Cecil Papers: February 1608, 1-15

Pages 38-70

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 20, 1608. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1968.

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February 1608, 1-15

Richard Stephenson and Christopher Garrett on behalf of the Miners of the High Peak, Derbyshire to the Privy Council
[?Before Feb. 1608]. As to their former complaint against the Countess of Shrewsbury and her son, Lord Cavendish, for denying their old privilege of mining. Of violences used against them. Pray that the suits against them may be stayed till the Justices of Assize for Derby, to whom the matter has been referred, come their circuit, and for the Council's letters to the Countess to let them enjoy their ore and goods peaceably till that time.—Undated.
1 p. (P. 307.)
Herman Holdtscho, agent for Ernest, Duke of Brunswick and Lunenburg to the Earl of Salisbury.
[?Before Feb. 1608]. Two petitions. (1) Since he received Salisbury's favourable answer concerning the Duke's business, he applied to the Lord Treasurer for dispatch of the same, who answered that he must have the King's warrant, or be otherwise certified. Prays Salisbury to impart the King's pleasure to the Lord Treasurer, so that the Duke may enjoy his former grant.—Undated. 1 p. (P. 1857) (2) For licence to transport certain ordnance long since provided for the Duke, notwithstanding the present general restraint upon the passage of ordnance.— Undated. 1 p. (P. 1701).
John Savage, Mayor of Chester, to the Earl of Salisbury
1607–8, Feb. 1. This bearer has informed me of your great favour towards him, being by me sent up with my account of the charge of the 400 foot forces lately transported from this port to Dublin; wherein I render you all humble thanks.
My account of the charge of 80 horse lately consigned to this port, and hence sent to Dublin by appointment of the Lords (of the Council), I have now sent by this bearer, Thomas Witbie, to the Lord Treasurer, and beseech your favour in appointing him his dispatch therein. In which charge I have endeavoured to ease his Majesty of unnecessary payment, albeit by accident of extreme weather and great frosts, most of the company of horse have been enforced to stay here longer than I could have wished. For I assure you, though I urged them exceedingly, yet neither durst nor could any owner put to sea by reason of the ice which cut in pieces their cables in the road.—Chester, 1 Feb. 1607.
Signed. 1 p. (120 42.)
William Chappell to Richard Beapell, Mayor of Barnstaple
1607–8, Feb. 1. I have thought good to advertise you of news told me yesterday in great secret from a very good friend of mine, a man of account; and the news came from a certain knight in this kingdom, and in such sort that I was not to reveal it but to make use thereof; but because it concerns the State, I will not. Certain seminaries are come into England and to this kingdom from the Pope and from other places of Italy, Germany, Spain and France, that make known in secret unto men of their religion that the Pope and the clergy of those countries combine to make an army for the invasion of this kingdom or England, to consist of 17000 men from all those parts, as their plot is laid every state a portion, to be at the charge of their clergy maintained, and most of them to be clergymen who are permitted and absolved for bearing of arms. And they acknowledge that the Kings of Spain and France give no consent hereunto; but permit their clergy to use their power and discretions. And this plot should have taken effect last year, and the Irish soldiers in the Low Countries were in a readiness at first call, but that their purpose took no effect for that they expect a rising in England and a division of our nobility; and by Tyrone's flight their purpose was somewhat discovered. For the performing hereof is the chiefest cause that peace was taken with the Hollanders by the Archduke; and the King of Spain had an army made of a sudden at the Groyne the last year which was commanded by Sir Anthony Sherley, which did but attend to have his directions as soon as they had heard of our rising or division in England, or of rebellion in this country; and there be many of those people buzzing this news both in England and Ireland, and to see whom they can possess to be firm of their side. Now as I know for certain that Sir Anthony Sherley was at the Groyne with an army made of a sudden that no man knew of, it makes me give credit to those reports, for that the Groyne is no place for an army but for the north parts, and therefore not to be supposed for any country but ours and this country. If you think fit you may acquaint my Lord of Bath hereof, and at my coming home I will declare more if I can learn thereof. —From Glandore, the first of February, 1607.
Holograph. 1 p. (120 43.)
Sir John Ouseley to the Earl of Salisbury
1607–8, Feb. 1. I thank you for the message you commanded my man to deliver me. I am sorry my postscript gave you cause to mistake me, and desire you will vouchsafe (when I come to London) to speak with me. I will then plainly deliver my meaning unto your noble self, whereat I rest assured you will not be displeased.—Courtenhall, this first of February, 1607.
Holograph. Seal. ½ p. (120 44.)
The Earl of Shrewsbury to the Earl of Salisbury
1607–8, Feb. 1. Upon receipt of my Lord of Canterbury's letter under your cover by post I sent to understand where Mr Henry Constable was, and as soon as I could get him I do send him up according to my Lord of Canterbury's desire in his letter; but, as I have written to him, so I protest to you until I read the said letter, we here did not think but that he had made his appearance before the Archbishop divers months since, according to his faithful promise to me soon after my last coming into the country. My Lord of Canterbury writes to me, that in excuse of himself he was glad to say that he released him out of prison, so as he might go at large, upon my word both that he should not deal with any persons whosoever in matter of religion etc, and also that he should come unto him when he would have him; wherein his Grace lays a greater imputation on me than [it] would appear I had deserved if that matter should come to examination, which now I trust shall the less need, since I have sent the party up unto him. In respect he is my kinsman, I was content to join with some others in promising unto him some yearly small pension towards his maintenance, so long as I might understand he carried himself dutifully towards his Majesty and the State, but no longer, which I have forborne as yet to perform, as I intended and mean still to do, until I may understand from you how you shall conceive of him; which I would be glad to do by this bearer. I have been vexed this fortnight or three weeks past with the gout both in my feet and right hand, and though all pain be past, yet I can hardly write with my own hand as yet. God ever keep you from the like and all other infirmities.—From Worsop, 1 Feb. 1607.
PS. "Blame me not, my Lord, if I think it extreme long since I saw any one line of your handwriting to me, having never seen so long a time of "abstinew" for these many years past. Thus much I can write with my own hand, though with some pain."
Signed. The postscript in Shrewsbury's hand. Seal. 1 p. (120 45.)
Sir Richard Lewkenor and Sir Henry Townshend to the Earl of Salisbury
1607–8, Feb. 1. Whereas Mr Bird, the late Examiner in this Court here, is desirous to follow some other course of life elsewhere, being an attorney at the Common Law, and for that cause has made an assignment of his said office, which he held by patent, to the bearer hereof, Hugh Hanley; we entreat your favour in his behalf, whom we hold very sufficient for the place, that he may pass the privy seal when by his Majesty's gracious grant he shall renew the patent in his own name. —Ludlow Castle, 1 Feb. 1607.
Signed. Seal. ½ p. (120 46.)
John Gostlin to the Earl of Salisbury
[1607–8, Feb. 2]. Acknowledges his favour, at this time more specially, being to return to those western rocks whence the vehement loves of a kind society, unsought for, suddenly called him. Often wished their loves had been less, and often desired an end without touch of his reputation. This end Salisbury's favour yielded, that in that which the world account loss he has received comfort in having the good report his Lordship made of him. Beseeches continuance of his favour, that what hope fortune has taken from him may thereby revive.—Undated.
Signed. Seal. Endorsed: "2 Feb. 1607." 1 p. (120 47.)
Edward Tyrrell to the Earl of Salisbury, "High Steward of her Majesty's Courts."
1607–8, Feb. 2. I received on Saturday last from your Lordship this petition enclosed by one of her Majesty's tenants of the manor of Whaddon, wherein you require me to certify by writing what I know of their complaint.
They complain that the tenants of the manor of Whaddon have by ancient custom used to have their fines rated, admittances granted, and timber appointed for the reparations of their houses by the high steward of the manor or his deputy. For breach whereof they allege that the Lady Gray, having lately procured a lease from her Majesty of the manor, has published in the parish church of Whaddon that the tenants should repair to her to compound for their fines and admittances, alleging by her officers that by virtue of the said lease the same did belong unto her, and that if the steward did rate any fines or admit any tenant without her privity it was a forfeiture of his office; and pretends that the time, the place and power for holding or discharging the court belongs unto her and not to the steward. For proof whereof, at a court holden by me, your deputy steward, about Michaelmas last, Mr Francis Dorrell, servant to the Lady Gray, repaired to that court, who perusing the title of the said court which was in the name of her Majesty, did there alter the same into the name of the Lady Gray and there did discharge the said court; which to avoid difference was by consent referred unto a new day, within which time you might be informed. All which appears to be of custom, as the tenants have alleged, by ancient court rolls remaining in my custody; and also that the steward from time to time has holden the swainmote and taken account both for the wood and the deer and certified the same, which if the Lady Gray by force of her lease may alter, then your Lordship, now High Steward to her Majesty by former patent for life, shall lose the benefit and power of your patent. The inconvenience which the tenants do fear and the prejudice that may arise to her Majesty if the Lady Gray, who is to have the benefit, may also have the sole disposing of these businesses, I refer to your consideration.—Second of February, 1607.
Holograph. Seal, broken. ½ p. (120 48.)
Marcellus Eversdieck to the Earl of Salisbury
1607–8, Feb. 2. Since by letters of my Lord Governor of Flushing and of others, your Excellency is now believed to have understood whence that most bitter accusation escaped which under the shadow of your name exercised me a whole year, to those I refer myself for brevity. Truly, while studying my defence I observed and detected some stinking fountains whence, by various windings and most secret burrows, those pestilent incriminations emanate and by their emissaries are scattered far and wide; by which your person is everywhere exposed to so many hatreds and injuries; of which, in an Apology published the previous year, complaint is made that the real origin was not yet known to you. Which said fountains I think I can demonstrate to you in some superficial way, that that being apprehended, as Ariadne's thread by Theseus, by proceeding step by step you may view the labyrinth of the inventors and defamers; and by the writing of your own hands convict the few evil spirits of our depraved age (a great part of whom lies hid in that very England); who feign themselves worshippers and champions of the chief men, the while they continually explore their inmost counsels, which perverted to their own meaning, they give out through their trumpeters to the whole world to be adjudged. To whom if any upright man answer a word, as most base sycophants they busy themselves to interpret it, maimed and inverted, to his undoing; whereby they conceal their own crimes, and go on to abuse the favour of princes to cherish their own malevolence. This, if you make experiment of the matter by using this occasion, you may most conveniently discover. And you will find I have never deserved ill of your Excellency, but am rather eagerly desirous to serve you; so that if in any matter your Excellency be affected by the report of false information of me, let all that be healed by my labour, who am innocent, in the cure of the opposing evil. For to this purpose I am persuaded I have escaped unhurt from many deadly perils by the singular kindness of God, to afford you a handle to inquire into many things in other places, which indeed smell a little to me, but I dare not promise. But there is need of an industrious Oedipus who may wisely draw forth this monstrous Sphinx from her gloomy cavern, may know how to unravel and loose its wiles, and who may be armed with the special authority of your Excellency. And so I commend myself and mine to your Excellency's trust and patronage. Middelburgh in Zeeland, "Postridie Kalend Februarii anno a pactu vivifico virgineoque 1607 stylo patrio."
PS. If perchance nothing has come to your ears about my tragedy and you desire to know who I may be, on that matter the noble Sieur Van Loor, to whom on the side of his wife I am in closest connection, Sieur Andrew Lobelius, doctor, bearer of this, and others will, I hope, bear testimony.
Holograph. Latin. Seal. 2 pp. (120 109.)
James Beversham, Mayor of Orford, and William Sandford to the Privy Council
1607–8, Feb. 3. Of late a bark of Hull called the Hopewell, the ship of one James Chapman, merchant, was by distress of weather put into Orford Haven. We understanding by report of some of the company that the owner and one Boulton, a passenger, were recusants, and fearing they might be more dangerous persons, took certain examinations of the owner, master and company, whereby it appeared to us that the owner and Boulton were recusants or inclined to the Romish religion, that the voyage was intended for Holland and so to Spain, that Chapman is a known merchant in Hull and had two young men with him, his apprentices, purposing to leave one in Spain for a year to learn the language, and to use the service of the other in the voyage, and that Boulton purposed to cross the seas to see the country, and to return again with convenient speed. We found also by examination that certain letters were seen aboard with superscription, and certain crucifixes about some of them. This business we thought good to make known to certain justices of the peace in this division at the last Quarter Sessions, whose opinion was that if Chapman and Boulton would undergo the oath of allegiance set down in the Statute made the third session of this present Parliament, they might be dismissed, making stay of Boulton from crossing the seas till he should obtain licence; which oath we administered to them and they did undergo the same. This notwithstanding, we thought it our duty to acquaint you with the business, and sent up the depositions taken by and before us, the oath of allegiance taken by them, and the crucifixes, by one Selby; by whom we have received the depositions returned to us, with your letters commanding a re-examination of these parties for discovering the truth touching Boulton, whether he be a Jesuit or a priest, and touching a letter which Boulton is said to have burned, and other letters intended secretly to be conveyed; commanding also sureties to be taken for the forthcoming of Boulton, and that the young men shall not depart the realm without licence. Your command we have executed and re-examined the parties, but cannot discover Boulton to be either Jesuit or priest, but one born in Holderness nigh Hull, skilful in music and desirous to have seen Holland or Spain, but now is content to return to his country, thinking it had not been unlawful to cross the seas to see the country and to return within a month or two, as he says upon oath. We have also searched their trunks, which since the first suspicion have been under custody, and find in Boulton's trunk certain instruments for the amending of virginals, singing books and such like, and in Mr Chapman's divers letters and accounts touching merchandises, amongst the rest one letter sealed without superscription which we opened, and therein found two letters in Spanish touching arrival of ships there and other merchants' business; but no matter of state. The writing which Boulton burned he affirms upon oath was nothing else but certain notes of his touching Purgatory, wherein as opportunity should serve he desired to be better resolved than he was. According to your letters we have taken bond that the young men shall not depart the realm without licence. Boughton (Boulton) we have stayed till we know your pleasure, whether we shall enlarge him or enforce him to send into Holderness for sureties, it being a matter of difficulty for him, a stranger in these parts, to find sureties here. The two crucifixes, one jewel and certain beads which we found about them and sent up by Selby, together with the oath of allegiance by them taken, are left with Mr Kirkham, secretary to the Earl of Salisbury, as Selby says.—From Orford, 3 Feb. 1607.
Signed. Seal. 2 pp. (120 50.)
[Sir Thomas Edmondes] to [the Earl of Salisbury]
1607–8, Feb. 3. The reception of the Commissioners in Holland. The news of Roncas's imprisonment and the death of d'Albigny in Savoy. The quarrel between Don Louis and Don Inigo compounded upon direction out of Spain.
Abstract. (227 p. 343.)
Hugh Lee to [the Earl of Salisbury]
1607–8, Feb. 3/13. My last to you was of November 24, since which I have received one from Richard Langley, telling me of the safe delivery of all my former, with signification of your favourable acceptance, manifested by your command to pay me 30l, for which I render thanks.
The malicious Floudd, overflowing with envy, ceases not to labour to draw from their obedience such of his Majesty's subjects as he can. If by no means he may be removed hence, it is to be wished that some law may be provided, under a certain pain, which may forbid such of his Majesty's subjects as either trade or travel into these kingdoms from communicating with any English, Irish or Scottish Jesuits on this side the seas; otherwise his free conversements may breed a general danger, for questionless he has many friends in England.
I am sorry to see the daily transportation of youths out of England into these parts by new devices, defrauding the law lately provided for preventing the same. Very likely some may be sent only to learn the language, yet such must be subject daily to frequent the churches by attending upon their mistresses and conversing with priests and friars, which is very dangerous in youths. But most certain it is that others are of purpose sent to be trained up and rooted in papistry; as by all presumptions here is one George Bacon, a young youth not yet 14, the son of one Mr Bacon dwelling in Lynn in Norfolk. He was searched by the officers at embarking, and there were showed forth a pair of indentures showing he was the apprentice of Francis Shaxton, a merchant of Lynn, whereby he was let pass. Shaxton brought him hither and used him not as a servant, but went into Barbary with a ship laden with barley, and left this youth behind to be sent to Andolozia where he should have been placed with a bishop; but Shaxton, doubting to be called in question, has bonds from Mr Bacon, the father, to save him harmless against the Statute. The youth in his being here is become a disciple of Henry Fludd, who has undertaken to place him in a school of the Jesuits. He is very well pleased with his offers, for his whole bringing up has been in papistry and his desire is so to continue. He is a very proper witty child and has his Latin tongue perfect. By this sleight of coloured indentures many will pass, if there be no reference to the age.
In this ship called the Seaflower of London, whereof is master Luke Whetston, goes a passenger that is the younger brother of John Howe, a principal disciple of Henry Flud's. This youth is employed in going and coming between England and this place for conveyance of letters.
Here lie in a house by themselves John Gurganey, Thomas Jenyngs and John Howe. I hold Gurganey and Jenyngs for honest minded men to their country, but I am contrary opinion of Howe, for I cannot perceive that he purposes ever to go into England again. Mr Hugh Gurganey remains still in the College of the Jesuits, holding his religion firmly, wherein God strengthen him. The chiefest enemy to his liberty is Fludd, as John Gurganey has often told me.
This Flud has also incensed the Viceroy, that now is, strongly against me to remove me from my place, and gives out that he will have me sent for England. How far his Excellency will yield to his malicious pretensions time will not yet discover, for the entrance of the Viceroy into his government was but the second of this month. He is both Viceroy and Captain General, and a great favourite of the Jesuits. The report is that he is led much by them. The Lord Ambassador wrote his letter in my favour to him, which I was at his own house to deliver. He answered he would receive no letter or other matter but in the palace of the King. I attended there, but could not be permitted to speak with him. Tomorrow I mind to attempt again. His visitations have been great by the nobles and gentles of the land. But true it is that so long as remain any Jesuits, especially English, in Court or port town of Spain or Portugal, the causes of his Majesty and his subjects shall never receive due proceedings without cross.
The Lord Ambassador procured from the King the liberty of such English as are prisoners in the galleys that were taken by Don Luis Faxardo in the Indies, and sent a schedule down for their release, which was intercepted and withheld till his Lordship procured a second.
The Commissary of the Hollanders has released 4 Englishmen that were taken also in the West Indies by Don Luis, that served under Captain Daniell Mussheron, by virtue of his commission. Here are 13 Englishmen besides that are in the galleys, which were taken by the Cundy [Conde] Delda in a man-of-war which had no pass for the States, for whom here is little remedy; yet has the Commissary promised that he will do his best to release them at his coming to the Court, where the Condy Delda now is, for which some money is required to help make the way, which is not here to be had, for here is not any will disburse a penny to effect any such matter. I have it not, for in these two years I have been here in hope there would some course have been taken amongst them for my maintenance, but to this day I have not had from them all that use this place not forty shillings, but have brought myself indebted above 200l, not knowing how I shall free myself, the privileges for Portugal not yet confirmed, but his Lordship writes he daily expects their dispatch.
Touching the state of this country, which at present is very quiet, only six carricks for the East Indies and six of the best galleons preparing for the Mallaccas depart in company next month. Other preparation here is not any. Part of the Biskin squadron which came in here are departed hence, it is said to the Groine, where is thought shall be prepared some men-of-war to keep the seas this summer.
Here fell out a mischance a few days past. The ship of Gregory Gybbons that was lately in trouble here for piracy, being laden for Legorne with sugars for merchants of this city, going out of this river was cast away upon the Cachopps, and of 30 there was but 7 men saved, whereof one was lately a servant unto Sir John Dodrige, the King's Serjeant, named Daniell Deane, who went as passenger to travel.
Sir John Fearne is at present in this city, who came from the Court of Spain hither and minds shortly to return thither.
Adrian Thybauts, brother-in-law to Peter Vanlore, has received a very good sentence at the Court of Spain, which is that all the former sentence against him is revoked, and that Don Luis Faxardo is to return to him his ship, cochenilio and all other goods belonging to him, and himself daily expected thence.
This day I have received letters from the Court of Spain and a letter of the King's for the clearing of William Squier and Thomas Tylly, whom I have this day also cleared by that letter, to Don Lewis Faxardo, that they may go at their pleasure. Squire purposes to go home in this ship. He is servant to Mr Eldrid of London, and a man of very good understanding. He has been somewhat forward in frequenting the company of Flud, but I think not otherwise but to win somewhat from him; yet did he it not so secretly but he is of late amongst the friends of Fludd generally held for a writer of news, whereby he is had in great jealousy. If it please you to call him before you, he is able to say more than I can write. I have acquainted Squier (in regard he minds not to return here) with my opinion touching young Howe, that goes passenger in the same ship, that if he upon the first landing may find some occasion, to make stay of all the letters sent by Howe till your pleasure be known; who I make no doubt will use his best diligence therein.—Lix[burna] [Lisbon], 13 Feb. 1608, new style.
Holograph. 4 pp. (199 129.)
The Earl of Bath to the Earl of Salisbury
1607–8, Feb. 4. The Mayor of Barnstaple came unto me this day with a letter directed unto him by a merchant of this port, out of Munster in Ireland, in which, among other things appertaining to their trade, he wrote the report of a man of account there made unto him, as he says, in secret and is here enclosed verbatim. Which albeit it may be no new thing to you to hear of, yet having so easy a passage as by the common packet to convey my letters, I have chosen rather to present the same to your consideration than to leave any part of my duty to his Majesty and my country unperformed.—Towstock, 4 Feb. 1607.
Signed. ⅓ p. (120 51.)
The Archbishop of York to the Earl of Salisbury
1607–8, Feb. 4. Whereas it is supposed that my son Tobie (for son must I call him, though I might wish he had never been born) is like to be banished the realm for recusancy, give me leave, upon confidence of your friendship well experimented, to move you to be a mean that he may rather remain a prisoner where he is or elsewhere than so soon become an exile; as well that he may by conference in time happily be reclaimed (dies diem docet), whereof if he should be cast out there is no hope at all, as also for that it might turn to my no small disgrace if he should otherwise be punished than others of his humour have been. I cannot learn that any lay popish recusant was ever abandoned the realm, especially not having been a persuader of others but only deceived himself. But I have known many never so much as committed, unless to some learned men of their own friends or others; whereby their liberty was sufficiently restrained and all the harm they might do abroad prevented, and divers by that charitable course reduced to conformity. And so this poor seduced young man by God's grace might likewise be rather won than lost. I hear that his pressure by some is urged the harder for that he is the son of such a one as I am. But under their reformation methinks he should rather find a little more connivance for his father's sake yet awhile, than that my condition should aggravate his punishment in so high a degree, to the heartbreak of both his parents at once, and to the manifest periclitation if not destruction of their child both in body and soul for ever.
I have not, my good Lord, accustomed to mediate for persons of that religion or superstition, for that I am by my place rather to censure such as neither myself nor other can reclaim. Nor do I now intercede for him but only thus far, that because I trust in God he standeth not out upon obstinacy but error, and more upon dubitation than resolution, I would beseech his Majesty he may enjoy the benefit of his country, being subject otherwise to all penalties which by the laws and practice of this kingdom, in any courts temporal or ecclesiastical, for his disobedience may be inflicted upon him. Your far greater wisdom and experience than mine can add many motives to strengthen the weakness of mine entreaty.—At Bishopthorpe nigh York, 4 Feb. 1607.
Holograph. Archiepiscopal seal. 1 p. (120 52.)
Sir Henry Glemham to the Earl of Salisbury
[1607–8.] Feb. 4. I received yesterday a letter from you touching the lease of the manor of Hawkins. I beseech you conceive that the least word you write is an absolute command, and my devotion to you makes me hold myself happy when I may do you the least service. But unless your occasions be exceeding speedy I shall not well follow it until the next Easter term, at which time I hope my health and the season of the year will suffer me to undertake it without a deputy, and so perhaps you will find it most convenient.—Glemham, 4 Feb.
Holograph. Seal, broken. Endorsed: "1607." ½ p. (120 54.)
Lord Saye and Sele to the Earl of Salisbury
1607–8, Feb. 4. It pleased you to signify to my Lord Treasurer his Majesty's gracious pleasure, intending me some benefit out of divers recusants, whom albeit I severally indicted I protest I never had any profit of; albeit I cannot deny but that if I would have undertaken the protection of them, I was offered 1300l by F[rancis] Tressam and others, for Sir Basil Broke, Mr Brudenel and Mrs Hungerford and others whom by his Majesty's commandment you remanded of me; as also that the like success since happened unto me by his Majesty's gracious letter to Winchester College, albeit thereby I have made proof of no small spoils made by Venables of his Majesty's woods. I crave pardon that I did entreat Sir Thomas Lake to let you understand that I thought his Majesty (without prejudice to the common good) might impose upon some few who greatly advance their private, in converting pasture to "ood" (woad), from 10s the acre per annum to 20s or 30s, some 3s or 4s an acre; whereof the gain and charges amount near this proportion; 4 acres usually bring forth a ton of "oode" which is 20 hundredweight commonly sold for 20l at least, which 4 acres in sowing and ploughing with 3 times cutting, milling, balling and seasoning amount to the charge of 12l, which is 3l an acre. So that usually after the first year, when the charge is greatest in setting up mills and houses, there is after 40s or 30s gains in an acre, and in every 4 acres amounting to a ton 7l or 8l I should hope that if Sir Thomas Lake and I might be so happy as to rent it at 200l or 300l per annum, having but 4s or 5s out of every acre, or 20s out of every rood, for my part I would bestow one year's rent for a fine upon any one his Majesty would appoint and hold it for 21 years; and I think by reason English woad is richer than India woad his Majesty now loses the custom thereby, most men using English, submitting myself and the cause wholly to your wisdom, without whose allowance I neither in this or any suit will ever deal. I hope at some time of leisure to attend you for this and some other cause, in respect that some near me more turbulent I fear than tender in spirit, as well spiritual as temporal distracted humours, have so far possessed themselves of my son (of whom if God bless him with loyal obedience I may have good hope, but otherwise have small joy) as seeing him only to respect such as in all things oppose themselves to order, and to myself have maintained they held it not an ill prayer made by one of Chipping Norton called Hatheway, a minister, publicly to desire the people to pray to God to turn his Majesty's heart from popery, being an intimation most disloyal, thereby to insinuate so lewd an imputation: as also that some of no learning but tradesmen or mechanical fellows will take upon them to know who shall be saved or condemned; and in strange forms either receive the sacraments or forbear them, wherein they have won my son to partake with them, to my greatest grief.—4 Feb. 1607.
Holograph. 1 p. (120 55.)
John Finet to Thomas Wilson
1607–8, Feb. 4/14 I was bold in my last of the 1st of February to tax your silence. They were scarce out of Paris when yours came, to condemn me of rashness; so my fault sticks by me till you pardon it, yours is wiped out by this acknowledgment. News, your request, are not now so easily come by, mine eyes are so diligently fixed upon my charge as mine ears hear the less, yet what they hear you shall have a share of. The great man of France, one of the Triumviri of this state [In the margin: M. de Souilly] is sick of the King's Evil, in disgrace with his master. It is held to grow thus. A famous quarrel has been lately banded between the Duke d'Aiguillon and Balagny, an eminent gallant of this country. To this latter the King seemed to incline with most of the royalists, to the other the house of Guise with that faction; with these went de Souilly, but with what respect of state, public or private, I know not. Thus far it is apparent that the King referring to him the composition of their difference and signifying withal his affection to Balagny's advantage, held his pleasure disobeyed in the Duke's partiality in behalf of d'Aiguillon. Whereupon (if not upon other matter more substantial) the King's displeasure is said to have broken forth in such terms as he gave the Duke to understand that the Bastille was but a short way from the Arsenal, and that he had not made him so great but he could make him as little if he gave him too much occasion. I hear since that M. de Villeroy was with him from the King to tell him it was his Majesty's pleasure he should retire to his house, and asking to which house?, answer was made, to Rhosny, for the King says all the rest are his already. But the next day (which should have been of his remove) he fell so sick of the stone, engendered most, as it should seem, of the King's displeasure, as he since lies at God's mercy and his Majesty's. Those that would appear more speculative would have all this but a plotted intelligence for the better manage [sic] of some important business projected. Amongst the rest they say it may fall well for the dissolving of the marriage already concluded between the young Marquis of Rhosny and M. de la Desguiéres' grandchild, which alliance the King no way favours. It brings with it too great a strength of them of the religion in behalf of the grandfather, and is no small band of a Catholic party in regard of his son-in-law, M. de Craquy. Besides the King specially affects the marriage of his base daughter Mademoiselle de Vendôme with young Rhosny who, bound formerly by promise to the other, cannot be freed but by some such course as this of the King's displeasure, which to appease it may appear there was no way but to yield to this new match for his Majesty's full satisfaction, and this cannot but govern Desguiéres. Meantime, to show that howsoever men may marry for their friends they love for themselves, the Marquis has his heart upon none but Mademoiselle de Mayne, sister to the Duke d'Aiguillon, yet seems to have more of her disdain than her love in the exceptions she and her friends take against his inequality. And howsoever de Souilly himself seem otherwise distracted, he is thought to incline more to this alliance than any, both in regard of his new friendship with that house and to please his son (who he even dotes of) in his so strong affection. Thus you see a comedy acted between obedience to a sovereign, faith to an ancient friend, and love to a fair mistress. The catastrophe is to come, which I would wish you not to frame to yourself before hand for fear of some after deceit of your expectation.
The Chevalier de Guise is shortly departing hence, confirmed general of the galleys of Malta; so there will be one less near the King of that house, which he loves but as he fears and no otherwise.
The swarming Jesuits, never yet nestled in Orleans, are now upon their settling in that city. They are strongly opposed by almost all the inhabitants, but the King's will will overbear tham. There will be shortly no corner of France free from these locusts. Viderit utilitas.
About a sevennight since I was at the Court to see Don Pedro de Toledo take his leave, where he and his followers humbled their Spanish knees so low as to touch the ground in their last reverence to his Majesty. I should have wondered the French wondered no more to see the high Spaniard frame himself to so low a posture, but that I considered they have had too good experience that that nation is not to seek how to be both proud and meek for advantage. Don Pedro has won the spurs for valiantly acquitting himself at the late difference between him and the Venetian Ambassador. It grew, as it may be you have heard, upon the Spaniard's not giving the title of Excellency but Signoria Illustrissima to the Venetian, who thereupon paying the other but his own, went away with Calla Vellaco and other reproaches most dishonourably. It is true that upon a more mature Venetian consideration he sent him the defy, etc, but it came so late as the King himself said he was sorry for the evil manage of it, and jestingly added that the ballet of the Queen (at which this was publicly acted) was not comparable to the farce of the 2 Ambassadors. I cannot tell how farther with news to entertain you, unless I should report some of the many duels fought almost daily à toute outrance by this hot, heady, giddy gentry and nobility. There is so much blood drawn at that vein as some convulsion or worse must needs befall the body of this state, if there be not prevention by some speedy remedy.
My Lord is well and merry and joins in his French and exercises more than any man I have known that takes but half his liberty. I thank God my worthy brother Lyster and I join with that harmony in his service, as I hope my Lord's ear shall never be offended with the least discord between us. Write to me as you may, I will requite you with such stuff as this, which is not worthy my Lord's ear, else he should have it. He has this and better by better conveyance, but not from one that more humbly honours him.—Paris, 14 Feb. stilo novo, 1608.
Holograph. 3 pp. (125 26.)
Tobie Matthew to the Earl of Salisbury
1607–8, Feb. 4. I have endured seven months' imprisonment for a cause which in others is not severely punished. Although I be far from repining or impatience, I am not grown so senseless as not to covet the less evil. You were pleased, the last time I presumed to trouble you, to make me know that I was not then to think of liberty, but that if I would dispose myself to live out of the realm you would assist me therein. I see I am but where I was, and that my years increase, but not my hopes to change my habitation; and therefore I shall embrace the condition of living abroad with the same resignation that a merchant threatened with shipwreck has in casting his wares overboard; the rather because of the promise I make myself in that absence to give you so infallible testimony of my most loyal mind as may better plead for my restitution to my country, than now I can for my liberty. I beseech that in this course some drop of your benignity may fall upon me, and that you will make some signification of such your pleasure.—From the Fleet, 4 Feb. 1607.
Holograph. 1 p. (193 68.)
Henry Lowe to the Privy Council
1607–8, Feb. 5. This petition enclosed was delivered to myself and my brethren by the Company of Grocers of this City, complaining, whereas the King has pleased for the redress of great annoyances occasioned by the making of starch, to grant letters patents for the incorporating certain persons allowed and using the trade of starch making into one company, upon hope that by the care of the said company the annoyances aforesaid should be reformed. But so it is that since the said incorporation many great inconveniences are grown in that trade, as namely, that the making thereof is brought into a few men's hands and the price thereby raised from 15s to 30s the hundred, to the particular benefit of the patentees and the great prejudice of the commonwealth. Moreover they go about to compel such as deal in that commodity to buy starch of them only and of none other at such prices as they shall limit, and to that purpose they require bonds of such as endeavour to provide themselves otherwise, threatening them that refuse to give bond that they shall be committed to prison without any bail; with divers other grievances expressed at large in their petition. For remedy whereof they have desired me to be a means that your Lordships will receive information of the same, that such as are freemen of this city may enjoy their liberty and custom of free buying and selling in their trade in such ample and lawful manner as is fitting without trouble or impeachment, according to such grants and privileges as his Highness has confirmed unto them. Whereof I doubt not but your Lordships will have consideration according to your wonted favour to the commonwealth of this city.—London, 5 Feb. 1607.
Signed. Seal. 1 p. (120 59).
The Earl of Exeter to the Earl of Salisbury
1607–8, Feb. 5. Mr Justice Warmesley has been with me to complain that he is like to be removed from his own circuit to the Kentish circuit, being so far distant at the end of the circuit from his own dwellings as what, for the conceit he takes of the disgrace and the greatness of his years and lameness, he thinks the tediousness of that journey will shorten his days. You know that transplanting of old trees is dangerous. I pray you be a mean he may remain where he is, and in so doing you shall do an honourable deed in respecting the place he carries, and the greatness of his years and lameness.—5 Feb. 1607.
Holograph. 1 p. (193 69).
[Joseph] Cresswell to Jeremiah Van Lemens
1607–8, Feb. 5/15. I received your letter of the 25th of November and am glad to hear of your good health. As to the business in hand, I see many conveniences for carrying it out on both sides. I have so good a report of the person of the prince that I love him well without knowing him; and if this business can be effected, it will be all the good that can be desired from him.
The principal difficulty will be the difference of religion, and if God will open the eyes of those of England, this can easily be overcome; only by looking out for the persons, to whom it is most important to fit their understanding and will to the truth and the law of God, which is one and always has been and always will be the same; and no one can be saved without it, and with it Kings obtain rest and their kingdoms security, for it is an erroneous suspicion that the Pope can take away the kingdom from whom he will; it is not so; rather the Catholic Kings find many advantages in having their vassals subject in spiritual matters to the Apostolic See; and if those of England and Scotland had been in that case, the King would have less difficulty in uniting them, and his successors less in keeping them united.
In the matter of allowing their vassals to live quietly in the Catholic religion of their ancestors, this would give the King much security; while on the other hand to try to force them to profess what they do not believe can only give rise to many troubles, and among them this in particular, that it obstructs an agreement and friendship so important and honourable as this is, and so advantageous to the Kings of Great Britain and their realms.—15 Feb. 1608. "You know the hand"
Unsigned. Spanish. Addressed to Jeremiah Van Lennens, London. (?) Endorsed in Salisbury's hand "5/15 February, 1608. This is the hand of Cresswell." The letter is headed with a cross. 1 p. (125 28.)
Nicholas Smith to the Earl of Salisbury
1607–8, Feb. 6. The cause between him and William Smyth was referred to Baron Altham and Sir Christopher Parkyns, but Smyth refuses to appear. Begs either order for Smyth's commitment, or that he, the writer, may pass his accounts before the Lord Treasurer, should Smyth disobey the order and thereby keep him in prison. Begs for mitigation of the fine imposed on him for the matters of his office, through his unnatural kindred and neighbours. "Nicholas Smith, late Customer of Yarmouth, now a poor prisoner in the Fleet."—6 Feb. 1607.
Holograph. 1 p. (115 92.)
Advertisements from Heidelberg
1607–8, Feb. 6. At the Diet matters are in suspense: the greater number of votes of the Catholics have obtained that the first point of the Imperial proposition, which is about the contribution, shall be treated of first. The Protestants urge the point of justice, affirming that they are not instructed to discuss and accord the first before the second is out of the way (soit vuidé). The death of Monseigneur de Wirtemberg is persistently reported. In Hungary the Diet is sitting at Pressburg, where the Estates demand a King, the confirmation of the Treaty of Botzkay (Borskay), and peace with the Turk. It seems that the Princes incline to persuade his Majesty to the peace as most useful; time will show if their counsels will succeed. In Poland affairs are still entre le marteau et l'enclume. There are some new Palatines malcontents who have joined the Racosans and stir up the old embers, so that there is as yet no appearance of peace in that direction, although the King has contented the Muscovite with the usual present and accommodated the dispute of the Wallachian. With this sorrow he has experienced another in the death of his son, who only lived 15 days. It seems that this plague de pais is menaced with a storm. We have to thank God that the little execution of Donaverd opens the eyes aux poussins de la poulle blanche, to make them know that they will have no better treatment (ils n'en auront meilleur marché) than we from the Jesuit dominion.—Heidelberg. 6 Feb. 1607.
French. 2/3 p. (120 62.)
Sir Charles Cornwallis to the Privy Council
1607–8, Feb. 6. I have of late received as much contentment here in the causes of his Majesty's subjects as in so huge a heap of business and so confused and overgrown a government I could expect. I advertise it that some knowledge may be taken of their better ways, as heretofore has been of their neglect and unconscionable courses.
The King himself and the Duke of Lerma have showed of late much forwardness to give contentment; so has the Secretary Prada, whom I find an earnest solicitor of whatsoever I desire in behalf of the poor suitors. The causes depending in the Council of War, which are many and considered with their dependencies of much importance, are all in good way, and some of them finished with good satisfaction. That of Sicilia suffers as many delays as a grandee of Spain either with his power or his purse can give unto it; yet I find means to enforce it on, and find the Constable (who has the supremacy in that tribunal) very forward to give both ear and remedy to anything I complain of. For the ship and goods taken in Sardinia, I have so far prevailed as the Condé of Chinchon (to whom the King has remitted the cause) upon dispute with him upon those points, has been contented to conclude with a confession that their carriage of powder (had they intended it for Turkey) makes no forfeiture. They have given new summons to the viceroy of that island to make his justification, which we hourly expect; and his answer being had, I doubt not of some good order for restitution if the merchants send a power to pursue it. To Mr Tibaut, Mr Peter van Lore's brother-in-law, I have procured order for restitution of all taken from him upon sureties given for answering to the law, for the execution whereof he is within few days to return to Lisbon, there and at Seville to perfect his proofs, and then to come thither again to prosecute his cause to final sentence.
The moneys due unto certain merchants of London for corn and other provisions are ordered to be paid here out of the King's chests as soon as their cedulas and necessary circumstances can be finished. The like I have procured for one James Jorrett, a Scotsman recommended hither by his Majesty's letters. For Tho. Anderson, a Scotsman, in the same manner, for so much as was due to him in Lisbon. His other demand for his ship and service with great difficulty I have gotten remitted to the King upon a new consulta from the Council of State, but as yet cannot procure it to be returned or know what is determined, but expect it daily.
For the liberty of the poor men at Lisbon detained in the galleys and other prisons, I have been enforced to procure four several cedulas. The first and second sent were by some of their malignant countrymen there, that either envied their liberty or at least that they should have it for nothing, intercepted; who underhand would have drawn them to conditions of payment for their discharge, pretending to work it by other means.
For Mr Chalons and those of his company at Seville, after all my labours I received a very grievous resolution, whereunto I instantly replied as by this enclosed copy of my letter to the Duke of Lerma shall appear. I am not altogether out of hope to change their determination. But by what has passed may sufficiently appear unto your Lordships, notwithstanding their silence, how much they take to heart his Majesty's purpose of planting in Virginia.
I importune daily the King's confirmation of the cedula I long since obtained for delivery of goods suspected to the owners upon sureties and trial of the causes here; and I verily think, being not able to answer so plain reasons, they will either yield me my desire or take some other general course to prevent the molestation of his Majesty's subjects. For to themselves it now appears intolerable, whom (by importuning the King that the English causes might be preferred and first determined) I have for these two months so set on work (and so shall at least for two months more) in hearing of my countrymen as none of their nation can have in their causes any proceedings, which raises a general outcry amongst them here. Assuredly, without good order taken for restraint of those hungry ministers that are in office in the ports, whatsoever causes my labours may bring to end before my departure, my successor within a few months shall find as many new; for in all places his Majesty's subjects complain of unaccustomed injuries or of new and unheard of impositions. For merchants that have only studied the art to buy and sell to be forced to become suitors in law, in a country and court so chargeable to their purses and dangerous to their lives, how grievous it is I leave to your Lordships to consider. By God's grace whatsoever my weak forces shall be able to effect for their quiet, for mine own time and the future, shall not be wanting; and in remembering of others [I] beseech that my poor self may not be forgotten, who by a sensible decay in all parts of my body cannot but have a feeling what is likely in short time to become of the whole, if here I shall endure any more summer's sunshines.
There is newly arrived at this Court an ambassador from the King of Persia; an old man in years and, as it seems, well disposed to tell old wives' tales. He says that in those countries there is an old prophecy that the King of Persia should win Constantinople and expel the Turk out of those countries; that in the time of this King that now reigns they expect the accomplishment, which succeeding, his master is determined upon being possessed of it to send the keys to the King of Spain, and to make him a present of that city, and mean time offers to assist him in any enterprise against the Turk, their common enemy, with an army of 50,000. It is said he brought the King and Queen here very rich presents. The King defrays his whole charge and causes him to be attended by some of his own guard. Yesterday I purposed to have seen him, but he kept his bed, having, it seems, been welcomed with some indisposition according to the custom of this country.
It is said there is preparation in great haste for building some new galleons in Biscay, and that mean time order is sent thither for embargoing some ships of strangers for the King's service. Here in Court all is in silence. The King very busy in reviewing his councils and seats of justice, and accommodating them with persons more proper to those several employments, has (as here they say) done more within a few weeks than his father did in all his long life.
The expectance of peace with the States United grows daily into more strength. The event thereof will bring forth new actions or, at least, beget new thoughts.
Here is lately raised a report that the Earl of Southampton is by his Majesty intended to be sent hither to give the King here an account of his purpose concerning Virginia. It comes, I hear, from Sir Edward Baynham, who having been long possessed with a palsy is somewhat recovered, but, as is thought, will never be restored to the use of those limbs he lost his strength in. I cannot hear of anything the King has as yet bestowed upon him, but suppose he lives either upon what he brought with him, or upon such relief as the Jesuits here allow him.
Mr. Trojean, after two strong assaults given (according to the entertainment of this country and unacquainted air) unto his life by dangerous agues, is removed to Lisbon with a pension of 60 crowns a month. He was in good forwardness to have obtained there a house and land that escheated to the King, which it was thought would have been worth to him 1000 crowns a year; but since my conference with the Duke concerning entertainment given to his Majesty's fugitives, there is a general stay made of those wonted largesses. Archer, the Irish Jesuit, and solicitor for his countrymen, has thereupon given over his office and withdrawn from this Court, and they of that nation, as is generally noted, have suddenly vanished.
Of our own country here has been lately one William Webb, said to be born in London, who out of offers of service for Barbary pretended some great matters and was addressed to Creswell. His hopes ended in an alms of five pounds, since which time he has been enforced to put on his true shape of a vagabond and cozener; and taking with him for an attendant one Williams, who has long walked this country under cover of the name of being son to my Lord of Worcester, wandered first to Bilbao and then to St. Sebastian's, where for a month or more he sustained himself with taking upon him the name of an Haward (Howard), and pretending to be the son of my Lord of Suffolk.
Not long before him came hither in a pilgrim's weed a fat young fellow naming himself Sanchy, who at first had good entertainment in regard of his profession and vesture; and by Creswell's means, as I heard, the Queen bestowed ten pounds upon him. But his pretence of a pension not taking effect, he was enforced to appeal to his skill in heraldry and drew the descent of Warren, an Englishman, the Duke of Lerma's barber, from the Earl Warren, assuring him he had more right to the earldom and arms than the house of Norfolk.
A third countryman of ours of like condition has wandered through Valentia, naming himself son to my elder brother, and for such wrote a letter unto me before public officers of that city, wherein was contained nothing but dashes of his pen; and in requital (if he had remained there till the messenger's return) I had provided he should have had as many of a whip.
By these your Lordships may discern the condition of many of those that repair hither with pretence of conscience; of whom I know none remaining but Sir Edward Baynham, Wadsworth, my revolted chaplain, and one Bentley, a young gentleman lately come out of the Low Countries.
There have died out of the English College at Valladolid this last year 14 of the young students and Richard Walpole, the Jesuit.—Madrid, 6 Feb. 1607, stilo veteri.
Signed. 5 pp. (120 63.)
Sir Ferdinando Gorges to the Earl of Salisbury
[1607–8] Feb. 7. Our second ship is returned out of the parts of Virginia, but with advertisement of nothing more than we received at the first, only the extremity of the winter has been great and has sorely punished our people. Notwithstanding, thanks be unto God, they have had their healths exceedingly well, although their clothes were but thin and their diets poor, for they have not had one sick from the time they came thither to the instant of their coming away. The President and his people feed us still with hopes of wonders that will be had from thence in time; but there must go other manner of spirits to settle those business (sic) before it will be brought to pass; for I find the continuance of their idle proceedings to have much "prejudicialld' the public good, dividing themselves into factions, each disgracing the other even to the savages, the one emulating the other's reputation amongst those brutish people, whose conversation and familiarity they have most frequented, which is one of the chiefest reasons we have to hope in time to gain that which cannot presently be had. They show themselves exceeding cunning, concealing from us the places where they have the commodities we seek for, and if they find any that has promised to bring us to it, those that came out of England instantly carry them away and will not suffer them to come near us any more.
These often returns without any commodity have much discouraged our Adventurers, in especial in these parts, although in common reason it be not to be looked for that from a savage wilderness any great matters of moment can presently be got, for it is art and industry that produce those things even from the farthest places of the world; and therefore I am afraid we shall have much ado to go forward as we ought. Wherefore it were to be wished that some furtherance might be had (if it were possible) from the chief spring of our happiness, I mean his Majesty, who at the last must reap the benefit of all our travail, as of right it belongs unto him. Besides, if you look into it with those eyes with which you pierce the most obscure conjectures, you will find it most necessary it should be so, both for many public and private reasons; as, first, the certainty of the commodities that may be had from so fertile a soil as that is when it shall be peopled, as well for building of shipping, having all things rising in the place wherewith to do it; as also many other hopes thereof to ensue, as the increase of the King's navy, the breeding of mariners, the employment of his people, filling the world with expectation and satisfying his subjects with hopes, who now are sick in despair and in time will grow desperate through necessity. Also he shall "sease" that to himself and his prosperity, the which he shall no sooner quit but his neighbours shall enter into and thereby make themselves great, as he might have done; for at this instant the French are in hand with the natives to practise upon us, promising them if they will put us out of the country and not trade with none of ours, they will come unto them and give them succours against their enemies. And as our people hears, they have been this year with four ships to the southwards of them some 50 leagues, and the truth is this place is so stored with excellent harbours and so bold a coast, as it is able to invite any actively minded to endeavour the possessing thereof, if it were only to keep it out of the hands of others. I could say much more in this but I am loth to be overtroublesome to you, and therefore will thus conclude under your favour, that I wish his Highness would adventure but one of his middle sort of ships with a small pinnace, and give his commission to countenance and "authoresy" the worthy enterpriser, and I durst myself undertake to procure them to be victualled by the Adventurers of these parts for the discovery of the whole coast along from the first to the second colony, especially to spend the most part of the time in the search of those places already possessed. And I should be proud, if I might be thought worthy, to be the man commanded to the accomplishment thereof by his Highness, and should think it a season well spent wherein I should have so many hopes to serve my country; whereof the least would be in this sleepy season the enabling of my own experience in these marine causes the better hereafter on all occasions to discharge my duty to my sovereign.—Plymouth, this 7 of February.
Signed. Endorsed: "7 February, 1607." 2½ pp. (120 66.)
Sir John Ogle to the Earl of Salisbury
1607–8, Feb. 7/17. I have sometimes taken the boldness to use my opinion of this handling, either that it would come to such a peace that should be justifiable for the Estates in all indifferent opinions, or that they would again break forth into war in the end. Now there is good appearance that I have not been ill-grounded, for though the point of sovereignty has been passed without much contradiction, (being nothing but an air or title which the King of Spain might the better afford), considering he parts with nothing that he has in esse or of his own; yet now that they come to the matter of traffic and that by name into the Indies, there is such difficulty found as it is not unlike but there may be easily a way made to the parting of this over a year unexpected assembly of Commissioners. This difficulty together with the general apprehension, as now, of no sincere meaning in the adverse party, do give no small encouragement to such as fear a peace. It is held for certain that the Estates will not part with their East Indies, and it is yet very doubtful whether ever that will be yielded unto. Yet some will say that this difficulty is the more insisted on the better to facilitate the Estates' pretence of traffic into the West Indies, and that they should absolutely be excluded from thence. I can say nothing of myself, but yet I think if the Estates should quit the East Indies, whereof they are possessed and have alliance with the princes, they should make a very unprofitable and uncertain peace, in regard that the best maintenance of their traffic must have his (sic) life from thence; for from Spain it is subject to too much danger, in regard of arrest of shipping and such other inconveniences, as our merchants have lately proved by disputes and questions found where was no cause given; and also that thereby they can hold the Spaniard in such good conditions (so long as they are masters there and so allied with the neighbour princes as they make account) that he neither can well or shall dare to attempt anything against them. You shall have all things of this subject better digested for your judgment to receive than my ability or place will suffer me to acquaint you with. I will now tell you what we talk here. We say (and that by the advertisements from Antwerp) that the Marquis Spinola's principal factor at Antwerp was fain to pawn all his plate to pay a bill of exchange sent from Genoa. It is said likewise, but not received for so true, that his Majesty's people in Virginia should be defeated by the Spaniard. There is a second advertisement come of it, but there is not so much credit given to that news as is to that of the good success of this people in the East Indies, there being 70 in the 100 offered for profit to the adventurers.
I moved you in my last letters in a point wherein it will please you to be mindful for the honour of the worthiest nation living, especially if it break out again to a war. The Commissioners are very reserved to me wards, and if his Majesty yet or your Lordship shall think fit to better the condition of us his poor subjects, which may conveniently be done in the shutting up (or before) of this treaty, I do not much care to be acquainted with particulars so I may be one of those that shall find the English nation set into their old way of preserving the English honour, which must first be by his Majesty's countenance and protection of them; and that shall secondarily draw a better respect to us here from them whom we serve, and enable us to restore our old discipline (I mean among ourselves for our manner of government), which is not the least means of the upholding the honour of so brave a nation. You are pleased to give me liberty to speak sometime in this fashion; therefore I hope this boldness shall receive no ill interpretation.
The monkeys you wrote for I have sent by him that brought the last into England last year, and doubt not but they are to your liking. I desire no longer to live than that I may ever find an unfeigned readiness in myself to serve you.—The Hague, February 17, 1608. novo [stilo].
Holograph. Seal. 5 pp. (120 78.)
John Savage to the Earl of Salisbury
1607–8, Feb. 8. I received your letter the first of February to the Countess of Derby, and have herein returned her letter enclosed with what expedition I may.—Chester, 8 Feb. 1607.
Holograph. Two seals. ⅓ p. (120 69.)
Sir Thomas Shirley to the Earl of Salisbury
1607–8, Feb. 9. Upon your message this morning by your servant, Mr. Dakeham, I have sought to inform myself of the parsonage of Martyn in the county of Wilts, and I find it not yet passed; therefore please send off a caveat to Auditor Fuller who is auditor of that shire. What I could learn touching the same, I send you in a note here enclosed. I should have thought myself happy if I had passed it, that thereby I might have done you service, which is ever my desire.—This 9 of February.
Holograph. Seal. Endorsed: "1607." ½ p. (120 70.)
The Bishop of Winchester to the Earl of Northampton
1607–8, Feb. 9. I heartily thank you for your favourable regard of my last letters, and would not so soon have troubled you with any other matter were it not his Majesty's desire to have the demise of Farnham Castle, parks and chaces to go presently forward, and your Lordship amongst others to be a special director thereof. Wherein I shall be willing to be ruled by your Christian indifferency, that I may without wrong to my church (which I know is no part of his Majesty's meaning) give him all dutiful contentation. And where I am advertised that his Majesty seems to be somewhat offended, first that I treated not with the Lord Chief Justice this last summer touching the exchange or demise of Farnham according to his princely purpose; and next, that after knowledge of his Majesty's inclination to have the said Castle and parks for recompense, I caused or suffered certain timber to be felled and sold in the parks of Farnham: I instantly pray you at your best opportunity to present my answer with all humility to his Excellent Majesty touching these two points. To the first, I acquainted my Lord Chief Justice at London with his Majesty's pleasure, and rested ready upon any signification from my Lord Chief Justice that he was authorised to treat of those things, to have either invited him to my house or to have met him at any convenient place chosen by himself; but hearing nothing all last summer of any commission given to him in that behalf, I could do no more but attend his Majesty's pleasure. To the second, I protest that I gave neither consent nor had knowledge of anything done by my woodward in my absence in the parks of Farnham, and as soon as I heard thereof one day after dinner, I sent my letter the very next day to inhibit all felling and carrying of timber or wood in either of the parks there, using as well his Majesty's name as my own to stay all intermeddling with either; whereof my servant, Robert Hardy for the chaces, and the underkeepers for both my parks, can be witnesses if they be examined on their oaths. My woodward excused himself by ignorance of anything intended by his Majesty, and rested, as he said, on a former direction given him many years before, that whiles I lay at London the charge of my fuel spent in London should be supported out of the manor of Farnham (as my predecessors had done before), being the nearest place now left me of mine own to make provision of fuel for my needful use. This is the truth of these things, wherein his Majesty has been otherwise informed, and I desire no longer to live than I shall sincerely be far from all cunning and secret preventing his Majesty's desires. For the present concluding of such things as his Majesty is willing to have within the manor of Farnham (myself truly being dangerously besieged with this continuing cold, and expecting the first change of this extreme weather that I may have recourse to my accustomed order of physic to prevent as well the athritis assaulting both hands and feet, as the vertigo offering itself on all occasions from the spleen), I have sent my steward to join with the solicitor of my causes, that they both may satisfy you in all doubts, and have enclosed a particular delineation of all things considerable in this demise, which I beseech you to keep with you, and as you shall find it accord with duty to his Majesty, so to allow or reform as you shall see cause. I am very willing to give his Majesty all contentation, and shall be glad if he so interpret my care for my church; otherwise for myself I am ready to submit myself, my profit and state to his Majesty's liking, to do as shall please his most religious integrity. I will not instance your Lordship in any point, but pray that a Christian care may be had of my church, whatsoever of myself, that I may be directed by your means to yield his Majesty all dutiful contentation, which I will not fail to perform what loss soever I sustain for my time— Waltham, 9 Feb. 1607.
Signed. 1⅓ pp. (120 73.)
The Enclosure.
Farnham. The yearly value of the things to be demised by the Bishop to his Majesty.
The little and great parks, heathland, two horse leases (extent of each item specified), and potter's clay sold out of the park. Total 250l
The Castle, stables and barns, fuel, browse wood, the North and South chaces. Total, 108l. Sum total, 358l.
The charges his Majesty shall be at for recompense.
The tenth of the bishopric to be released, 279l 6s 5d.
The ancient fees of the officer and keepers of the Castle, parks and chaces (all specified), 37l 15s 10d. Total, 317l 2s 3d.
Out of this recompense the keeper of the little park demands to have yearly for herbage and pannage of the said park, 60l
For the profits of browsewood and herbage of 12 kine and other "vayles", 30l
The keeper of the great park likewise, 35l.
For browsewood sold, 14l.
Other "vayles" in killing and serving the deer, 10l
For the potter's clay there digged and sold, 18l. Total, 167l.
These demands of the two keepers the Bishop takes to be somewhat excessive, and yet thinks it fit the King be at no farther charge than is before specified. And therefore the Bishop is very willing to make such allowances to the two keepers for their agistment, herbage and other demands as the Lords deputed by his Majesty to consider this demise shall think reasonable; so as the Bishop does not undertake to procure their consents, which he thinks would make them the more averse but only to yield them such rate for the herbage and other demands as the Lords upon hearing the matter shall award. And with all respect the Bishop offers these things to be considered by the Lords:
(1) The Bishop is not limited to any number of deer in either of his parks, but the keepers which have the herbage granted them must, as he thinks, take that which the deer leave, without famishing or annoying the deer; and so the herbage will be less worth if the King increases the number of deer.
(2) Secondly, the whole herbage of the Little Park was till the 19th of the late Queen reserved in express words to the Bishop and his successors for their horses, and therefore though the now Bishop be well content to allow the grant made of the herbage of that park, yet he will not prejudice his successor to look somewhat better to his right.
(3) The "vayles" and profits pretended for the underkeepers of either park are neither so great as here specified, and are given in lieu of their service; so that if the keepers be quit of their labours in continual attendance on the parks and game, there is no cause to demand such liberal allowance for their underkeepers.
(4) The felling and selling of so much browse wood is scant justifiable, and the rate for the going of so many kine and horses, especially in the Great Park, is more than any way they may be worth.
(5) The digging of potter's clay in the Great Park is the Bishop's right, neither has the keeper any grant thereof, but only a licence to dig yearly six score loads, and the rest in the Bishop's power to dispose as he sees cause.
3 pp. (120 71.)
Noel de Caron to the Earl of Salisbury
1607–8, Feb. 9. Encloses a petition, and begs Salisbury's favour to the petitioner, that he may receive justice. He has been a long time here with his wife and five children, at great expense, and longer delay will be his ruin.—Suydt Lambet. 9. Feb. 1607.
Holograph. French. 1 p. (193 70.)
Nevill Davis to the Earl of Salisbury
1607–8, Feb. 10/20. Since my last of the 12th November there departed from St. Lucar, the 23rd of December, for the Indias the 6 frigates with the quicksilver and (Papal) bulls; also they carried a new Governor with 300 soldiers for the Phillippines. As yet the Terra Ferma fleet is not departed, they stay only for wind and weather. There are of the appointed ships 18 sail, and other 14 small ships of particulars, bound for divers parts of the Indias.
Here are also ten galleons preparing with great expedition to go to the Indias for more treasure; 6 go to Terra Ferma, and 4 into the bay of Mexico because they have no ships there of force to bring the treasure to the Havana, where they are to meet all ten together. Other preparation here is not as yet till these be gone, and then the fleet for Nova Spania will prepare and will be many ships, for that there went no fleet the last year. From Lisborne I had writing there shall certain galleons go into the East Indias with the carracks.
Here has been great ado about the Quebra with the Italians and others. It seems the Archduke has withstood it, for he has taken order for divers payments, and here has been answered to the value of 300 UD°. The King has also sent into Italy a million and a half which was carried by land to Barcelona, for the supplying of these partidos. The merchants which had "libranses" upon the buyers of the silver were forced to forbear, but now they begin to make payment.
Still we are hardly dealt withal by the King's officers in taking our goods and can get no payment. As yet Captain Challines and his poor company who suffer great misery are still detained; it seems they mind to make them a precedent for others, for our settling in the new discoveries is very distasteful to them.—From Sivel (Seville) the 5th February, 1608, stillo nuova (sic).
PS. Having delivered my letters to one Mr. George Collemer, who was bound for London in a ship of Dover, and going from hence in a small boat to embark himself, he having a wedge of gold to the value of 200l, gave it to the barkman to keep till they were past Corria, a place where the searchers do attend. The gold was discovered, it is thought, through the treachery of the barkman, whereupon Mr. Collemer was constrained to shift for himself, leaving what else he had in the boat, by which means my letters with other men's were brought to the Alcalde de Sacons, who kept them 3 days before we could have them again. Whereby I lost the opportunity of sending my letters, and the young man his gold, whereof I am sorry that he could find no safer conveyance than to trust his goods and liberty in the hands of a Spanish barkman.
As yet the fleet of Terra Ferma are not departed. Here is an express order come from the King that the galleons shall stay after the fleet 30 or 40 days, because the merchants may have some time to make sale of their goods till the galleons go to fetch the treasure. So it is thought hearby they can [not?] return so soon as they did last year.—Seville, this 20th February, 1608, stillo nuova.
Holograph. Endorsed. "5 Feb. 1607." 12/3 pp. (120 58.)
Advertisements from Cologne
1607–8, Feb. 9/19. "De Couloigne, le 19me de Febr. 1608" Our last letters from Vienna announce others from Possonia of the 26th passant reporting the arrival there of the Archduke Matthias, where the Diet of the Kingdom of Hungary is to be held. His Highness means to declare there that the Emperor was resolved not to observe in their entirety the articles heretofore decreed with the Hungarians for certain reasons moving his Majesty thereto. Nevertheless, they will not yield a single point in them, but will rather have their due of the whole or will else devote their bodies and goods to their observance. Moreover, they will not permit any delay or intermission in this, and will not suffer his Majesty to send any foreign troops into their country. For the practices of the Court are well enough known to them, who understand very well to what they tend.
The letters say also that the Signor Mishaski has arrived at Possonia with a hundred halberdiers clothed in one uniform. He has had in addition by him more than two hundred haydugges, thus maintaining himself contrary to custom very magnificently.
They write also from Poland that the Queen was in bed at Craccovie of a young prince, who has been named Estienne Vladislas. The convocation of the senators should be held soon. The King does not wish the Roccossiens to have any part therein, but they are still preparing themselves for the pursuit of their objects.
Letters from Ratisbon report that the Ambassadors and States of the Empire cannot agree whether they shall first deliberate upon the fact of the contribution or upon that of justice, for those who were of the religion were afraid that if the fact of the contribution was taken in hand before that of justice, the other points would be shelved. There is a rumour that the Duke Ferdinand of Bavaria is dead, but the letters give no other particulars.
Private letters from Germany inform me as follows. At the Diet (Journée) of Ratisbon everything slumbers. I think the deputies of the princes and towns will not say Amen to the propositions made, for I know on good authority that the Donneweert event has effected the union of all the Protestant princes without regard to whether they be of the religion of Luther or that of Calvin. If the towns unite as well as the princes, as there is every appearance of, and continue allied with them, it will be without doubt to the good and peace of the Empire. For the hypocrites (papelarts) will not dare to wax haughty as they have thought to do, and this Donnewert event, as it seems, is or will be a medicine to cure several complaints which for a long while past have been gnawing away the intestines of the Empire, so admirable is God in his ways that with a bad tool he can produce a good work.
We understand also that the Archduke Leopold has arrived at Zabern with 300 horse, and has been received there very magnificently. The Count of Hanauw, together with the other deputies of the Emperor, was preparing for his departure for Holland.
From Rome, 2 Feb. 1608. Commander Lomellino has arrived here today to take up his residence in the town as the representative of the Grand Master of Malta.
The Pope has ordered the collection of a large sum of money to repair the damage caused by the inundation of the river here. In Romagna the same river has also caused 70,000 crowns of damage, and in other places besides.
On Wednesday were solemnly celebrated by the Pope's order in Santa Maria Magdelena the funeral rites of the deceased Ambassador of the King of Congo.
The Signor Don Inico de Cardenas, having been Ambassador of the Catholic [King] at Venice, has arrived here and should go to reside in France, having been first for his devotion to the Holy House of Loretto, and afterwards ad osculum pedis of his Holiness.
At Naples, provisions for the naval expedition (l'armee navale) to go against the Turks of Algiers continue to be made, a large quantity of biscuit being cooked for this object.
From Venice, the 8th ditto, 1608. From Milan they write that Fuentes was still indisposed, and that the Archduke Maximilian, by the Emperor's order, had put to death in a certain place some of the principal Grysons, and had imprisoned others. We have heard also of the death of Mons. d'Arbigni which happened in the Chasteau de Moncaleri, and that Count Guydo San Georgio, who has served in Flanders, has now put himself and his lands at the service of the Duke of Savoy, by whom he has been sent towards Mantua in consequence of the stormy nuptials (des turbuleez noeces) between the Prince there and his daughter.
We have heard, moreover, from Genoa that Charlus Spinola has been declared the new general of the galleys and that in the harbour there a Flanders boat, laden with salt (?seel) and corn, has been accidentally burnt.
We hear also that one Berton, an Englishman, has taken a French ship in the Archipelago. The ship was going from Soria to Marseilles, and was laden with divers merchandise valued at 150,000 crowns.
From Genoa we are advised of the arrival and departure thence for Spain of D. Francisco di Castro. He was very magnificently received and entertained there. On account of the extreme cold there were frosts there, and all the cedar and lemon trees had been spoilt. About Ferrara, so heavy had been the snowfalls that hardly anyone could travel.
Wednesday night two ships of Flanders, laden with herrings and other merchandise, went to the bottom in consequence of the terrible storms.
We hear from our last letters from Poland of the arrival at Craccovie of a commissioner of the King of Spain with very rich presents sent by his Majesty to the King there, amongst others six beautiful Spanish jennets, the presents amounting in value, together with those sent by the Queen, to 160,000 crowns.
The arrival of the Archduke Matthias at Possonia is confirmed from Vienna. He was met by several barons, nobles and States of the Kingdom of Hungary. But notwithstanding this, the Hungarians and Haydugges desire the confirmation of the articles heretofore granted them, and the free possession of all that their deceased Lord Botschcay had occupied.
Post date from Couloigne. We have certain news that the Spaniard is raising troops in Italy, Switzerland and Germany in great numbers. This is not the best index of peace. God keep us from treason.
The death of the Duke of Wirtenberch has taken place at Stutgart, where he is to be buried on 26 Feb. old style.
French. 4 pp. (194 120.)
Levynus Munck to Roger Houghton
1607–8, Feb. 10. I am commanded by my Lord to send to you for 20l to be employed for foreign services.—Court, 10 Feb. 1607. Receipt for this sum at foot signed by Munck.
Holograph. ½ p. (213 31.)
[1607–8, Feb. 10.] Privy seal addressed to Sir William Fleetwood, Receiver General of the Court of Wards and Liveries, for the payment of 4000l per annum to certain pensioners, according to a schedule annexed. Undated.
Draft with corrections by Salisbury. Endorsed: "10, Feb. 1607." 1 p. (193 71.)
[The Earl of Salisbury] to [Dr Goade]
1607–8, Feb. 11. Upon a petition lately exhibited to me by one Mr. Gurney, Fellow of Bennett College, I did direct my letters unto you for the respiting of your sentence in a cause of appeal betwixt Dr. Jegon, Master of Bennett College, and the said Mr Gurney, until I might be advertised by you of the cause. I did not so write as out of any mind to interrupt the ordinary course of the government of the University by yourself and others there, which is so well discharged, nor to give way to this argument of animating irregular "refractarists" in that government, by flying up hither to me with complaints, to decline their just censure by you; but as commiserating the perplexed passion of the young man expressed in his manner of writing to me. And therefore, having given so much hearing to both parties as suffices to inform me of the nature of the business betwixt them, and somewhat discovers to me the disposition of either of them, I do remit the cause back again to you to be so sentenced as you shall find it to deserve. Howbeit, I could wish that by your wisdom and moderation it might be so carried, as it may rather prove to the young man a reformation than a ruin, for though I find him to be but of a distempered spirit and unbridled affections, yet there seems to be in him those eruditionis semina, which in time, with better experience being ripened in discretion, may yield the fruit of some good use. If therefore you shall so carry the cause as you shall bring him to a submission, with promise of reformation, I would wish that he might thereupon be re-elected in locum et statum quo prius, and so in a convenient time to satisfy the due of the Statute by entering into orders, whereunto as yet I judge him less fit than were to be wished in regard of his uncomposed affections. And to avoid the like question hereafter—I being satisfied by the proofs thereof made that the words of the Statute ordinandus infra tres annos intend a necessity of entering into Holy Orders within that time—I think it very fit, the case concerning young men who often are most negligent in the things that most concern them, that a clause be added to the late interpretation of that Statute made by yourself and others, that the Master shall always give a public recognition of entering into orders before six at the least of the Fellows, some convenient time, as of four months before the expiration of those three years, and that this Statute being one to which all that society are alike sworn, it may be alike extended to all, and not urged and relaxed as the Master shall be affected in favour or disfavour to the Fellows of the College.
Touching some injurious imputations aspersed by Mr Gurney upon Dr Jegon, though I take them to be none other than the malicious recriminations of an unadvised young man, incensed with gall, yet to prevent the worst, that inconveniences run not too far, if there be not any such occasion, I pray you as Visitor to that House to have an eye upon it, as you shall see cause, out of which imputations I wish all the Heads of Colleges would take a friendly admonition from me, and that is of the inconvenience which Colleges sustain by the having of wives and families within the College. I did think that that which was lately attempted in Parliament for the reformation thereof would have made them more careful of this University's blemish, but it does not appear to be so. I pray you at the next assembling of the Heads to you to advertise them hereof from me. And so I commit you to God's protection.
Draft. The last sentence in Salisbury's hand. Endorsed: "11 Feb. 1607." 3 pp. (136 147.)
Captain H. Tomkins to the Earl of Salisbury
[1607–8] Feb. 12. I have presumed (upon the bounty your Lordship hath afforded me, first in France, and after in procuring my pardon) to write to you. You may remember in her Majesty's time in my private employments at sea, I continually sent what advertisements my fortune or understanding were capable of. I have suffered too much from my action in Levant seas in the end of her Majesty's reign, wherein if it can be sufficiently proved that I did take the value of 400l from any people in league with the State. I will sell myself for a slave to repay it, notwithstanding that I had under my command 50,000l of Venetians' goods, of which I took only five pieces of ordnance and munition, leaving ships and all besides to the Venetians; and that argosy, which hath been the cause of my troubles, gave me 200 great shot, and intended to take my ship before ever I fought with her, neither putting forth their colours nor once speaking with us. The goods I had out of that ship belonged to Jews and Armenian merchants, whereof I have good proof. Now my request is that your Lordship would favour my cause, whereby you shall ever bind me to you. I have a desire to spend my time in Virginia, or in the discovery of the North-West passage for the rich kingdom of China, wherein I will willingly adventure my life and fortunes. These then are my griefs and my intentions, and if you will not accept this charge, you refuse a charitable deed which God hath sent you to perform.—Rotterdam, in Holland, the 12th of February.
Holograph. Seal. Endorsed: "1607." 1 p. (104 21.)
Henry Richardson to James Bruxbey
1607–8, Feb. 12/22. I have received your letter and eighty pounds sterling for the three months' allowance it pleased you to make me. My long silence has been partly through sickness, partly through the dispatch of other business much concerning my private estate. I have at length obtained my desire to go to Rome in the company of my Lord of Tyrone, and will punctually observe your direction for conveyance of my letters unto you, by the means of Mr Thomas Young at Florence. By the discontent which I see in my Lord of Tyrone and his company, I perceive that the news which they have received out of Spain, whereby they are forbidden to come thither, much troubles them. And they are destitute of all other help saving that which they expect by the Catholic princes upon the way (whereof I will give you knowledge), and of his Holiness when they come to Rome, either out of his own coffers or by his recommendation into Spain. We have received, as I understand, from the King of Spain and his ministers since our coming here 10,000 crowns, and now of late almost 5000 crowns to dispatch us from hence, and to bear our charges into Italy; where we are put in hope by the advertisement received from thence to have better comfort. Those employed at Rome to negotiate our business with his Holiness, namely Doctor Lombart, my Lord Prime head (sic) of Ireland, Father Nugent the Capuchin and others, feed us with comfortable promises, which although they may be somewhat in show, yet I cannot think they will be sufficient to relieve our necessities. My Lord of Tyrone, my friends and myself, have been much afflicted for the loss of that worthy Catholic gentleman, Brian MacArt, as also for the course we have understood the King has taken to change the tenure of those lands that are held of his Lordship, which may turn to the prejudice of the Catholic religion and the hurt of our country. Our regiment is at this time about twelve hundred men strong, but it is thought 4 or 5 of the weakest companies are to be cashiered, and the commissaries which are lately dispatched for those services have commission to execute the same. Some of the captains of the regiment which have means to live in their country, are resolved to return home, as Captain Preston, Captain Dalahaie and others; who, if they may receive favour in Ireland, would rather live there subject to the heretics than enjoy the liberty of their conscience here, and the benefit of their company. It is now constantly believed amongst us that Tyrone, in regard of the Archduke's reservedness towards him, will be constrained to transport his wife and children with him into Italy. They say that he will send one Jenkin Williams, who has been retainer these three years to Capt. Art Onell, into Ireland through England for the dispatch of some business there. Tyrone, notwithstanding his poor condition, shall be accompanied hence with eighteen persons or thereabouts, as you may perceive by the list of their names (missing), which are set down at the foot of this letter. I will not fail to give you to understand of our entertainment by the way, and of such things as may tend to the furtherance of our proceedings by the help of his Holiness and our other Catholic friends. I have heretofore written to entreat the assistance of Mr Hadsor for the procuring of a passport for Mrs Rathe, who partly by my persuasions is come into England, and if in your judgment her stay there may be any hindrance to my proceedings, I pray you will rather seek means to send her over hither than to keep her there, where she can do neither good nor hurt. After our departure hence, I shall have better commodity to advertise you of the courses which those poor Earls and our persecuted countrymen intend to take, because I have heard them say that there are so many spies set upon them by the Council of England and the English Ambassador, as our company conceal their resolutions from all men as much as can be for fear of being discovered.—Brussels, 22 Feb. 1608.
Holograph. Endorsement by Salisbury, afterwards cancelled: "This is wrytten by an unknown." 2 pp. (125 32.)
The Earl of Shrewsbury to the Earl of Salisbury
1607–8, Feb. 14. Assuring myself that whatsoever greatly concerns me in my estate, either one way or other, does somewhat affect your Lordship also, I am the bolder to let you know that yesterday about 5 of the clock in the evening, it pleased God to take out of this life the great aged lady, my mother-in-law, who had that great blessing of sense and memory even to the end, and devoutly called upon God whilst she had breath. With the remembrance of my wife's best commendations to you, who vexes herself with extreme grief and many tears.—At Sheffield Lodge this Sunday, 14 Feb. 1607.
PS. I thank you for that small thing in the Peak that you lately passed unto me, and I know my wife would do the like, if she were in a case to be asked that question. I pray you send this enclosed to my Lady Arabella.
Holograph. ½ p. (120 75.)
Hugh Lee to the Earl of Salisbury
1607–8, Feb. 14/24. My last unto your Lordship was of the 13th hereof, and no. 22 sent under cover accustomed, which I hope is by this or very shortly will be, with you. Since the same here is small alteration, saving that the mariners whose scedula first sent down for their release was intercepted, are now (by a second procured by his Lordship [the English Ambassador] released from their captivity in the galleys, and some of them go home in this ship, passengers.
Three days past I received a letter from my Lord Ambassador, bearing date the 11th hereof in Madrid, wherein amongst other matters he writes thus much touching them—the very words of his letter are these, —"My hope is that by the last ordinary you have received the King's scedula for delivery of my countrymen in the galleys, as also that Don Luis Faxardo has set at liberty Squire and Tyler, having sent unto him the King's letter and seal to that purpose, as in my former letters I wrote unto you. I am heartily glad I took the opportunity I did for their discharge, for having long sued for Mr Challons and those of his company in Seville (whose lives, it seems, they meant to consume in prison), all that I have or can effect is that the younger and meaner sort shall be set at liberty, and those of the better quality and most years committed to the galleys. This pitiful sentence I received this day for them, which I assure you does much grieve me, yet shall not so far discourage me but that I will continue my labours for them as I shall find opportunity and season for it. But by this heavy hand of theirs towards them at Seville, it appears how much the Spaniard takes to heart our English purpose to plant in Virginia." This much verbatim out of his Lordship's said letter I have thought fit to signify coming so fresh, and having present conveyance may perhaps have speedier passage than the conveyance overland. The common bruit here now is that the peace is concluded with the States; yet within these 10 days has happened matter manifesting the contrary, as 12 sail of Hollanders coming through the Straits were chased by 4 galleys of the King of Spain. There was only one Holland ship that stood upon her defence who by her resistance escaped them; the other 11 yielded their ships, and betaking themselves to their boats fled to certain Lubeckers that were not far from them, so that the galleys towed the 11 sail into Cales and St Lucars. Also a flyboat which lately came into Vyana laden with rye, manned with Englishmen saving only one born in Holland yet married and dwelling in Dover, upon some notice that the rye was laden in Holland, though they have need thereof, yet by rigour of law they have made seizure both of ship and goods, and imprisoned the men. These actions carry not the show of perfect peace.
As well the Spaniards as the Portingales rulers in this kingdom have lately been, and yet are very desirous, to buy English shipping, and have much importuned me to be a means to the masters of them to draw them to consent unto the sales of such as they sail in; unto whom I have answered with the penalties of his Majesty's laws, which directly forbid the sale of any shipping unto any stranger whereunto his Majesty has contributed towards their building, without his Majesty's licence first had for the same. Doubtless the chief cause of the desire they have to buy and employ them is that they should be baits to snare such English as do haunt either of their Indies for trade of merchandises, for that no Englishman would seek to fly or avoid the presence of any such as enemies, but rather covet to speak with them as assured friends. So jealous do they grow of those Indies that henceforth I could wish such of his Majesty's subjects, as mind to adventure into those parts, to go in such sort as they may be able to defend themselves, or to refrain to go; for surely where the Spaniard shall hereafter overcome they will show no mercy, neither in sparing life nor goods.
Here is late news from the East Indies by land, which is very distasteful unto these people. It seems the Hollanders, with the help of those country people, have effected something at Malacca to the great annoyance of the Portingals, wherefore it behoves them to make all the provision they can for recovering and saving that country, otherwise it is in great danger of losing, and is much feared here.
As the Spaniard is most politic and secret in all his plots, making show always contrary to his purpose, yet that these 6 galleons given out to be prepared for the East Indies and that they are resolvedly for that service to be employed, there are many reasons to be yielded. First, being parcel of the Armada under the command of Don Luis Faxardo for the Crown of Spain, they were lately delivered over unto the Viceroy for the Crown of Portingale. Secondly, they are rigged and made ready for any service by the officers of the Crown of Portingale. And thirdly, their captains and soldiers appointed unto them are Portingals. Which reasons, with the former necessities, may be sufficient persuasions for a man's satisfaction, and yet the command of a King suddenly may alter the same and make other employment thereof at his pleasure, and therefore man may err in his true intent.
I hear for certain there is some preparation of shipping at the Groyne and is said that Don Luis Faxardo goes from hence thither very shortly, but for what service or place not to be learned as yet.
George Bacon, the youth of Lynn which I wrote you in my last, was reclaimed by Henry Fludd, who has since placed him in a school, where he carries himself already as a teacher and begins to take upon him the conversion of such English youths as are here, and lets not to make his brags publicly that he hopes to convert a great number of them. He is very likely to prove a very dangerous viper by the instigation of his animators, Fludd and others; and except now in the beginning there may be means made to call him home, hereafter it will hardly be done. He has said here unto some that he has an elder brother which is likewise a scholar in France.
Here is newly come from the Court of Spain old Mr Trigeon, that was so long prisoner in the Fleet in the days of the most worthy late Queen Elizabeth. It is said the King of Spain has bestowed a fair house upon him, which lies half a league from this city by the riverside near the sea, where he may speak with any ship at her first entrance. It is very likely to be by procurement of Creswell the Jesuit at the Court, with small purpose of any good for the commonwealth of England, but to serve the better their own turns for the transportation of letters and such like. But if his Majesty's love towards the King of Spain were requited with like integrity, then in my poor opinion he would not plant his Majesty's disloyal subjects, or rather such as are known to be public rebels and traitors to his Majesty, in places where they may give most annoyance to his Majesty and his loyal subjects. But verily, I rather think it the work of the English Jesuits in Spain than the will of the King of Spain. Howsoever, it is to be wished that it might be reformed by providing for such within the land and not in the sea ports.—Lixa [Lisbon] 24 Feb. 1608, new style.
Holograph. Endorsed: "24 February, 1607. Re[ceived] the 19th of March." 3 pp. (120 92.)