Cecil Papers: 1647

Pages 392-402

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 22, 1612-1668. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1971.

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Mr Ananias to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1646–47, January 1]. Petitions him for financial relief. His estate has been reduced by many afflictions, and his poverty aggravated by the adverse circumstances of the day, and by the smallness of his stipend.
At bottom: Receipt signed by him for £5 and dated December 31, 1647.
Holograph. Much damaged. Endorsed: "Mr Ananias his petition, 1 Jan. 1647." 1 p. (General 72/16.)
Edward Ruddocke to William Collins.
1646–47, February 12. "These are to give you to understand that Mr Chambers is dead, and that my Lords courte is in distresse for want of a judge, and was this last courte day being the ninth of this moneth. I would desire you that you would be pleased to acquainte Mr Harington thearewith that the courte may be supplyed with an able man for that place, for I will assure you there is greate need of an able understanding man and a hongman for there is two much wronge offered unto the court to the much dishoner of my Lord. The Courte have a long tyme bin much abused by one that is a tennante unto my Lord, and one well knowne unto Mr Harington, one William Bayly of Salford, whoe did this last Court day in a rebelious manner in oppen Court abuse my Lords officers in a strange way of words because he could not take of cattell which I have in custody uppon five small executions, which he pretends to be none of his which the plaintifes manetynes to be his owne proper goods. Soe the next Court day the property of the said goods are to be tryed, and for that cause I desire that Mr Harington and you would be pleased to thincke of some fitt man for that purpose. . . . I wishe we had some honest Attorney out of Bristoll which have noe practice in London, for your London Attornies doth much wrong the Courte by bringing wrights of eror and such like wrongs unto the Courte, which I feare Mr Standish of Wells hath done for the said Bayly, to the much dishartning of all plaintifes to have any thing to doe in that Court. I wishe with all my hart that Mr Haggat had some hand in the Court, for I beleeve he is an able, upright, just and honest man in his practice, and such a man of men my Lords Court doth much want, and not such as worke all for their owne ends, soe they gett they care not whoe loose, soe that when men have spent their money to bring their busines to a tryall, they shall have just nothing but a scoffe for their charge."—Ffrom High Littelton, this the 12th of Ffebruary 1646.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (General 19/10.)
1646–47, February 27. "Yf noe plea be already filed for Mr John Guninge accordinge to the order of the 30th of January last, lett noe plea be filed without our knowledge."—27th of Ffebr. 1646.
Signed: Tho. Trever. Endorsed: "The Barons Order that noe plea be received for Mr Guninge." ¼ p. (General 90/19.)
John Curridge to Samuel Stillingfleet.
1646–47, March 5. "I have had so manie soulders that I am not able to pay the rent that is past, for I have had one and twentie that have binn sent unto me with tickets besides manie others. I have payd contribution monie ever since the warres begun, at the first two pence the weeke and then one penie, and since micalmas one halfpenie the weeke. Besides there was never no gathering for otes, hay or anie thing whatsoever I must be sure to pay. They eat up my corne that I was enforst to bye my seede. This is truth and nothing but the truth." He has only four acres without appurtenances, and begs that Salisbury be told of his pitiable state and inability to pay.—Tarrant Rushton, March the fifth, 1646.
P.S. "I have payd this half yeres rent."
Holograph. 1 p. (General 90/20.)
James Duport to Mr Lord.
1647, March 30. "I perceive our last motion concerning Mr Cecills transplanting from the University has taken no effect, but only occasioned a sharpe letter from my Lord, which how it will work with him I know not, but I hope the best. I had thought to have taken the boldnesse to have answeard my Lords letter, and have put him in some good hopes and expectations. But since, I conceivd it better to give the physick some time to work, for as yet I have no great ground of encouragement to go upon, and I am loath to return an uncomfortable answear. I could heartily wish that either yourself or some other of my Lords gentlemen (but yourself rather) were heer, who upon discourse had with Mr Cecill and me might perfectly inform my Lord how things stand and what hopes there were, for letters are lyable to misconstruction and cannot make so complete a relation." He advises him to visit Cambridge, if that is possible, to discuss matters and decide what course should be taken for the future regarding Mr [Algernon] Cecil.—Trinity College, Cambridge, 30 March, 1647.
Holograph. Seal. Endorsed: "Mr Duport to Mr Lord at Salisbury House, 1647." ½ p. (General 72/18.)
1647, May to 1649–50, March. Privy purse expenses of Charles, Lord Cranborne. Inter alia:
May 6 Given to a poore Wiltshire man that had lately escaped from the Turke. 0 10 0
May 10 Paid to Sir Peter Killigrew that he wonne with going part with my Lord at the foot race. 1 0 0
May 16 Paid that my Lord lost at Peccadilly. 14 0 0
May 25 Paid to Mr Cressett that he layd out in favours for the Commissioners at Holdenby. 1 5 0
June 3 Given to a maid that brought a cow for my Lord to drinke milke at Hattfeild. 0 2 0
June 18 Given to the musick on the Earle of Oxfords wedding day. 0 5 0
July 6 For my Lords going by water from the Parliament home, and afterwards to Lambeth and back againe when he went to Bansted Downes. 0 4 0
July 6 Given to the man that weighed my Lord at the race post. 0 2 0
August 6 Given to the Lady Ffosters mayd for bringing Lycorice cake to my Lord. 0 5 0
December 13 To Mr Ferrbosco for stringing and mending his lute. 0 12 6
December 22 Given in a house at Burbith where my Lord stayed when it snowed as he was going to Wilton. 0 5 0
1648 April My Lord lost severall times playing at Load'em. 0 5 0
1648–49, February To the Leift-Generalls trumpeters. 1 0 0
To Col. Husons drummers. 1 0 0
To Col. Prides drummers. 0 10 0
March To Col. Riches trumpeters. 0 10 0
To chayremen that carryed my Lord to the Parliament house. 0 3 0
My Lord lost to Mr Russell upon a wager about going of their watches. 0 2 0
To Leift-Generall Cromwells drummers. 1 0 0
1649 June To Ferrabosco for going to Greenwich for Mr Lanier by my Lords command. 0 3 6
For Col. Riches trumpeters in the thanksgiving night. 1 0 0
To the Lady Fosters sonne for presenting my Lord with poems. 0 10 0
Changed for new money. 0 10 6
54 pp. (Accounts 127/9.)
Samuel Stillingfleet to [? Mr Auditor Collins].
1647, May 18. Encloses two estimates; "the one for the repayringe and fittinge up of Cranborne house in the same manner which it was in before the warres begun", and "the other for the newe buildinge, wee have made for the bringing up of the outeside worke." There will be further estimates for the inside work.
"In pullinge downe the olde buildinge the tymber proved very rotten and the walles verie weake, beinge fild up with chalke and earth. The foundation on the north syde was false, and if the buildinge had not beene taken downe, it would ere longe have fallen on that syde; butt nowe it hath beene searched to the bottom and a newe foundation layde."
"We shall use about 50 tunes of tymber about the newe buildinge and about ten tunes for reparations (besides the olde) about the house and without, which Cranborne common doth afforde us very well without troubling his Lordshipps woodes at Damerham, thies beinge his Lordshipps owne."—Cranborne, the 18th of May, 1647.
Holograph. 1 p. (General 72/19.)
Cranborne House.
1647, May 18. An estimate of the necessary repairs to Cranborne House, besides the rebuilding of the west end of the mansion. It suffered severe damage during the civil war at the hands of the King's and Parliament's armies, particularly in iron, timber, lead work and glass, which was either destroyed or carried away, although there is a reference to the fact that whereas 55 casements had been stolen another 43 had been redeemed from the soldiers.
Endorsed: "Cranborne estimate of losses, 6661 15s 0d." 3 pp. (General 3/4.)
James Duport to Mr Lord.
1647, June 1. He is anxious because no money has arrived for Mr [Algernon] Cecil, and as the quarter will be drawing shortly towards its end supplies are much needed. "I am much troubled about Mr Cecill's private expences, which goes under the name of spending money. I see I cannot please both my Lord and him. Yt will be exceeding hard (if not impossible) for me to observe such a mean, and to keep such an even hand as not to offend either in the excesse or defect. Some money in his purse he must needs have upon all occasions, provided he have the prudence to manage it, as it is to be supposed he has beeing of those years he is. And to give an account of every penny he spends will scarce down with him. The older he grows the more impatient of restraint in this kind. I perceive he has no supply from home. My Lord knows what is fittest to be done heerin. He is loath, I perceive, to trust him for fear of inconvenience, but may there not likewise be inconvenience (and it may be a greater) in leaving him bare, by driving him into discontent? Sir, I am no pleader for liberty nor profusenesse. Only I would have it considerd whether some dispositions are not best wrought upon by encouragements. I should be very glad to be easd of this burden of giving him mony into his own hands quarterly for emergent occasions; which yet if I do not, for ought I know, he will be ready to borrow, which will be a remedy worse then the disease for one of his rank especially. Sir, I purpose (God willing) about a month hence to take a journy into the country and to continew for 3 or 4 weeks (it being all the recreation I have to visit my freinds once a year in the vacation). And I dare scarce leave Mr Cecill here alone, at least I am loath. I would humbly crave favour of his Lordshipp to dispense with me and (if he think good) to let him come home for so short a time. It may be his Lordshipps admonitions may do him more good then if he were here. But if he think it inconvenient for him to be at home, I shall take the best care I can to dispose of him in my absence with one that may have a speciall eye over him."—Trinity College, Cambridge, 1 June, 1647.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (General 72/17.)
On reverse: "By Ed. Ashpole, carter, att ye greene dragon bishopgate. He returnes Thursdaies."
A Speech to the Citizens of London.
[? 1647] June 2. "To the Right Honorable the Lord Maior, Court of Aldermen and Common Counsell, and to all Colonells, Commanders, Cittizens and Inhabitants of the famous Citty of London.
Noble Cittizens:
Ffor such was the tytle of the anntient Romanes, and such may yours bee if you please by your loyall endeavours to redeame your forfaited honor and reputations.
When ffirst you were seduced and drawne in to bee aydors and actors by your purses and persons in this unparaleld rebellion, 1, it was upon pretence to bringe the King to his Parliament from his evill councell, 2ly, to preserve his royall person, 3ly, liberties of the subjecte, 4ly, lawes of the Kingdome, 5ly previlidges of Parliament, 6ly, lastly to maintaine the true Protestant Religion. But now, alas, Quantum mutatus ab illo. Ffor,
1, The Kinge hath left his evill councell and willingly would come to his Parliament hopinge by his presence there to begett a true understandinge betweene them, but cannot bee entertained or admitted to plead his owne cause, though for the good of his subjects hee would undervalue himselfe and decline severall of his owne just rights and previlidges.
2, Was his person preserved? When like a pelican in the wildernes or a partridge hee was hunted and persecuted from place to place by sundry armes of scandalous and bloodthirsty rebells, did not the Earle of Essex pretend to drawe his sword for the safetie of the same, and to that purpose has comition, but Sir Tho: Ffairfax by his may kill and slay it; and yet both the fatall xes weare for King and Parliament, and that ex concreto to a new created concept. Judge, I pray, if this bee not pretty juglinge. Kisse and kill the Kinge, ffeight for his office and distroy his person and posteritie; is any soe blinde as not to see the scope of this theire miserie whose ecco is meere trecherie. And,
3, Is it the libertie of the subjecte, when all mens persons and estates are e[n]slaved by a meere arbitrary power, and government a crime condemned in the late Earle of Strafford but now commended by his accusors and judges? And are not those taxes, impositions and excises, which lately weare cryd downe for monopoles and grevances, now cryed up againe and strained to the height of extremitie? Is not one nights freequarter more burthensome to the subject then seaven yeares shipmoney would have been? Oh, the creweltie and inconstancie of these allpoweringe and comandinge senators.
4, How are the lawes of the Kingdome preserved and kept unviolated when a bare order or ordinance of Parliament shall check and countercomand an Acte and all knowne and positive lawes; nay, when a country committee man or his mans man shall have power to pervert justice and stopp the current and due course of law and equitie? And,
5, Is it the previlidge of Parliament to overpower all regalities, to restraine, imprison or dispose of theire ffree borne Prince contrary to his pleasure? Nay, to oppose, yea and depose soveraignetie itself and cutt of roote and branch to the utter extirpation of Monarchicall Governement? Did our gratious Kinge convene a Parliament to that end, confirme it tryeniall, yea, perpetuall, to robb himselfe of his royall and deprive his princely progenie of theire birthright? God forbidd, to repay good with evill is inhumaine and develish. Or,
6, How is the Protestant Religion maintained when it is minced into soe many severall opinions that scarce a morsall therof can bee found amongst you? Are there not now as many mindes as men? One cryes, a Kinge, an other, noe Kinge. Some will have the Booke of Common Prayer, some the new directory, some neither of them both. And I myselfe have heard Essex theire late champion both say and swear that if hee thought the Parliament would not maintaine the Booke of Common Prayer, hee would never drawe his sword againe on theire behalfe. But hee that made noe conscience of fforfaitinge his allegiance made as little of perjure.
Each mans ffancie is now become his ffaith, and millions of sects and schismes are risen up to blast the blossome of the tree of life, and like soe many weedes to overspread the garden of our Paradise. And will you not yet bee sencible of the same? Especially when you plainely see the late marters of those newe beleavers, Burton, (fn. 1) Bastwick and Prinn differ soe much amongst themselves in theire owne opinions. Nay, when you see theire adherents and protectors, Parliament men themselves, Presbiters and Independents, vote soe many severall contrarieties quite repugnant to theire first pretended principles. And hee that yesterday fought against the popish army had his late obseques celebrated with greater superstition then the papists use in theire needles and prophanish ceremonies. Wittnes theire adored General late at Essex house, whose servants daily offered up with bare heads and bended knees severall sortes of costly cakes for his usual refreshment, doinge obesance to that idoll, theire wodden and waxen Lord, when they brought them in and tooke away. O grosse ffopperie, a thousand thousand tymes worse than Poperie.
Are these the ways to worke a glorious reformation? Are these the meanes to make a happy nation? Or doe soe many severall bypaths tend to everlastinge salvation? Surely noe, ffor there is but one truth and one way to that Summam Bonum, the true protestant religion, that savinge doctrine which was taught by Christ and his Apostles, practiced in the primative Church for many ages, since sealed by the blood of many marters, and now professed and maintained by our royall and most gratious soveraigne Lord Kinge Charles, whose pious intentions and endeavours God in his good tyme will blesse and prosper.
O then for God and Kings sake, for your owne and countrys sake, awake and sleepe noe longer in this sinfull lethergie. Arise, brave cittizens, arise, and bee noe longer deluded and infatuated with the false prophitts of these tymes, and indirecte practices of a pernitious convention, which seeke the ruine of your soules and bodyes by lullinge you asleepe in that which is worse then witchcraft.
Consider into what a sadd condition you and yours are lickly to bee plunged if not tymely prevented. Thinke what a miserable nation this wilbe if foraigne fforces invade it, which of necessitie must bee if seasonably you declare not your abused loyalties. And waigh well with your selves into what a laborinth these miscreants had wrought themselves, and willingly would winde out of it, if they could. But those ffeares and jelosies which at first weare faigned to devide their prince and his people and render him odious in his subjects eyes, are now returned reall into theire owne brests and bosomes.
Theire consciences accuse them and theire countenances bewray them. In theire ffaces you may finde the marks of guiltines, lookinge like men affrighted and scard out of theire sences, as well they may doe, havinge been starke madd these six yeares. Nay, doe but observe and you will admire how they stand amazed at the constant courage and undaunted loyalty of the oppressed Cavalrie [? Cavaliers], whose consciences are theire continuall ffeasts, for it is within that doth justifie or condemne. And (hopeles themselves of mercie) they knowe theire owne distruction is at hand, havinge wound up the stringe of theire rebellion to that height that it now cracks and must breake, soe that now they have noe other harbor or haven to make for but New England, whether they have sent a masse of treasure, and whether they will flock and ffly togeather, if with Judas they doe not dispaire for betrayinge theire maister, Kinge and country, and hange themselves to save Gregorie the labor.
Oh, then bee wise before it bee to late. It is noe dishonor to repent an error, nor are you tyed to dy in sinn though you have longe lived and slept therin. Arise then, I beseach you, and rouse up yourselves. Looke on that man of men and paragon of princes, our dread and most gratious soveraigne, who like a glorious star now shines bright through the darke cloude of affliction. Observe his words (like apples of gould) winninge the hartes of all his hearers, and his deeds like dymonds in the darke, sparklinge to the admiration of all behoulders. Nay, see in what happy meane hee steeres his course to that Summam Bonum, neither enclininge to the Presbit[e]rian madnes on the one syde, nor to the Independant ffolly on the other, but casts him selfe on his good God and the loyall affections of his loving subjects, the true Protestants of this Kingdome, with assured confidence to reduce the same to its quondam happines (though in all probabilitie it appeares otherways), plainely foreseeinge Presbit[e]rian tyrinnie worse then the Egyptian bondage, and the Independant tricherie to roote him out and his posteritie.
Judge then, I beseach you, if it bee not high tyme to looke about you for preventinge that misery which now is like to fall upon you, which (next under Gods speciall providence) must bee by your meanes and endeavours in bringinge home the Kinge with honor and safetie, and to repay such your love and service. His Maty by Gods blessinge shall protecte you and yours, your lives, liberties, lawes and previlidges, and above all the true Protestant Religion in its puretie, without the least connivancie at Poperie, as hee hath often solemnely promised and protested.
Then shall you see a new earth and a Heaven on that earth, when every man shall reape the ffrutes of his owne labor, sitt under his owne vine, and eate of his ffig-tree in peace and plentie, without danger or ffeare of pillaginge or plundringe.
Then shall you see a happy Parliament by a new and due ellection of discreet and upright members (instead of the now corrupt and bloodthirstioues). who shall reestablish his Maty on his throne with his just rights and previlidges, and enacte such good and wholsome lawes for the benefitt of his subjects that all teares shall be wept [? wiped] from theire eyes and noe complayninge heard in your streets, ffor all illegal and unheard of taxes, all excises and new devises shallbe taken away. The very tearme and tytle of an imposition, contribution or sequestration shalbe as unquoth to the people as now they are odious, and the name of a Committe man as hateful as the name of a hangman.
Then shall you see (instead of an illiterate and seditious synode pickt out on purpose by this Parliament to brock sects and schismes in this Kingdome) a religious convocation of grave and learned divines chosen by the clergie in theire proper precints and diocesses accordinge to anntient and most commendable custome of former tymes, who will settle religion in its quondam primative puretie, and make theire lights soe to shine before men that they may glorifie theire ffather which is in Heaven.
These blessinges, if you please, you may see and you and yours participate therof, ffor (next under God) it is now in your power to stanch that blooddy issue which soe longe hath streemed out soe much gallant English blood, and to prevent a seacond warr now threatened which in all probabilitie may prove worse then the fformer.
It is now in your power to reduce England to its prestine happines and prosperitie, and by an endles peace to put a period to all these wofull distructions.
In one word, it is in your power (by Gods assistance) to bringe home our Kinge, to preserve his royall person, the liberties of the subject, lawes of the Kingdome, and previlidges of Parliament, to the maintenance of the true Protestant Religion. And therfore againe and againe I beseach you, nay, I conjure you by the duty and allegiance you owe to God and your Kinge and love to your country, that you resolve like Christians and acte like men of resolution in securinge the persons of such wicked rebells as have brought these miserable calamites on this late florishinge nation, that they may receive condigne punishment for the same.
This doe and the worke is donn, or else you wilbe undonn, ffor theire ffall must bee fatall, unavoydable and irrecoverable as yours undoubtedly wilbe if timely you lay not hould on this happy opportunety; which if you doe the babes unborne shall blesse you, both bond and ffreemen praise you, and court and country honor you for your love and loyalty to prince and people.
Which that you may doe shalbe the prayer of a souldier that desires peace, of a subject that wishes the welfare of his soveraigne, and of a Christian that ardently desires the settlement and propagation of the true Protestant Religion.—July 2.
Meliora Speranda als in utramque paratus
6 pp. (253. 1.)
Sir Thomas Fairfax to Colonel Horton.
1647, June 19. You are upon sight hereof to take care that the guard of horse now kept in the Earl of Salisbury's parks at Hatfield be removed from thence to some other places as convenient. You are likewise to acquaint the Major of Colonel Hamond's regiment that none of the officers or soldiers of that regiment shall quarter in his Lordship's house at Hatfield.—St. Albans, 19 June, 1647.
Signed. ½ p. (131. 190.)
The Forest of Dean.
1647, August 23. "Coppie of a letter from Mr George Oldfeild, Woodward, Christopher Worgan, Andrew Horne, Thomas Berrowe and Arthur Rowles, Preservators of Deane Forrest in the countie of Gloucester, dated the xxiiith of August, 1647, unto the Committee of Lords and Commons for his Maties Revenue.
Right Honoble. Your honors letter of the xith of this instant August wee received the xxith of the same moneth, and in pursuance of your Lordshipps directions therein, wee humbly certifie that the dead and decaied trees by us assigned to and for Major general Massys use in severall places in Deane Forrest called Barnehill, Rosell Edge and Phelpes Meadow in the woodwardshipp of Stanton are not cutt downe nor any of them; and that by vertue of your honors order wee have contracted with Colonel Robert Kyrle for the same proportion of wood which was to be delivered unto Major generall Massy, but in another place of the said Forrest, viz, in the woodwardshipp of Ruardeane because it is nearer unto Colonel Kyrles Iron-workes, and wherein there are more decaied trees then in the places where the wood was assigned to and for Major generall Massy his use, at the rate of eight shillings and six pence the long corde, for all the stoules and roots of the trees to be cutt downe for the raising of the said couplement. Wee have allso agreed that the said Colo: Kyrle shall give good securitie before Michaelmas next, and before any wood shall be delivered to him, for the payment of the moneys unto us due for the said wood (according to your honors order) quarterly for so much wood as he shall receive everie quarter."
Endorsed: "Coppie of a letter from the Preservators of Deane Forrest, dated xxiiith August, 1647." 1 p. (General 72/20.)
John Hill and Thomas Edmonds to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1647, September 8.] Troopers under the command of Colonel Fleetwood. Particulars of the capture by them unaided of a robber near Hertford Heath. Salisbury has applied to Fleetwood for the robber's horse, supposing it to belong to him as felon's goods. But Fleetwood doubts not that Salisbury will be satisfied now that he is informed of the truth of the matter. Pray to be allowed to keep the horse.—Undated.
1 p. (P. 2359.)
The Enclosure
Humphrey Ellis to [Colonel Fleetwood].
Was one of the men attacked by the robber and certifies to the above capture being made before the hue and cry was sent out or country raised.—Ware, 8 September, 1647.
½ p.
The Countess of Cork to William Collins.
[1647] November 19. Requests him to allow Thornton to look for a certain paper in the two trunks of writings which she left in Collins's care, as well as to peruse all papers relating to her mother's marriage which she had asked him to keep.—Bolton Abbey, 9br 19th.
Holograph. Seal. Endorsed in another hand: "Countess of Corke for her Trunkes, 1647." 1 p. (General 20/24.)


  • 1. Buried on 7 January, 1647–48.