and M. it is
limited that competent blanks shall be annexed to the purveyor's
commission, for the entering of such things as be purveyed of
the subject. But as that statute is not strict enough in that point
so it extends but to very few matters of the multitude that be
taken for his Majesty's service.
These two chief evils being sufficiently prevented there will be
no cause to talk in the time of grief or sorrow which I must
ingenuously confess it grieved me to hear, knowing well enough
how it lies in his Majesty's power to help, if way may be given to
the means: without which as all laws have been idle, so all
endeavours by laws or otherwise will prove fruitless. For the
first I suppose under your favour that such a compendious course
may be set down that even in the small time of an hour or two in
a quarter of a year, a full view may be taken of the doings of the
Officers of the Greencloth or any other under whose direction
purveyances be made; if order be first taken that all warrants
for purveyance or takings may issue from one certain officer to
that end to be appointed; and the same commission also to
be returned into the same place and the things thereby purveyed
to be recorded there. By which will easily be discerned how the
purveyances exceed the King's wants. I will not now trouble
you with the course to be holden, only I dare affirm it may be
plain, short and very certain. For the misdoings of the purveyors
(without further laws) they may be prevented by the very form
of their commissions, to all which I would have blanks annexed
and subscribed by the clerk of those warrants, and in the commission as well to be mentioned the things intended to be taken,
as also the number of the blank schedules annexed.
And lest the purveyors abuse the ignorant it would be very fit
that his Majesty by proclamation should signify the new form of
those commissions, and what course his subjects may hold if
they be offered purveyance against his gracious will.
The third error being the form of the commissions, as either not
warrantable by law or directly against law, will hold no dispute,
for it is easy to be made neither repugnant nor unwarrantable.
In these courses the whole mischief may be easily prevented if it
will be consented to, without any further laws than now be, as I
verily think I could easily satisfy you. There is no doubt to be
made but of the second part, and to help that I have offered an Act
into the Lower House intituled "an Act to restrain purveyors that
they exceed not the limits of their commissions," which is in few
words. The purpose is to have competent blanks to all manner
of commissions or warrants for purveyances; that all commissions wanting them be void; to make it felony to refuse or
neglect to endorse in those blanks what is taken by any commission, or to take in the night, or highway where competent praisers
are not; that no man shall be impeached to disobey a commission wanting blanks. This is the sum of the whole Act, it is twice
read and committed, but I forbear to call further upon it till I see
an end of the other which is so much loved and laboured in.
I speak not without many and mature considerations had of
this business since you first asked me that question, how to meet
with the evils that are so grievous by short and easy courses.—
17 Feb., 1605.
Signed. Seal. 2½ pp. (110. 13.)
George Cotton to Thomas Wilson.
1605–6, Feb. 17/27.
Mr. Richard Cocks and myself are from our
childhood so firmly joined together that in what my poor ability
may serve him he shall not want it; and under this friendship
I have made bold to write you this letter.
I am a poor member of the Spanish company, the setter-forward
whereof it has pleased you to be a chief means, for which we are
all bound to you. It has pleased them at home by means of two
or three rich men to appoint James Wych for consul here, whose
business is so great in particular that it gives not him any time to
occupy himself one hour in matters that concern such a charge
and his ambitious and covetous nature is such that yet never in
his life he carried the face to do 2d. good to any poor countryman, and it should now be a great change for him to prove a good
commonwealth's man. His chief care is by having this hand of
consul to have all the trade of this place into his hands, and by
intermixing the Muscovy and Stoad merchants with the Spanish
merchants to have their goods brought immediately from thence
to these parts without paying the customs in England, to eat out
the rest of the company that shall go the plain way to work, and
bring such a confusion that it were better for the poor members to
have no company. And for a beginning already this year have
come directly thence 2 ships for him, one from Stoad, another from
Muscovy, who never came into the Thames to pay his Majesty's
custom; and to stop the Vedor's mouth he having good friends
in the Custom house may bring a slight certificate. Besides the
place of consul is not fit for a man of his business that will not
make two steps further than his private interest; nor for his
nature that is not conversable with any of his country or others
that his entrance is small if it were in any matter of importance,
and for his sake should we not have fewer contraries. His
diligence is to recover in his duty and to make profit particular
of the place, that under the colour that such masters of ships and
others not free of the company will give him their goods 15 or
20 per cent. under the price, he permits all men to trade with more
liberty than one of the company. At home they are not throughly
informed of these matters except 2 or 3 rich men that bear sway,
otherwise they would not give their consent to have a consul
will eat them out of trade. Better were it for them to give 100l.
to a tractable and commonwealth's man than to him 40l. a year
that will do nothing for it, but indirectly to the detriment of the
company make 500l. a year thereof, converting the good orders
of the company to his own particular benefit. The man is of
nature very proud and little conversable with any of the country
nor others of his own nation, neither does he acquaint them
with any matter; but when occasions are offered to speak of
such matters and reasons to be given, his answer is "that if we
will not believe him we may write to Sir Robert Cecil to be
informed." His years should teach him better and not at every
turn to speak so unreverently of such grave personages. But of
the abundance of his ambition proceed these words, for he has
been at the Spanish court and has brought it away in his belly,
and his common language is preferring it and dispraising our own.
Consider these inconveniences, which if they go forward it were
better for us to have no company; and I pray you again pardon
my boldness. I know your affection so great towards our good
friend that it little imports I write therein. What I know is that
if you persist you shall obtain, such obligation has the company
to you. This province is a government somewhat free and
privileged, yet if our friend had the place he is so beloved both
of the Justice and gente de guerra he should go through with it;
whereas this other will never be able to go through with it so
well is he beloved, and before long he will grow weary thereof,
for already the place is weary of him. And to bring him in
question in a matter of importance, procure letters from the
Spanish Ambassador to the Vedor of the 30 per cent. in this
town, who is called Martin Darestequy, with complaints as from
our King's officers that notwithstanding the provision in the
articles of peace of such goods of Germany as are transported
hither, which not paying in England his Majesty's custom come
immediately hither, are to pay 30 per cent., and for lack of due
execution his Majesty loses much of his customs, and for better
conserving thereof that he should with rigour demand reason
and the 30 per cent. of 2 ships which this winter came to James
Wych; which if he be forced to pay others will not attempt the
like matter. I am assured otherwise that every year it will grow
more and more in use, under pretext of some slight agreement or
dispatches (the ships attending in the Downs) they may bring
from London. And that this matter might be the better effected,
if also the advice came to the Vedor from this Court, it were not
amiss, and advice to our King's Ambassador not to affect much
any such matter if it should be spoken of; for better one or two
to pay than his Majesty defrauded and the members of the company eaten out of trade.
The enclosed I entreat you to deliver to a gentleman that is
attending upon my Lord of Canterbury, and if he be not returned
out of Italy return the letter.—St. Sebastians, 27 Feb., 1606.
Addressed: "To the worshipful Thomas Wylsone at my Lord
of Salsburyes place neare Ivy bridge."
Holograph. 2¼ pp. (110. 18.)
Lord Cobham to his brother-in-law, the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 20.
You best know that for this half year I have
not troubled you with my letters, which grew in respect of the
progress, for then I knew was no time for suits; since, the
discovery of these horrible treasons, in which time I held it
unseasonable to importune you; for greater causes must precede
the lesser. And if now the cause had not been extraordinary
my resolution was not to have troubled you till the final end of
these last treasons had been past: but the time and present
proceedings make me alter my purpose; for otherwise my silence
might give away to that which being known though it noway
concern me—for I am not ignorant how my state stands and
according to my fortune my desires be, for I desire my liberty and
hold myself capable of nothing else, for my folly hath lost all:
yet I am not unnatural to the issue descended from my father,
and would be sorry his intent should any way be frustrated.
Now, my Lord, plainly I deal with you; such an entail concerning the western lands made by my father is extant, wherein the
names of my Lord Wotton, William Lambert, Windham, steward
of those manors, and Richard Williams with others are used. The
land is tied to my father for life without impeachment of waste,
and then to the heirs of the body of him, and the lady Frances my
mother; which are your children, my sister Stourton's, and my
sister Sonds. This Act of Parliament bars them all, neither can
any general saving preserve their rights, except their names
precisely be set down in this Act. I engage myself unto you that
if you will undertake this just cause for yours and them, this deed
shall be delivered to you and you shall know where it is. Touching the land which Duke Brooke hath passed in his grant, being
no part of the entail, this from himself I understand spoken to
this bearer my servant, that now this land he is to repurchase,
and to pay for the same another valuation, which I had hoped
by your father should have been kept in the King's hands and
not otherwise disposed of. The same suit I still make to you that
it may be so, for oftentimes this bearer hath told me that therein
your assured favour hath been towards me; and that from you
I will take for so great a favour as if my whole estate had been
preserved.—From the Tower, 20 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. Seal. 12/3 pp. (110. 15.)
[The Privy Council] to [Robert Hesketh, John Ireland and
[1605–6, Feb. 20.]
Of the disorderly course taken by Sir
Richard Houghton in carrying away certain wines, whereof there
has been lawful seizure made by the Earl of Derby's authority,
as Vice-Admiral of that county. Houghton has been called up,
has acknowledged his offence and has used extraordinary
mediation to the Earl for his favour, offering not only to make
good the wines or their value, but to return them to his lordship's
house or such place as he may direct, and has sent his servant to
receive the Earl's directions. [The Council] approves the good
discretion of the Earl's officers in forbearing any breach of the
peace in resistance of Houghton's attempt; and desires that
when the Earl signifies his pleasure as to the conveyance of the
wine, some of the addressees will be present to see it done in
convenient form. Houghton has good cause to thank the Earl,
by whose mediation the further prosecution has been suspended.—
Draft in the hand of Salisbury's secretary. Endorsed: "20
Feb. 1605." 3 pp. (190. 44.)
Sir Ferdinando Gorges to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 24.
He prays the Earl's consideration of the
enclosed notes, referring to the reform of abuses and errors of
the law. If this shall be acceptable, he will set down how the
law in that case ought to be executed, for avoiding of partiality:
whence shall arise utility to the commonwealth, and general
content of all; and his Majesty's service be the more effectually
performed. If the Earl accepts thereof, he shall reap the means
to pleasure some of his particular friends, and also receive an
acknowledgment for his kindness. He addresses himself to the
Earl, rather than to those of the Council who have professed the
exercise of arms, because he knows none more fit, in respect of
nearness to his Majesty, than the Earl; and also as an acknowledgment of favours received.—His Majesty's Fort by Plymouth,
24 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. 1 p. (190. 46.)
Henry Garnett to Thomas Sayer alias Rookwood.
[1605–6], Feb. 26.
I have received the linen you sent, that is,
2 pair of sheets, 2 pillowbears and one handkerchief. God reward
all our benefactors. I would gladly you sent me direction how to
send to some good friend in the Clink for such things as I shall
chance to want, for the Gatehouse is too far off. I pray you try
if any there will or may undertake to help me.
I want a pair or two of socks, also a black nightcap, and I will
send out this to be new lined. I think I shall shortly send for
some money, for we have not yet paid our fees and I would gladly
have all things even. The spectacles will not serve me; I only
want spectacles to see afar off, for to read I need not. Thus with
my most hearty commendations to all our friends, notifying to
them all that I am very well I thank God and my friends here,
I cease. Yours for ever, H.G.—This Wednesday 26 February.
Underwritten: "W. Waad, locumten' Turris."
The following is in invisible ink or lemon juice: P. Br . . . . pum
constituo pro procuratore temporalium; ipse et P. Anthonius
scribunt saepe Romam. Precipua habeatur cura Patris Straungii
pro temporalibus. I have passed this day my last examination as
I suppose, for they say I am obstinate, and indeed they have
nothing against me but presumptions. I have indeed acknowledged Winks's journey into Spain, but so that I cannot have
hurt thereby. I acknowledged I was at Whitewebs but one or
two nights this twelve month. The house [? horse] is none of
mine, though this day they will have me to be Mr. Meafy and
brought James to my face, who said nothing, neither have I
confessed any particular but of Mrs. Parkins, and the meeting of
Catesby and Winter in Q. Eliz. time. Yet they know all the
persons, and so I wish all be wary till their malice be wrought
on me: necesse est ut unus moriatur hoc pro populo. More at
large hereof. Pro P. Antonio Hoskino. Constituo donec R.P.N.
Generalis disponat. P. Jones . . . . Suthffolk (?) plenam potestatem
[pro?] confessionibus faciendis renorationibus rotorum (?) ita tamen
ut ipsa renorationem faciat in Missa . . . . duorum nominatorum.
Over top of letter: My very loving sister Alice . . . . more hereafter: do not endanger yourself, but if you have any to bring
you to [me ?] by the Cradells you may.
Holograph. Endorsed by Garnet: "This is the letter which I
sent by the woman, Thomas Sayer alias Rookewoode. Henry
Garnett." 1 p. (110. 16.)
Chief Justice Popham to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 26.
Yesternight as soon as I had supped I was
informed of a servant of Sir Edward Bayneham who came to
London but that evening from Rome, for whom I presently used
such means as by 11 of the clock this night I had him brought to
me. He confesses his name to be Nicholas Burte and that he
sometimes served your father and was his master cook, and came
from his master from Rome towards the end of December last;
and having a packet of letters says he brought them to Sir George
Carew, now Lord Ambassador in France, who as he says perused
the packet and detained such as he thought fit, and delivered
unto him such as he found to be of no moment. How far forth
this is true I doubt not but that the Ambassador has signified
unto you. It seems by his speech, he had letters from his master
unto Father Baldwin: if those letters be sent over haply they
may serve to some use. He confesses also his master was feasted
in the college at Rome by Father Parsons, at which Fitzherbert,
Sir Robert Bassett, Sir Thomas Matthew and other English were.
As he heard he says Owen was often with his master whiles he was
at Brussels; and that he stayed there but 8 days and rode post
from thence to Rome. But more than this in effect I cannot get
as yet and have for the time committed him to the King's
Bench. But if it fall out true that he delivered all his letters
to Sir George Carew at his coming into France to be perused by
him, there will then fall out the less blame in him.—At Serjeants'
Inn, 26 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. Seal. 1½ pp. (110. 17.)
The Earl of Salisbury to Sir Thomas Edmondes.
1605–6, Feb. 27.
By my last letters of the 12th of this present
February I have advertised you both of the propositions of the
Spanish Ambassador for licence to make new levies of English
and Irish, and of his Majesty's answer thereunto. Since which
time the Ambassador having been silent a while hath now renewed
again his former proposition and desired his Majesty's definitive
answer in the same, because the season of the year is now far
advanced to make those levies and if they cannot be made here
it is high time for the King's Majesty to provide himself elsewhere,
seeing the States have had already the advantage to make their
supplies here. He used many inducements to draw his Majesty
to afford at his mediation the same courtesies to the King's
Majesty as were granted the last year at the mediation of his
predecessor the Count of Villa Mediana, as well that thereby the
King of Spain might know that his Majesty's affection was no
ways relented; as also that it should not light upon this Ambassador's negligence and insufficiency in managing those affairs as
well as his predecessor did: adding thereunto a request for
opening the ports abroad and giving free passage to all such as
would voluntarily depart unto that service. To all which his
Majesty hath made this answer that for levying new companies
here in England his Majesty had already denied it to the States
who had moved him by their minister in that behalf; and for
any supplies the States had made, it was more than his Majesty
knew of, who had yet denied them by his Council so much as to
give them such placards for passage as they had the last year.
And therefore his Majesty was again to restore [sic: return ?] to
the same reasons for answer to Spain as he formerly used to the
Ambassador upon his first motion, that it was now a time of
Parliament and that the Lower House had conceived such a
deep impression that those soldiers which served the Archdukes
would have been made the sword for England's destruction, as
they were now about to make laws for the general restraint of
any that should offer to go to serve any Prince or State that is
different from them in religion but under good caution that they
shall continue loyal, as well in the points of conscience as of civil
obedience. In which consideration, although his Majesty knows
well enough how far fit it is for him to yield to any such desires of
his subjects and wherein to deny them, yet it is not a fit time
now to put him to the exigent of a direct opposition in that point,
by which course all other his Majesty's desires that are to be
effected by the Parliament might receive interruption. But [he]
besought the Ambassador to have yet patience for a while until
his Majesty might see the issue of the Parliament, and in the meantime he hoped that some occasion or other would be offered by
some good answer which he is to receive out of Spain about the
delivery of the two traitors, by which his subjects might be better
edified than now they are, and so his Majesty might be better able
to give the Ambassador satisfaction with less discontentment to
his own subjects. For the Irish his Majesty alleged that now
Ireland being in peace was scarce able to afford men enough for
manuring of the country; and therefore it was good policy in
him to contain them within the island and not to suffer them to
be transported in troops to foreign services. Besides it is a
people, though for the most part ignorant, yet generally addicted
to superstition, which by means of these foreign services as they
would be more and more misled in it, so his Majesty had reason
to prevent it as much as he could, and to be as careful for the
preservation of their souls as of their bodies.
Concerning the opening of the ports abroad, his Majesty finds it
not expedient in respect of the present state of his affairs, when
divers most pernicious traitors are yet unapprehended, which
otherwise might easily subtract themselves out of his power. Of
these things I have thought fit to write unto you particularly that
you might be prepared to carry yourself conformably, if anything
might be mistaken there or more hardly construed than it deserves.
All other things are in the same state here as I wrote to you before,
expecting still to hear from you what we are to look for concerning
the coming over of Capt. James Blont and Sir Wm. Windsor.—
27 Feb., 1605.
Copy. 2½ pp. (227. p. 196.)
1605–6. Feb. 28/Mar. 10.
Letters commendatory of Thomas Wortington,
president of Douay College, to the Archbishop of Cambray,
presenting Thomas Sommer, John Gravener and Robert Jeanes,
sub-deacons (without letters dimissory or title to orders) to be
ordained deacons.—Douay, 10 March, 1606.
[On the same sheet]: Certificate of the ordination of the persons
named by the Archbishop of Cambray.—Cambray, 11 March,
1606. (115. 134.)
Sir Thomas Edmondes to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1605–6, ? Feb.]
Reasons for not executing Salisbury's commandment touching Capt. James Blont till yesterday when he
sent for him and let him know that his Majesty straightly commanded him to repair to England and there put himself before
the Council. He asked for a sight of the commission which
Edmondes refused. He alleged other prevarications and was told
he could not show a better argument of his innocency than by
ready conforming himself to his Majesty's pleasure. Could get
no other resolution from him than that he would go as soon as he
could having many businesses to dispatch concerning his company and being unprovided of money which would stay him 15
or 16 days. Was desirous to have offered to be a means for
favour to be showed him but he showed to be so confounded in
his spirits out of a guilty conscience and to make such haste to
take his leave that Edmondes had no means to work anything
with him upon that ground.
Immediately after ending with Blont went to the Archduke
and acquainted him with the commandment delivered to Blont.
He acknowledged it to be reasonable and said he did not desire
to be served by any of his Majesty's subjects who did not carry
a dutiful respect to the King.
Salisbury will receive herewith Sir Griffin Marckam's information against Blont. That of Capt. Orme against Sir Wm. Windsor
shall be procured shortly but Orme is as yet absent at his garrison.
Windsor made his apology before his departure. The enmity
he bears to Sir Griffin concerning the place of lieutenant-colonel
made him range himself with Studder and the two Blonts
brethren and that crew, but sympathy of disposition did much
work therein as Capt. Tristeine, who is a very civil and well
disposed gentleman, can inform Salisbury.
Doubts whether Windsor were acquainted with the course of
the late treason before his coming over, for his inwardness with
the Jesuits grew chiefly since his coming hither. But for Blont
it is very probable that he was acquainted with Catesby's and
Sir Edmond Bainham's designs.
They be no trivial matters which the spirits of this good society
affect for one Rugely, an ancient fugitive in these parts and a
passionate depender upon Owen and Sir Wm. Stanley, propounded
no less than the breaking of the peace, whereof he said his Majesty
stood in more need than these Princes and the time now offered
good opportunity in that there was like to be a rebellion of the
presbytery in Scotland.
Demanded of the Archduke whether he had not received answer
out of Spain touching Owen. He said a messenger newly come
from thence had brought only letters from Spinola. The King
was upon his remove to Madrid which made him think that he
would respite the sending of his resolution till the coming of the
Marquis of St. Germain whom he sends to congratulate with his
Monsr. de Villeroy wrote of late to the French Ambassador here
that the King was advertised by his Ambassador in Spain that
the Council of Spain were of opinion that Owen's delivery ought
not to be refused if thoroughly urged but that all delays were to
be used to seek to avoid it if possible. Agreeable also in some
sort to this Edmondes has been informed that the Pope's Nuncio
told a friend of his that the Archduke had lately bemoaned himself
to him for that mislike was conceived against him in Spain for
having yielded to the imprisonment of Owen and asked the
Nuncio whether he thought he was not bound in justice to do as
he had done. This without doubt grew out of Manciscidor's
advertisements into Spain who became so passionate when he
heard what course had been taken with Owen by private order
in the night as he forbore his meat all the next day. Ricardott
has often told Edmondes that he has endured many a reproach
for that night's work.
Made it known upon the receipt of the proclamation sent him
by Salisbury how it appeared the other three Jesuits mentioned
therein were also interested in the treason, which was here found
very strange, their holy brethren alleging that the express order
of their priesthood forbade them to deal in any action of blood.
Besides Sir Everard Digby at his execution clearly discharged
the Jesuits from partaking in their conspiracy, and Garnett,
their superior, had by his letters to the King protested to the like
effect. Edmondes has answered that whatever the rules of their
religion it was apparent by invincible proofs which would not be
washed away by feigned protestations. Understands that at
Antwerpe there are set forth some pictures of the late executions
of the traitors, whereof, if there be cause, he will speak to the
Archduke or his Ministers.
Reports a further interview with Blont who after various
excuses against going to England gave the true cause that he
was unwilling to expose himself to the hazard of the suspicions
against him and would not go, but desired, seeing he was here in
the King of Spain's service, the informations against him might
be sent hither that he might be here tried upon them. This is
the counsel that Owen and the rest have given him.—Undated.
Copy. 62/3 pp. (227. p. 184.)
[Original in P.R.O. State Papers, Foreign, Flanders, 8.]
Sir Henry Wallop to the Earl of Salisbury.
Stand my good lord so far as to free me from
being sheriff of this county of Salop this year. You last term
gave me great hope thereof by your promises to remember me
therein. I have formerly signified my unfitness for that room at
this time, besides that I was sheriff of Hampshire but the last
year. Mr. Brereton will put you in mind of me, and so to your
nobleness I leave this matter. For your countenance toward
this bearer Richard Hopper I must acknowledge myself bound,
seeing you accepted him, somewhat the rather at my commendation. Your continued countenance toward me gives me hope
that you do not altogether neglect my letter sent you last summer,
whereof if you take liking and have me in remembrance I will
not be found an idle or fruitless follower. Concerning the question
whether the jurisdiction of this Council [of the Marches of Wales]
shall be continued in the four shires or no, if it were put here to
voices the greater part would undoubtedly desire to have the
jurisdiction continued, howsoever some few out of humour
oppose it.—At Hopton Castle in Shropshire.—Undated.
Holograph. Seal broken. Endorsed: "1605 February." 1½ pp.
Lord Harington to the Same.
I am not willing to trouble you with suits, and
yet in consideration that this gentleman Mr. Henry Lovingston,
who has attended on the Lady Elizabeth her grace as her gentleman usher since her coming into England has not hitherto received
any reward from his Majesty, nor has other means for his maintenance but the wages allowed for his service, which is not
sufficient to maintain him in the place he holds as befits the same,
I commend him to your favour, that you will further a small
suit he intends to make to the King for a little wool and some
other goods that belonged to Sir Everard Digby in Rutlandshire.
Which suit though it be small may for the present relieve his
wants and encourage him to go on in his service till he may
attain some better suit for his better preferment.—Undated.
Signed. Seal. Endorsed: "Feb. 1605." ½ p. (110. 21.)
[See Cal. of S.P. Dom., 1603–1610, p. 325.]
Thomas Strange alias Hungerford.
[? 1605–6, c. Feb.]
"Interrogatories to be ministered to Tho.
Strange, alias Hungerford."
Who first moved you to become one of the Jesuits' Society, and
where and when were you thereto so moved?
Who first moved you to sell your land in Gloucestershire:
what money received you for it: and what is become of it? [In
margin: 2,000l. thereof is in the Jesuits' bank. T[este] Davies.]
Whether were you at any time agent for the body of the Jesuits,
and how long time dealt you for them? [In margin: It seems
he was agent, for he had the dispose of 20,000l. for them.
What conferences or letters during the time of your agency
have passed betwixt yourself, Joseph Davies, John Chapperlyn
and Alexander Wy?
Whether did you not write any letters to Chapperlyn and Wy,
wishing them to come oversea to you, providing them of money,
passage and other necessaries; and when writ you that letter?
[In margin: This letter bears date the 12 of August (the year not
set down as I take it), and the latter part thereof is written with
the juice of lemons or oranges.]
Whether did you not send a messenger of purpose to the said
Chapperlin, wishing him to send you intelligence out of England:
what was he you sent: and what intelligence did he send you?
[In margin: See the said letter.]
What meant you by using these words in that letter: "caute
et expedite omnia": and what should Chapperlin have done
hereupon for you? [In margin: See the said letter.]
Whether did you not write a book directly against his Majesty's
title to the crowns of England, Scotland and Ireland? Who
were your compartners in the compiling of it?
Whether did not Davies and you, with Chapperlin and Wye,
specially meet at divers places in Gloucestershire about the
compiling: and when and where? [In margin: They met at
Doddes-myll; T[este] examination of Wye. Further, Strange and
Chapperlin had speech of this matter in the Gatehouse; T[este]
Udall. Further, Chapperlin's letter to Davies requiring him to come
to Ciceter and meet him to consult of the project (lest one of them
should meddle with another's part) shows that after the undertaking of the matter by the persuasion chiefly of Strange, there
was not only divers meetings, but this business was seriously
handled and earnestly followed.]
Whether did you not affirm that search had been made at Rome
if any dispensation had been had thence for the marriage between
the King's father and mother, affirming further that none such
could be found there: and what meant you to use such kind of
Whether you are not, or have not been, inwardly acquainted
with one Hugh Owen and Father Baldwyn, residentiaries in the
Archdukes' Court: and by what means grew the acquaintance?
Whether were you not made acquainted with the oath of
secrecy lately taken against the King by the Jesuits and their
adherents for the effecting of the late horrible treason by gunpowder? Where, when, and by whom were you therewith made
Whether did you not take the same oath yourself: where and
when did you take it: and who ministered it unto you? [In
margin: This oath was taken by Tesmond and others a little
before the 17 of May, 1604. and notice was further given that the
villainy of the Jesuits and their adherents against his Majesty
would take effect, if not timeously prevented, about the beginning
of the Parliament intended to have been held in Michaelmas term
How many persons did you know who took the like oath and
are yet undiscovered: where do they dwell, and what be their
Whether did not you, together with the chief plotters of the
Jesuits, make certain account that the E. of Northumberland
would stand surely for the Catholic cause when time served:
and what moved you and your adherents to ground such a
certainty upon him? [In margin: T[este] intelligence from
Brussels about Christmas was twelvemonth, out of Owen's and
Baldwyn's own mouth.]
Whether did you not deal with the said E. yourself about any
such purpose; and if not, whether did you know of any other
person or persons which did, where do they dwell, and what be
Whether did you not know of any letters sent from Father
Parsons or others to the body of the Jesuits, when were they
sent, and what did those letters purport? [In margin: Newcome
the monk brought over these letters about May 1604; and they
imported the calling of an assembly of their superior heads for
the safest compassing of their designments, without danger of the
loss of blood of good men, and further that there should be such
close conveyance and cleanly carriage in the bringing of these
designs to pass, that if by casualty some should incur suspicion
by the State, or be called in question: the main point (notwithstanding) nor the principal dealers should ever come in question
for the great cause sake.]
Whether did you not write a letter to Joseph Davies, advising
him to get acquaintance with all the best and stirring spirits he
could, and what moved you so to write? [In margin: This
letter was written from St. Omers to Davies in May 1604.]—
3½ pp. (113. 34.)
[Cf. Calendar of S.P. Dom., 1603–1610, p. 291.]
Dudley Carleton to the Earl of Salisbury.
He begs to be restored to his attendance in
Parliament, where, though his service can be of no great use, his
absence is of much note. He would gladly be out of the mouth
of the multitude. His endeavours shall be employed to be as
serviceable to Salisbury as this unhappy occasion has made him
Holograph. Endorsed: "1605." 1 p. (113. 141.)
[Cf. Calendar of S.P. Dom., 1603–1610, p. 287.]
[? 1605–6, Feb.]
Henry Kiene, a tall man with a black head
and a long red beard, in a cloth green jerkin laced in a pair of
buff hose, lies with his company betwixt Lie [Leigh] and Tilberry.
There are with him divers passengers; amongst the rest one
Sadler and his wife. This Sadler looks asquint very much, with a
very white flaxen head; his wife a very proper gentlewoman.
These three may discover the rest. All are to be taken.
There go away now at one of the clock the Italian Ambassador's
trunks. There goes with him a Jesuit. Where he is taken in
I know not as yet, but past all question he follows or is gone
before to be taken in, and so conveyed into the ship where the
Italian Ambassador goes; under that colour this morning I
understand this much.—Undated.
Endorsed: "1605 Udal's information." 1 p. (115. 3.)
[See Cal. of S.P. Dom., 1603–1610, p. 289.]
Ralph Dobbinson to the Privy Council.
Prays for payment of 5l. 10s. for the diet, fire,
lodging and attendance of Mr. Dudley Carleton and his servant,
committed to his custody, where he remained 11 days and
Also for the payment of 23s. 9d. "expended for iron work in
setting up the heads of Thomas Pearcye and Robert Catesbey
upon the Parliament House, Feb. 1605."
Holograph. 1 p. (190. 47.)
Sir William Dethick, Principal King of Arms of England, to
the King and Lords of Parliament, assembled Feb. 1605.
After more than 40 years' faithful service, he
has been put from his office and profits, to the utter undoing of
himself and family; and William Seagar has been created into
the same by the Lords Marshals, contrary to the power of the
Great Seal. He appeals for justice, giving quotations from
Magna Charta and various statutes in support of his case.—
Holograph. 1 p. (191. 127.)
Sir John Norris.
[? 1605–6. Feb.]
Warrant granting lands to the value of 300l.
yearly to Sir John Norris.—Undated.
2 copies, one endorsed: "Copy of Sir John Norris's grant
1605." 2 pp. (206. 25/26.)
[Cf. Calendar of S.P. Dom., 1603–1610, p. 285.]