Cecil Papers: 1620-1629 | British History Online

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 24, Addenda, 1605-1668. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1976.

'Cecil Papers: 1620-1629', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 24, Addenda, 1605-1668, (London, 1976) pp. 237-271. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol24/pp237-271 [accessed 25 April 2024]

1620-1629



	Sir Edward Cecil to William, Earl of Salisbury.
[1620] July 8.	I have never been more aware of your affection than now, when I have heard by many of my friends that I am indebted to your Lordship for being sensible of malicious offices done to me in my absence. For Baron Dona, you will find by the enclosed that I had more respect of an ambassador than he of his integrity, and could justly have been the complainant myself. We hope to rest with our army on the 17th if the enemy keep his promise. They would have marched before now, but some differences arose between Spinola and the Spaniards, who are disquieted that an Italian should command their army which is flying the King of Spain's standard, never done before in these parts. It is conjectured that Spinola's plan is to take possession of all the great towns adjoining the Palatinate, although they are free towns like Frankfort, Ulm, and Speier. If he gets them, he will not want for money, and his army will be able to feed off the Palatinate.—Hage. Holograph. Endorsed: "S^r Ed. Cecyll to me." 1½ pp. (128. 72.) [This letter has been printed in Dalton, Life and Times of General Sir Edward Cecil, Vol. I, pp. 327–328.]
	The Duke of Buckingham to the Count of Gondomar.
[? October, 1620].	"J'ay monstray une lettre a sa Ma^te laquelle a trouve vostre requeste dans icelle fort vraisonable. Il m'a donque commandé de vous dire que la declaration qu'il fit durant son conseil consistoit en deux points. Le premier, publier son inocence sur ce que le monde en avoit parlé si diversement, ascavoir, de n'avoir jamais donné conseil ou advis a son gendre pour accepter le Royaume de Boheme, mais au contraire, l'en dissuada a toutes occasions. Pour le particullier de tout ce que sa Ma^te en a discouru la dessus, il remet Vostre Excellence au Baron de Digby qui ayant esté un des auditeurs vous le peult plus particulierement racconter. En somme, sa Ma^te declara qu'il estoit encores resolu de persister constamment en ceste neutralité pour 3 raisons. La premiere, pour le respect de sa conscience; le 2, pour respect de son honneur; et la 3^me, pour lexample. Pour le respect de conscience parce qu'il s'assuroit que la religion dont il fait profession ne permetoit point aucune translation de couronnes pour pretexte de religion; que c'estoit une juste querelle que nostre eglise portoit contre les Jesuites qui vouloint enthronner et desthronner les Roys et Superieurs temporels quoy quilz fussent Turcs ou Infidelles, et que le monde estoit incline de faire ceste guerre une guerre de religion, aquoy sa Ma^te estoit de tout contraire. Pour le point de son honneur, que sa Ma^te ayant esté sollicité par le Roy d'Espagne de faire tous les bons offices ou il pourroit pour moyenner un bon accord entre l'Empereur et les Bohemois, et cest accident de l'assumption de la couronne de Boheme par son gendre entrevenant durant le temps que son Ambassadeur estoit en Allemagne pour moyenner ceste paix, sa Ma^te fut constainte (sic: contrainte) pour le respect de son honneur de publier son innocence en ceste besogne, que si a cest heure sa Ma^te vouloit assister son gendre en ce fait, sa protestation se trouveroit directement contraire a ses actions, ce qui seroit bien deshonorable a sa Ma^te. Quant a la 3^me raison, touchant l'example. sa Ma^te declara qu'il estoit dangereux en example de tous le Rois Christiens d'avouer ceste soudaine translation de couronnes par l'authorité du peuple et qu'encores que luy mesme est monarque hereditaire, neantmoins on ne pourroit imaginer combien ce mal une fois enraciné pourroit prendre pied. Et qu'il s'assuroit que cest example pourroit toucher au vif son beaufrere le Roy de Dannemarc qui est Roy electif luy mesme. Pour ce qui touche la legitime authorité que le peuple de Boheme pouroit avoir en ce cas selon leurs ancienes et fondamontales loix, il laissoit ceste question en son entier, en estant du tout ignorant. Car il faudroit bien feuilleter leurs histoires et privileges devant que d'estre resolu sur ce point, de quoy sa Ma^te n'avoit que faire, nestant point juge en ce cas. Mais le second point sur lequel sa Ma^te se declara, estoit sur l'affaire du Palatinat, sur lequel point il informa premierement son conseil qui[l] n'avoit obmis aucun labeur en traictant avec le Roy d'Espagne tant par ses ministres qui sont aupres de sa personne qu'en parlant de sa bouche propre avec Vostre Excellence sur ce point; et aussi envoyant un ambassadeur expres a tous les princes d'Allemagne qui ont leur interest sur ce subject, pour leur remonstrer que puis que sa Ma^te avoit avec si grand candeur et sincerite continué sa neutralité en laffaire de Boheme, il avoit bien raison de la representer combien vivement l'invasion du Pallatinat touchoit son interest, puis qu'il avoit donné sa fille a son gendre qui en estoit heritier bona fide, et long temps devant qu'on pouvoit songer de ces miserables troubles; qu'a cest heure les petits fils de sa Ma^te en estoient heritiers legitimes, et que ce n'est nullement justice ny raisonable de deposseder ses enfans de leur heritage nestants de rien culpables, principalement considerant la sincerité dont sa Ma^te leur grand pere a toujours usé en cest endroit; qu'il ne scauroit nier que hors d'Espagne il a esté toujours adverty que l'Empereur seroit contraint de faire c'este diversion pour s'affranchir de loppression qu'il soustenoit en Boheme et Austriche; et que Vostre Excellence luy fit la pareille responce, et aussy que ses ambassadeurs par dela ne luy donnoient jamais autre esperance; quoy consideré, et que l'invasion a esté realement faite dans le Palatinat, la nature l'obligeoit a y pourvoir par tous moyens legitimes et possibles; qu'il estoit bien vray que l'hyver asprochant il ne luy estoit possible de faire autrement pour le present que de faire deux diverses sortes de preparations entrecy at le printemps. L'une de s'evertuer tant qu'il pourroit de procurer une bonne paix entrecy et l'este prochin, en quoy faisant si son gendre se soubmettra a son conseil, ce qu'il espere qu'il fera, et que le parti de l'Empereur voudra escouter ses ouvertures comme il espere qu'ilz voudront, alors il se peut bien promettre une heureuse paix, et les miseres dont la Christienté est menacee tant par dedans par guerres intestines que par l'invasion du Turc par dehors, seront alors par la grace de Dieu prévenues. Mais s'il advient que son beau fils se soumette a son conseil, et que le party de l'Empereur ne veuille escouter son advis (que Dieu ne veuille), en ce cas il ne voudroit perdre l'adventage de c'est hyver pour faire preparations pour la deffence du Palatinat. Mais si son gendre ne vouloit suivre son advis (ce que Dieu ne veuille) il seroit alors contraint de le laisser a ses propres conseils. Alors furent mis en avant les particuliers moyens pour la deffence du Pallatinat comme le Baron Digby peut aussy bien faire entendre a Vostre Excellence. Et pour faire fin de ceste longue lettre, il m'a commande de vous assurer en l'honneur d'un Roy Christien que cecy est la pure verité qui a jamais passé ou en public ou en privé sur cest affaire, se persuadant que non seulement Vostre Excellence mais aussy le Roy vostre Maistre y adjoutera plus de foy quaucune faulce information qui vous pourra estre donnee ou par malice ou par ignorance."—Undated. Copy. Endorsed: "Coppie of a letter from my lord of Buckingham to the Spa: Amb^er." 2½ pp. (130. 28.) [See H.M.C. Salisbury MSS, Vol. XXII, p. 130.]
	Quickwood.
[1620].	Plan by Robert Lyming of the proposed division of the gallery at Quickswood into rooms, endorsed by Christopher Keighley. On the reverse side of the plan is an estimate of the costs of conversion, with an additional item in Keighley's hand, and at the bottom is written: "Only rem[aining] dewe uppon this bill, £2:18:0. Ex M, 1620. (Signed) Thomas Heath."—Undated. 1 sheet. (CPM supplementary 83. General 43/6a.)
	The Vice-Chancellor and others of the University of Cambridge to William, Earl of Salisbury.
[? 1620–21] February 9.	They protest against the indignities offered to the University, and cite the case of Thomas Bonham, who ten years previously obtained his Medical Doctorate at Cambridge. He was not only fined and imprisoned by the Censors of the College (of Physicians) of London, but prohibited from practising medicine within the City of London. The College refuses to allow any one to do so within seven miles of the city unless he has been properly licensed by them. The Vice-Chancellor appreciates that it may be needful for the College authorities to examine the ability and qualifications of itinerant apothecaries and foreign doctors, but feels that their attitude towards medical graduates from Cambridge is an impediment to the progress of science, an offence to the dignity and status of the graduates and an interference with their liberties. They refer to the judgment in Bonham's case given by Sir Edward Coke, from whom Salisbury can learn all the relevant facts.—9° Calendas Februarias. Latin. 1½ pp. (136. 144.) [For this case see A History of the Worshipful Society of Apothecaries of London (ed. E. A. Underwood), p. 41 note, and Cal. S.P. Dom., 1611–18, p. 510.]
	Estimates.
[c. February 11, 1620–21].	Estimates of costs of arming and maintaining 25,000 foot and 5000 horse, and transporting them across the Channel. Also estimated expenses of provisions and transport of ordnance and munition.—Undated. ¾ p. (206. 64.) [See H.M.C. Salisbury MSS, Vol. XXII, p. 142.]
	Verses.
[c. March, 1620–21]	"Great Verulam is very lame, the goute of goe out feelinge, He humblye leggs the crouch of state, with fallinge sicknes reelinge; Diseasd, displeasd he greiveth that state by ffate should perishe, Unhappye hath no hope should cure, nor high protection cherishe, Yet can I not but marvayle at this so common reason That Bacon should neglected be when it is most in season. Perhaps the game of Bucke hath vilified the Boare, Or els his Cressaunts are in vaine that he can hunt no more. Be it what it will, the relatyves your antecedents moveinge Declyne the case accusatyve, the datyve to much loveinge. Yonge this greife will make the old, for care with youth ill matches, And sorrowe maketh Mewtas muse that Hatchers under hatches. Bushell wants by halfe a pecke the measure of such teares, Because his lords Posteriors makes the Buttons that he weares. Though Edney be cassered, greife moves him to compassion To thinck that fate should bringe soe lowe the wheele of humiliation. Butler is sore vexed and greives so soone to see The Hogshead that so late was broacht to runne so neere the Lea. Fletcher maye goe feather Bolts for such as quickly shoote them, Now Cockaynes combe is newely Cutt, any man may confute him. The Redcrosse house lamenteth that this soe fatall daye Should bringe the fall of Leafe in March before the Springe in May. Albons, condole the losse of thy great viscounts charter, Who sufferinge for his conscience sake is turnd Ffranciscan martir." Undated. ¾ p. (144. 275.)
	Salisbury House.
1621, April 28.	Lists and prices of provisions and necessaries bought for Salisbury House from 21st to 28th of April, 1621. Total expenses amounted to £32:2:8 and the money disbursed was £26:13:10. 2 pp. (143. 155, 156.)
	Sir Edward Cecil to William, Earl of Salisbury
[1621] September 13.	"Though wee are in the feild, wee have littell to wryt of notwithstanding the great preparations of the enemie. Three armies they have on fote, one of them our neighbours, a second in the land of Juliers, and the third in Flanders where it hath had a repuled [sic]. What the enemie might have done had hee beene sooner in action, wee dispute not; but the wonderfull deale of raine that fell is supposed his excuse for marching so late, and the same weather is not yet ceased. So that water is the thing the States have continuallie beene beholding to."—By Embriche.
	P.S. "I can not forgitt my humble service to your noble lady, and my service to Sir Arter Capell, whoe I can never forgitt when I looke upon his hansome and valiant brother heare, whoe hath hade as bitter a marche as ever I have seene this 20 yeare with out Skrinkine." Holograph. Two seals on pink silk. Endorsed: "Sir Ed. Cecyll to me." 1 p. (129. 73.) [See Dalton Life and Times of General Sir Edward Cecil, Vol. 1, p. 364.]
	Eleazer Jackson to the House of Commons.
[Before December 19, 1621].	He was appointed a public preacher in Abergavenny, and enjoyed the popularity and approbation of the inhabitants of that town. But he also incurred the hostility of the numerous recusants in the neighbourhood, and two of them assaulted him at night time in his own chamber, inflicting serious injuries on him from which he has not yet fully recovered. Because of the sympathy of the local magistrates with the recusants, and further threats to his life, he was constrained to leave the town. He requests that the House of Commons consider the outrages of which he was the victim, and adopt summary measures in the form of statutes "for the saftie of ministers that preach the word of God, as allsoe for the surpressing of those and such like notorious malefactors being enemies both to the state and true religion". He appends details of the assaults upon him and of the perpetrators:
	"Ffirst, they sought to deterre and drive mee from my place by scandalous aspersions, hereby labouringe to perswade the common sorte of people to entertaine a dislike of my doctrine. [Marginal note: viz, William Prichard and John Meredith; testes: David Lewis, gent, and Edward Lyney.]
	Secondlie, they daylie breathed forth threatnings against mee that they would stocke mee and banishe mee out of the town, and that my doctrine was meere blasphemie. [Marginal note: viz, William Prichard and Walter Williams; testes: William Baker, esquire and Robert Hewes, clerk.]
	Thirdlie, when they sawe their menacing would nott prevaile, two noted recusants (one of them suspected to be a seminarie priest) came upon mee in myne own chamber, intending to murther mee, which if they had effected they had a horse of one John Meridith redie sadled att a recusants doore neare unto my lodginge, where hee the said John Meridith stood at a windowe in an upper chamber to see the event, butt by Gods providence att that tyme I escaped from them. [Marginal note: viz Roger Howell and Roger Powell; testes: Thomas Molf, Fflorence Day and Sibbill Gunter.]
	Fourthlie, upon the 14 day of October last, about 8 of the clock att night, two convicted recusants intruded themselves into my chamber, first seeking a quarrell by way of disputation, viz concerning Purgatorie and the blessed virgin Marie. Afterwards they reprehended mee for handling matters of controversie in the pulpitt, and further charged mee with the procuring of a warrant of the peace against one Roger Howell, one of the recusants which first attempted to murther mee. Whereuppon they laid violent hands uppon mee, beating and sore wounding mee in the head with a dagger and a candlesticke, besides a dangerous stabb in the forehead whereof by the judgment of all men I was nott likely to recover. And if the dagger had not fallen out of the hilt, they had murthered mee att that instance. And further forced mee to vowe uppon my salvation never to preach more in that place, but to leave the contrie forthwith, otherwise they threatned to kill mee. [Marginal note: viz John and Edward Meridith; testes: Lewis Roberts.]
	Ffiftly, since my departing out of the contry (which was secreteley) one of them which assaulted mee did vowe that if he had knowne of my departure he would have murthered mee. And (as I am informed) one of them lyeth lurking att this instant about the cittie seekeing to take away my life. [Marginal note: viz, Edward Meridith; testes: John Binean of Bristoll.]
	Sixtly, they give out speeches that if they had a king which would favoure theire religion, they would putt us all to the fire and faggott, styling us obstinate and damnable heretiques. [Marginal note: viz, Walter Williams; testes: Walter Harvert and Lewis James.]
	Seventhly, even att this tyme all of them walke armed att the least with sword and dagger, and manie with pistolls, soe that the Kings loyall subjects dare scarcely walke in the streets. And their insolence is the greater because their number is greate, and they have manie (and that nott of the meanest ranck) in those parts to support them. Besides, they have a scholemaster suspected to bee a papist, which trayneth upp most of the recusants children from all quarters of this kingdome." [Marginal note: viz, Morgan Lewis.] Undated. 2 pp. (197. 15.) [See Cal. S.P. Dom., 1619–23, p. 323.]
	Nathaniel Davies to William, Earl of Salisbury.
[ ? c. 1622].	He is a carrier who has been transporting household stuff and provisions for Salisbury, at the orders of the Clerk of the Kitchen, for two years and more from London to Hatfield and elsewhere. The bill for this service is £30, and he is forced by necessity to ask for it to be settled. Previous requests by him have been ignored and "he can have no money nor direct answere when or where to have yt". He begs Salisbury "in christian pittie" to send an order for the payment of the sum.—Undated. 1 p. (P. 1722.) [In April, 1622, Nathaniel Davies, carrier, signed a receipt for payment for bringing wine to Hatfield from London. See Bills 106.]
	J. de Clere to the Duke of Lennox.
[1622 or earlier] June 20.	I take this opportunity to assure you of my constant desire to do you service. The bearer hereof, who by the wish of his uncle Monsieur de Rosse, is anxious to serve you, has asked me to pray for him a favourable reception at your hands.—Clere. Holograph. French. Addressed: "A Monsieur le Duc de Lenox mon neveu." (fn. 1) 1½ pp. (197. 18.)
	Quickswood.
1623, December to 1624, May.	Plans for the construction of a new kitchen and other building operations at Quickswood, endorsed by Christopher Keighley, who was Receiver-General to William Cecil, 2nd Earl of Salisbury. The plans were drawn up by Robert Lyming who built Hatfield House and Blickling Hall, co. Norfolk. 4 sheets. (CPM supplementary 82. General 3/2 and 43/6b, c and d.)
	Maylards.
[1623].	Map of the manor of Maylards in Havering, co. Essex, drawn by Samuel Walker. Endorsed: "21° Jacob. Mapp of Maylards, 1623." 1 sheet. (CPM supplementary 85.)
	Parliament.
[? April 7, 1624].	The constant presence of petitioners resorting daily to the Court represents both an inconvenience and a danger to the King, his household and his officials, since the suitors are generally of the poorer classes and come from all parts of the realm, and so are potential carriers of plague. Moreover, they benefit little from the procedure because, "being poore and aged [they] ar with the longe travell out of their contre and longe attendance wearied and worne out before suche their sutes can be by due course of justice understode and ended". To remedy this state of affairs, it has been enacted by Parliament that all persons admitted in forma pauperis to begin suits at law (except real action at common law) are to be permitted by the Justices of the Peace of those shires where the plaintiffs are resident, to commence legal proceedings in their general sessions, to which the defendants and their witnesses are to be summoned. The Justices of the Peace are authorized to hear and determine the cases or refer them to the Judges of the Assize. Imprisonment is to be the penalty for all who ignore such summonses or who refuse to comply with the verdicts and decisions of the Justices of the Peace and the Judges of Assize.—Undated. Endorsed: "To the Right honourable the Earle of Sallesburye." 1 p. (197. 46.) [See Journals of the House of Commons, Vol. I, 1547–1628, p. 757.]
	Robert Clifton to William, Earl of Salisbury.
[After March 25, 1624–25].	He holds a tenement on the manor of Cranborne for the term of his life by copy of Court Roll. He compounded with Henry Sherfield, the Steward, for a new lease of lives, but his brother, Richard Sherfield, the Deputy-Steward, refused to allow the contract, and substituted another for an agreed fine. He also promised petitioner that a court would be held on March 25, 1624, to record the surrender of the old, and the granting of the new, lease, but he has failed to keep to his word. Petitioner requests that Salisbury accept the fine, and order a court to be convened and the lease granted to him.—Undated. 1 p. (P. 1759.)
	Trevarthen.
[? temp. James I].	A survey of the manor of Trevarthen, with particulars of rents and details of tenements, tenures and tenants.— Undated. 2¼ pp. (P. 2167.)
	Walter King to the Privy Council.
[? temp. James I].	He submits the petition on behalf of himself and others who have been workers and apprentices of the farmers of the Battery works. Inasmuch as they have been employed for twenty years by the farmers of the works at Tintern and cannot be freed, they have requested the Justices of the Peace of Monmouthshire on many occasions that they order the farmers to guarantee their wages, and refrain from dismissing them at their pleasure. This the J.P.s have refused to do without the warrant of the Privy Council. Petitioner has been dismissed without just cause, and has a wife and children dependent on him. This kind of arbitrary treatment happens to other workers and their families every month. He begs for letters to be directed to three or four J.P.s to regulate wages and conditions of work at Tintern, or to have the grievances of the workers investigated; or, alternatively, to give him and others permission to set up as independent wire-drawers without molestation from the farmers.—Undated. ½ p. (P. 205.)
	— to the King.
[temp James I].	In consideration of the many services rendered by A.B. to the late Queen Elizabeth and to him, the Lord Admiral granted him a patent to be the measurer of all the coal, salt and other grain transported in or out of the ports, rivers and creeks of England and Ireland within the jurisdiction of the Admiralty, with the usual fees attached to that office. Since the patent is only for life and the fees not specified, petitioner requests that, upon a surrender of the patent, the King regrant it for a term of 41 years with specified fees such as are taken in London, for a rent of £200 to be paid to the Exchequer.—Undated. ½ p. (P. 450.)
	William Andrewes to the King.
[temp. James I].	He refers to his many years of service with the late Queen Elizabeth and with him. He cannot persuade the officers of the Green Cloth to pay him the pension of 12d the day which he had requested. He begs for a bill signed by the King for that purpose.—Undated. ½ p. (P. 438.)
	John Roderigo to the King.
[temp. James I).	He left his country some time ago to search for his brother, and having travelled extensively in the Low Countries, he was informed that his brother was in England. Petitioner arrived in London to find that he was in prison for an alleged crime, which he denies to have committed. He begs that he and his brother may be allowed to return to Spain.—Undated. Endorsed: "The humble petition of John Roderigo, a Spaniard, on the beehalfe of his poore imprisoned brother Frauncis Roderigo, Spaniard." ½ p. (P. 578.)
	—to—
[temp. James I].	Certain recusants once convicted and afterwards conforming to the law by attending church, are bound thereby to receive the Sacrament upon forfeiture for default. Petitioner requests that he be granted all forfeitures which have been incurred by defaulting recusants in the past and those which may occur in the future.—Undated. ⅓ p. (P. 759.)
	Thomas Cheswise to the King.
[temp. James I].	He has lost his health in the wars in the Low Countries in the time of the late Queen Elizabeth, and has no means of livelihood. He has an aged wife to support, and begs the King to bestow on him an almsroom or some other means of subsistence within the realm.—Undated. ¾ p. (P. 679.)
	Agnes Adams to the Archbishop of Canterbury.
[temp. James I].	She is the wife of Richard Adams, a bricklayer. After the death of Balchester Ingram, she and her sister Margery, now wife of Henry Findon, inherited a number of houses and some land at Ealing in the manor of Fulham, as coheirs and cousins of the said Ingram. Petitioner married William Lyne, deceased, and had a daughter by him. Later she married Richard Adams, and bore him a son and a daughter. Some 22 years ago her husband sold off the goods and abandoned her, but last Christmas he returned home with another wife and three children. He has now confederated with Findon, and enticed her own children away from her, and she has been under much physical pressure to sell her inheritance, even to the extent of being denied food by them. She asks that Adams, Findon and her children be summoned before the Archbishop, and that she should be given both justice and relief in her tribulations.—Undated. ¾ p. (P. 565.)
	James, Lord Colville, to the King.
[temp. James I].	Many merchants trading with France are obliged to bring back commodities produced in that country. Prunes, for instance, are transported from France, and merchants are forced to take them because of the lack of other kinds of goods. The French take advantage of this to pack and load fruit which is rotten and to increase the price arbitrarily, so that English merchants and consumers are losers by the transaction. Petitioner requests the necessary authority to be the sole importer of prunes for 14 years upon payment of the usual duties for this commodity, and to sell them at the accustomed price.—Undated. ½ p. (P. 792.)
	James Guthrie to the King.
[temp. James I].	He is the son of the Laird of Guthrie, now dead, and reminds the King that he has submitted many petitions concerning "the cruell and vyolente slaughter of his deceased father" without receiving any satisfaction. In addition to other losses, he has been robbed at sea by English pirates, and on one occasion lost a number of his crew and £800 worth of goods to an attack by a ship called the Valentine of Blakeney at the Isle of Wight, besides being himself injured. Later, on a voyage from Spain to Ireland, he was driven by a storm into Plymouth, where Sir Walter Ralegh happened to be. Upon information that petitioner had come from Spain and was carrying an Irish merchant who owed him £400, Ralegh summarily laid hands on the merchant, and confiscated Guthrie's ship and cargo of salt worth £500. He complained to the King, then of Scotland, and obtained letters from him to the late Queen Elizabeth asking for redress, which was never granted him. In consideration of these losses, the King referred him to the Lord High Admiral of England with a view to his being appointed to the first master's or purser's post that should become vacant on a King's ship, but this was ignored. The King also granted him some recusants, but they submitted to the discipline of the church, and so he was deprived of benefit from that source. Not only has petitioner gained nothing from his many petitions and couple of grants, but he has now been almost a year in prison and, at the age of 63, is likely to end his days there unless he is relieved. He asks that he be given the benefit of 45 denizations to help him pay his debts, attend to his immediate wants and defray travelling expenses to Scotland.—Undated. 1 p. (P. 1084.)
	Ireland.
[temp. James I].	Money expended on pay and apparel in Ireland.—Undated. Endorsed: "A Collection of issues and charges in Ireland." 1 p. ((197. 109.)
	Loans.
[temp. James I].	A list of counties in England and Wales with the number of people who have lent sums varying between £10 and £200 to the Crown. The total figure for the money lent is £111,890, contributed by 3443 persons, but excluding London.— Undated. Endorsed: "Loane of 3 and 4. The severall rates and numbers of the somme lent." 2 pp. (197. 110.)
	Thomas Johnson to the King.
[temp. James I].	He is a constable of the city of London, and submits this petition "touchinge the apprehension of a semynarie walkinge with a darke lanterne which is treason". On Monday, the 13th of this present month of July, he received information about "two perillous enemies obscurelye lurkinge in or about London, and intendinge by all likelihood some mischief to your Ma^ts person and state". He was able, at some personal risk, to arrest the two suspects who turned out to be seminary priests armed with pistols, and place them in safe custody. As a reward for this service and its dangerous nature, he requests to be allowed to keep the £2:09:0 which he seized from them at the time of the arrest, together with certain relics and apparel belonging to the suspects.—Undated. 1 p. (P. 1019.)
	Offices.
[temp. James I].	A brief outline of the action taken by Edward III, Henry VII and Henry VIII to resume offices and fees granted n England, Wales and Ireland. Details are given of those which were included in a general Act of Resumption by Henry VIII at the request of the House of Commons.—Undated. Endorsed: "A Resumption by H.7 and H.8 of perticular offices in reversion." ½ p. (197. 111.)
	The Tower of London.
[temp. James I].	Details of the amount of meat, bread, beer, wine, condiments and fuel allowed for the meals of an Earl incarcerated in the Tower, with supplementary allowances for the gaolers and the Lieutenant's servants in attendance on him. The total expenses are estimated at £12: 15: 0 a week.—Undated. Endorsed: "Dyet for an Earle." ½ p. (197. 112.)
	— to —.
[temp. James I].	He has been informed that a request by Mr Brooks to kill a buck in his park with the King's hart hounds was refused, although many bucks have been disposed of to other people. He prefers to leave it to the other's discretion how to bestow bucks on the gentry who reside in the neighbourhood, "knowinge that those courtesyes make mens grounds less subject to hunting". Nevertheless, he would like a note of all the deer killed by the King's order or otherwise. The King is incensed by the number that have been killed, particularly as he only gave orders for two to be disposed of. He has now made it a rule that no attention should be paid to any man's request unless he has personally authorized it. The writer has asked the King to be as liberal in this matter as if he were dealing with his own deer, but has received the reply that his Majesty, "knowes well enough what difference to make where he maye command out of right and where only out of knowledge of the owners duty and affection to yeild him any contentment of that which belongeth to them as private men".—Undated. Marginal note: "Mynute to some keeper of a park." 2 pp. (197. 64.)
	Thomas Hughes to the King's Commissioners for Leases.
[temp. James I].	He requests the renewal of a lease of land and underwood in Somersetshire, which he has long occupied and compounded with former tenants and grantees for his possession of the same.—Undated. 1 p. (P. 27.)
	— to —.
[temp. James I].	The writer understands that by a lease made by the Dean and Chapter of York of the parsonage of Broughton, the patronage lies in the hands of the recipient of this letter. He would like this to be confirmed and asks him to come to Court where they can discuss the matter.—Undated. Unsigned. Unaddressed. ? Holograph. ¾ p. (P. 2265.)
	Francis Swinburne to the King.
[temp. James I].	His grandfather Swinburne, seised of the manor of Chopwell, was attainted for high treason because of his attachment to the cause of Mary, Queen of Scots. As a consequence of his attainder, the late Queen Elizabeth granted the manor to Sir Robert Constable, reserving for the Crown the woods on the estate which are, "the onely principall tymber woods fitt for shipping which your Highnes hath in those north partes of England and are of great value". By the attainder of his grandfather he was disinherited of a patrimony which has belonged to the Swinburne family from time immemorial. Inasmuch as his grandfather suffered for his loyalty to the King's mother during her imprisonment in England, and since petitioner has not the means to maintain himself like a gentleman and has been left destitute through the late death of an uncle who served the late Queen Elizabeth for 42 years, he asks to be appointed to the post of Sergeant of the Chandlery in the King's Household, "which he wold accept most thanckfullie and thincke the same a sufficient recompence and exchange given in liewe of his patrimony".— Undated. 1 p. (P. 1129.)
	Journey to Denmark.
[temp. James I].	Petitioner's journey to Denmark has been more expensive than he had anticipated. He put to sea at the end of January, and was so hindered that he did not arrive in Hamburg until March 12, "at which tyme the frost dissolving in that country, the wayes were so broken that my passage by lande proved extreame chargeable". After completing his mission in Denmark, he returned to England in a ship from Amsterdam. But near the English coast, not far from Southwold in Suffolk, a vessel from Danzig attacked the ship on May 3. Petitioner and other passengers made off in the ship's boat to save themselves, and the Dutch ship was captured and rifled. Petitioner himself lost £7 in goods which were taken from his trunk. With some other Englishmen he went out to parley with the Danzigers, but they were repulsed. He asks that this explanation of the length of his journey be accepted, and the circumstances be taken into consideration.—Undated and unsigned. ¾ p. (P. 1889.)
	Duchy of Lancaster.
[? temp. James I].	A list of the Duchy's manors situated within the southern and eastern counties of England and in Monmouthshire, with their respective revenues. They are:
	Norfolk.	Gymingeham, Tunsted, Wighton, Methwolde, Ffakenham.
	Suffolk.	Mildenhall, Stoke.
	Cambridge.	Bassingeborne.
	Dorset.	Shapwicke.
	Wiltshire.	Alborne, Alborne Chace, Wokesey, Uphaven.
	Berkshire.	Estgarston, Hinton.
	Hampshire.	Kinges Sombrone.
	Buckinghamshire.	Olney, Olney Park.
	Middlesex.	Endfield, Endfield Chace.
	Essex.	Highester, Wikes, Mondenhall, Loughton, Langham.
	Hertford.	Hartford and castle, Hertingefordburie, Hertingfordbury Park, Kings Langley.
	Monmouth.	Monmouth, Skenfrith, Whitecastle, Grosmont, Hadnock, Ebbothe alias Greenfield.
	Northampton.	Highamferrers, Raundes, Rushden, Irchester, Buckebie, Daventry.
	Huntingdon.	Glatton and Holme.
	Hereford.	Aspton Stratton.
	Undated. Damaged. 2 pp. (146/136.)
	Jews.
[temp. James I].	Copy of statistics relating to the Jewish inhabitants of towns and localities in Asia, and some cities in Europe, as compiled in the 13th century by the Jewish traveller, Benjamin of Tudela.—Undated. Endorsed: "Iudeorum numerus A° 1175 ex Beniamini peragratione cognitus." 2 pp. (140. 245.)
	Edmonton.
[? temp. James I].	A plan of property situated in Edmonton.— Undated. Endorsed: "A platt of Roldesbees howse and grounds in Edmonton. Pymes Greene." 1 p. (143. 11.)
	Sally Wall.
[? temp. James I].	Sketch of Sally Wall, Rotherhithe.— Undated. 1 p. (141. 66.)
	Verses.
[? temp. James I].	Two Latin lines: "Ex deliberatione duorum consilii Ut nemo tangat unctum domini."
	followed by 18 verses in English beginning: "Domine fac totum is bounde to ryde, I wait not yf his meir be shode, He is right loth to lose a tyde, Bot never to keip the just rode. If not he doe, I sweir be God His meir may skipt and so him cast, I wise no meir he play the tode, Ffor ipso facto may make him gasp."
	and ending: "But yet at last this counsall is myne, To Domini fac totum whear ever he be, That he would keip good squair and lyne And so to follow equitie. I am assurd this will not be, Becaus he is a renigauld, Bot yet fac totum of courtasie Gif thanks to him that this the tauld." Undated. 3½ pp. (144. 264.)
	Verses.
[? temp. James I].	Latin verses beginning: "Si nisi musa foret silvestri rauca sonore Suberassosq sua funderet ore sonos."
	and ending: "Votum scire tamen si nis hoc scilicet opto, Ut te conservit tempus in omne deus." Signed: "Cognatus tuus salutis tuae cupientissimus Richardus Swaine." 1 p. (206. 111.)
	Verses.
	[? temp. James I].— "At the retorn of the brit moring [sic] son The lion hee into a lamb did torn, That savig like and cruell wos before Is nou so meeke theres nothing can be more, And coninly admiers those he scorned before. He is a man of sences almost alone, Bot prid ruled then and prudence goferns nou." Undated. ⅓ p. (206. 70.)
	Verses.
	[temp. James I].—
	"Seeinge.	From such a face whose excellence May captivate my Sov'raignes sence, And make him (Phoebus like) his throane Resigne to some young Phaeton, Whose skilllesse and unsteadye hand May prove the ruin of the land, Unlesse great Jove downe from the skye, Beholdinge earths calamitye, Strike with a hand that cannot erre That proud usurpinge character, And cure (though Phoebus grieve) our woe. From such a face as can doe soe Whensoere it hath a beeinge Blesse my Sov'raigne and his seeinge.
	Hearinge.	From jests prophane and flatterers tounges, From bawdye tales and beastly songs, From after-supper suites that feare A parlament or councells eare; From Spannish treaties that may wound The countries peace or Gospells sound, From Jobs false friends that would entice My Sov'raigne from heavens paradise, From prophetts such as Ahabs are That flatteringe would abuse his eare, His frowne more then his makers fearinge, Blesse my Soveraigne and his hearinge.
	Tastinge.	From everye fruite that is forbidden, Such for which olde Eve was chidden, From breade of laborers sweate and toyle, From the poore widdowes meate and oyle, From bloud of innocents oft wrangled From theire estates and for that strangled, From the candied poysoned baites Of Jesuites and their deceites, Italian salletts, Romish drugges, The milke of Babells proud whores dugges, From wine that can destroye the braine, And from the dangerous figgs of Spaine, Att all banquetts, at all feastinge, Blesse my Sov'raigne and his tastinge.
	Feelinge.	From pricke of conscience such a stinge As slayes the soule, heavens blesse my kinge. From such a bribe as may withdrawe His thoughts from equitye or lawe, From such a smooth and beardlesse chinn As may provoke or tempte to sinn; From such a hand whose moyste palm may My Sov'raigne leade out of the way; From thinges polluted and uncleane, From all thats beastlye or obsceane, From what may set his soule a reelinge, Blesse my Sov'raigne and his feelinge.
	Smellinge.	Where myrhe and franckinsence is throwne On altars built to Gods unknowne, Oh, let my Sov'raigne never smell Such damned perfumes are fitt for hell. Let no such sent his nostrells staine, From smells that poyson can the braine Heaven still preserve him. Next I crave Thou willt be pleased, greate God, to save My Soveraigne from a Ganimede, Whose whorish breath hath power to leade His excellence which way he list. Oh, let such lipps bee never kist. From a breath so farr excellinge, Blesse my Soveraigne and his smellinge.
	Seeinge.	And nowe, greate God, I humblye pray That thou willt take that fillme away, That keepes my Soveraignes eyes from viewinge That thinge that willbee his undoinge.
	Hearinge.	Then let him heare, good God, the sounds And cryes of men as well as hounds.
	Tastinge.	Give him a tast and timelye too Of what his subjects undergoe.
	Feelinge.	Give him a feelinge of their woes,
	Smellinge.	And then no doubt his royall nose Will quickly smell these rascalls forth Whose blacke deedes have eclipsd his worth. They found and scourged for their offences, Heavens blesse my Sov'raigne and his sences."
	Undated. 1 p. (206. 100.)
	The Court of Wards.
[temp. James I].	A survey of the main sources of revenue of the Court of Wards and the possibility of augmenting them, discussed under the following headings: arrears of debts and instalments, fines for marriages of wards, rents from the lands of wards, fines for leases, rates at full age, fines for widows' licence to remarry, and fines imposed on sheriffs.—Undated. 4 pp. (206. 85 and 86.)
	— to —.
[? temp James I].	". . . Ministery wherein surely men (otherwyse honest) are both syngularly and factiously opposite, even to the prejudice and danger of all Monarchy, which your Honor knowes is contrary to parity: so was it also my fortune to observe how justly and respectfully his Ma^ty interpreted your recommendation, by which your Honor may assure yourself that yow have so good place in his Ma^ts heart as yow should wrong yourself, and I should shewe my self an idiot, yf yow should eyther conceyve that yow had any neede of such an advocate or I should offer to yow so vayne an office, assuring your Honor (and that I speake of knowledge) that yow are to the King my M^r multis nominibus charissimus. Be pleased therefore to valewe all things rightly, and then may yow conclude that his Ma^ty will no sooner have use of a freind but he will say Adam, ubi es?"—Undated. Unsigned. Imperfect. ¾ p. (197. 61.)
	Middelburg.
[? temp. James I].	A printed advertisement of a sale at Middelburg of goods from the East Indies. These include precious stones, drugs, paternosters, carpets, pepper, etc.—Undated. 1 p. (223. 18.)
	The blind and lame inmates of the hospitals of Middlesex to the King and Parliament.
[temp. James I].	In former times lands were set aside to found hospitals for the relief of diseased people and to segregate them from the healthy in the city of London and Middlesex. Assistance was also provided in the form of tow, hemp, flax, linen and woollen cloth, besides fuel, bedding and other domestic necessities. But these have long disappeared and no relief is now forthcoming from London. Since the houses have been deprived of their lands, licences under the Great Seal have been granted to the poor to collect benevolences from charitable people in as many shires as the Lord Chancellor (upon certificate from two J.P.s in Middlesex) thought desirable, and the annual benefit to each hospital amounted to £30 or thereabouts. But these licences were repealed in 1597–8, and it was then ordered that every shire should be taxed and one yearly sum levied for the maintenance of poor houses in each county. This was beneficial and advantageous to such houses, except in Middlesex, which is a small shire, where there are as many poor houses as in any two other shires and the incidence of diseased persons is considerably higher because of the proximity of London. Moreover, whereas in other counties the chief cities join with the rest of the county in contributing, in Middlesex London is exempted. The stipends are small, varying from a maximum of £6 to £3, and are not regularly paid to the hospitals. There are more distressed people than ever before, and all have to rely upon well-disposed persons "whose charitie likewise waxeth more coldlie". In the old days too the weak and impotent remained in hospitals for the remainder of their lives; but now the Governors are surgeons who can cure 20, 30 or 40 persons, and enable them to work for their living if they so wish. Finally, the roads near hospitals are infested with beggars, particularly Irish mendicants, men, women and children; and, as a result, less charity and gifts are contributed by the nobility who pass by, not least because many beggars masquerade as soldiers and are too importunate. Petitioners beg for sympathy and assistance, and ask that the old system of licences may be revived, or some other means adopted for their maintenance.—Undated. 1 p. (P. 1898.) A duplicate of the above can be found in (197. 98/4.)
	James Cotford to the King.
[temp. James I].	The King has many iron mills within a radius of ten miles of Cranbrook, which have proved most harmful to the trade of the clothiers in that part of Kent who employ 20,000 men, women and children. The consumption of wood by the mills is so great that timber has become an expensive commodity, and has contributed to the decline of the cloth trade with consequent harm to shipping and the King's Customs. Petitioner asks that all iron mills within ten miles of Cranbrook be closed down, except those which the King considers indispensable for the manufacture of guns. "Besides your wood is neare gon that except your highnes put them downe with speede, your countrey will go to ruin and so you shall decay one of the fruitefullest countries you have within your realme." Petitioner was clothier to the late Queen Elizabeth and, although 90 years of age, ventures to present this petition on behalf of the clothiers of Kent.—Undated. ⅓ p. (P. 2086.)
	The Company of the Plumbers of London to the Privy Council.
[temp. James I].	The Master, Wardens and Assistants of the Company complain that certain engrossers of lead are selling it at an arbitrary price and to such "as transport it beyond the seas from divers ports before it come to the Cittie of London". This has resulted in a scarcity of lead, much to the Company's loss, and has also reduced the quantity available for the King's buildings, affected public demand and enhanced the price of the commodity. They request that restrictions be imposed on the transport of lead overseas.—Undated. ½ p. (197. 45/2.)
	Francois Chenell to —.
[temp. James I].	He is in the service of Sir William Tresham, and was entrusted by "vre illust^m seigⁿ" with a packet of letters and their distribution amongst the persons to whom they were addressed. He has attempted by every means to carry out this commission, but has failed to do so because of the absence of some people and the refusal of others to receive them for fear of incurring the displeasure of the King and Council by doing so. Petitioner is at a loss to know how to proceed in his mission unless "vre illust. seigⁿ" helps him by making known his favourable opinions in this place for the safety of the relations and friends of his master, who are prepared to do all in their power to advance the King's interests.—Undated. French. Endorsed: "A l'Ills seig^r secret^r. Francoys Chenell povre supliant." 1 p. (P. 1148.)
	John Saunders to the Privy Council.
[temp. James I].	As a cloth merchant he employed many hundreds of people in spinning wool for fustian and other clothing materials at Kirton in Devonshire, and defrayed the expenses of instructing the unskilled in this craft. After seven years' residence and activity at Kirton, he was persuaded by the Mayor and commonalty of Plymouth to remove himself and his trade to that town, and to employ the poor there in spinning. An agreement was concluded, which contained conditions touching allowances for stock and the provision of a house. Petitioner has implemented all his undertakings and imparted considerable knowledge of his craft. Nevertheless, there is a movement on foot to supplant him and force him to leave Plymouth. With this end in view, his opponents are exploiting the bond into which he entered to harass him in all ways. He asks that the matter be examined and judged by local persons selected by the Council for their "worth and qualitye".—Undated. ¾ p. (197. 86.)
	Francis Herring to the King.
[temp. James I].	During the late Queen Elizabeth's reign, his services were used by the King's agents to affirm his just claims to the Crown of England, not without the risk of personal danger to petitioner, as is well known to Sir James Temple, Sir James Fullerton and Mr James Hamilton. He received many promises of reward, including a direct royal message from the King conveyed to him from Scotland by Sir James Temple's brother. He requests that he be now granted the benefit of two or three recusants, "such as shalbe thought proportionable and answerable to the said services".—Undated. At bottom: Respublica continetur praemio et paena. ½ p. (197. 7.)
	— to the Keeper of Newgate.
[? temp. James I].	An order to release Mary Hanley, and to take security for her return to Newgate within a week.—Undated. ¼ p. (P. 2143.)
	Finance.
	[temp. James I].—Papers concerning state financial matters, grouped under various headings:
	(1) Documents dealing with Crown revenues, Customs, King's debts, Exchequer payments, remuneration of the King's personal attendants, with their names and salaries, private loans to the Crown, pensions, expenses of ambassadors, maintenance of Crown property, military disbursements, Parliamentary subsidies, etc.— Mostly undated. 28 pp. (211. 3.)
	(2) "Loane money received, how expended." 21 March, 1611– 12. 1½ pp. (211. 3a.)
	The Manor of Poole.
	[temp. James I].—As a reward for his services Chilmett, a servant to the late Queen Elizabeth, obtained a lease of the site and demesne of the manor for 21 years. Robert Chambers, who was in the service of Sir Thomas Heneage, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, attempted to hinder the passage of the lease, ostensibly on behalf of the actual tenant of the demesne. He persuaded Chilmett to assign the lease over to him on the grounds that he (Chambers) was that tenant. Chambers, in fact, had never been tenant of the demesne, and this was a trick to undermine the interests of petitioner who is in actual possession of the demesne. Chilmett surrendered the lease to Chambers for 100 marks. Petitioner now requests that he may have a lease in reversion, and is prepared to pay some compensation to Chambers. Undated. Endorsed: "Mr Poole. Prayeth to have a lease in reversion of the mannor of Poole." ½ p. (P. 1913.)
	Silk.
	[temp. James I].—"Certen reasons to move the Kinges Ma^tie and his honorable counsell to graunte unto her Ma^tie by lease for xxi yeres the reformation and abuses daylie used in the trade and misterie of dyinge of silke and other stuffes mixed with thride and silke throughout Engelonde.
	Blacke Silke.	Ffyrst. Whereas in dyinge of blacke silke there is an increase made of every pounde of silke two pounde and more by unlawfull mixtures therein used by some of the dyers, which maketh the saide silke soe massie, heavie and rotten, to the great deceate of all men and exceedinglie inrichinge the silke men and dyars thereof that sellethe the saide silke and stuffes that is made of silke or hath any kinde of silke in them, the reason whereof is that the saide silke is not whited before itt bee dyed.
	Colored silke.	Secondelye. The abuse in coullored silke after itt is dyed groeth by reason that the silkemen or some other for them doe geeve an increase therein with a mixture of certen gryles and other thinges they use decetefullye to make itt waye foure ounces in everye pounde above the ordinarie waighte itt [w]oulde butt otherwise have.
	Stuffes mixed, silke and thridde, wantinge due length and breadth.	And whereas there is divers sortes of silke stuffes made within this realme of Engelonde, some of cleane silke and other some whereof the grounde thereof is thridde and the rest is silke, which to the vewe and syght of moste byars thereof is thought and taken to be all silke; and moste of theise stuffes ase afforesaide doe differ in breadeth and length which heretofore they have usualy helde; and for wante of skilfull vewers and searchers to desearne aswell the difference of breadeth and lengthe of the abuse and deceate in the saide silke and stuffe, wherin much abuse and a moste greate and grevious deceite therin daylie used and offered.
	For reformation whereof itt is her Ma^ts requeste that the Kinges Ma^tie woulde bee pleased, by the advise of his honorable counsell, to graunte unto her Ma^tie uppon every pound of silke died within England ase aforesaide 4^d; and for every peece of sylke stuffe made of silke or mixed with thridde and silke within Engelonde for the vewe, searche and seale to bee putt there unto by her Ma^ts saide officers and ministers, wherin greate paines, travell and labore is by them required, 4^d; wherby the saide silkemen and dyars therof may bee reduced to an upright corse in the dyinge and sellinge of silke ase aforesaide, which will growe a thinge verye beneficiall for his Ma^ts Common Welth in generall and hurtfull to no man whatsoever, for in other forrein cuntries the saide deceites in dyinge beinge there used is made fellonie by their lawe."— Undated.
	Endorsed: "Heare within written are certene reasons to move the Kinge and Counsell to like of this her Ma^ts sute." ¾ p. (130. 172.)
	Bendysh Hall and Radwinter.
	[temp. James I].—A survey of the oak trees growing on the manors of Bendysh Hall and Radwinter, co. Essex. Their number is given as 500 and their value at £1 each. 172 ash trees, valued at 6/8 apiece, are included in the survey. Undated. 1 p. (P. 2493.)
	Roydon.
	[? temp. James I].—Particulars of rents from various plots and holdings at Roydon.—Undated. In Christopher Keighley's hand. 1¼ pp. (P. 2484.)
	Hatfield.
	[temp. James I].—Plan of the parsonage of Hatfield by John Shaw, surveyor.—Undated. Endorsed: "The plotes of the parsonedg. John Shaw." 1 sheet. (General 57/23.)
	Rates of Pay.
	[temp. James I].—"Cleavers of lathe and pale, Colewood hewers. Baven makers and workers of Talewood by great: Cleaving of lathe by the hundered not above iii^d. Cleaving of pale by the hundered not above vi^d. Ffellinge and hewinge of colewood by the dosin not above xii^d.
	Ffelling, makinge and buyndinge of baven by the hundered, accomptinge sixe score to the hundered and every baven being fower foote in lenghte not above xiiii^d. And for every lode of talwood iiii^d.
	Making and buindinge of brushe baven by the hundered after sixe score to the hundered made of ramell left of colewood not above viii^d.
	Men servants of husbandrye: A man servant of the best sort shall not have more by the yeare then with a levery xl^s and withowt lvi^s viii^d. The same of the second sort shall not have more by the yeare then with a levery xxxiii^s iiii^d and without xl^s. The same of the third sort shall not have more by the yeare then with a levery xxvi^s viii^d and withowt xxxiii^s iiii^d. A sheppard shall not take more by the yeare then with a levery xxxiii^s iiii^d.
	Women servants: The best sort of women servants shall not have more by the yeare then with a levery xxi^s and withowt xxvi^s viii^d.
	The same of the second sort shall not have more by the yeare then with a leverye xviii^s and withowt xxiiii^d.
	Butchers servants:
	A servant to a butcher of the best sort that taketh the charge of his master his ware, having a clocke and a payre of bootes of his master, shall not take more by the yeare then xlvii^s.
	The same of the second sort that hath not the charge of his master his ware shall not have more by the yeare then L^s and a payre of bootes.
	Taylors and Shomakers servants:
	A taylor servant of the best sort with meate and drynke and withowt a levery shall not take more by the yeare then liii^s.
	A taylor of the second sort as aforesayd not more by the yeare then xli^s.
	A taylor of the third sort as aforesayd not more by the yeare then xxx^s.
	A shomaker servant of the best sorte, beinge married, to have by the yeare with meate and drynke and withowt a levery liii^s iiii^d.
	The same of the best sorte, being married, to have for every dosin of shooes withowt meate and drynke xxii^d.
	The same of the second sort, beinge unmarried, to have by the yeare with meate and drynke and withowt levery xlvi^s viii^d.
	The same of the third sort as before not more by the yeare then xli^s.
	The rates for the last yere ar to be continued for this yere followinge. Signed: the names of 13 Hertfordshire J.P.s. 1 p. (200. 105.)
	Astrology.
	[? temp. James I].—"A rule to knowe which signes be good and which are evell to take anye jornye by land or by water.
	(1) If you find the monne in Ayres then take this waye or jorney towards the east and thow shalt speed full well, for hit is his rule and course.
	(2) If youe find the monne in Tarues then I counsaill you not to take any jorney, for if you do you maye have harme, and he is best towards the south parties, for it is his rule and corse.
	(3) If you finde the monne in Gemyney then you maye well take a jorney, for youe shall have no harme but you shall speed best towards the west parties, for hit is his rule and corse.
	(4) If you find the monne in Cansire then doubt you not to goe wherse you will in helpinge of your frends, but you shall sped best towards the north parties, for hit is his rule and course.
	(5) If you finde the monne in Leo, if you begyne to take any jornye you shall neyther be full glad nor yet full sad, but you shall speed best towards the east parties, for hit is his rule and corse.
	(6) If you find the monne in Virgol then begyne you no jornye for you maye repent hit. But if you will needs goe, you shall speed beest towards the south parties, for hit is his rule and corse.
	(7) If you finde the monne in Libra then doubt you not to goe wher you will, for you shall sped full well and find all men your frends, and he is best towards the west parties, for hit is his corse.
	(8) If you finde the monne in Skorpio I counsaill you not to take any jorny, for if you do you maie forethincke hit and repent hit that ever you went forth; and he is best towards the north parties, for hit is his corse.
	(9) If you finde the monne in Sagitaryes you shall begyne your jorney, for why hit shalbe to you full well in all things that you goe aboute, so hit be in goodnes, and he is best towards the east parties, for hit is his course.
	(10) If you finde the monne in Capricorne, for thy owne profite goe not from home nor begyne you no jornye nor no other thinge by thy will, for hit will stand against the (thee) and his course is towards the south parties.
	(11) If you finde the monne in Aquarius be you full glad to begyne your jornye, for the cause of thinge that you goe for, you shall finde full redye eyther by sea or by land, and his corse is towards the west parties.
	(12) If you finde the monne in Peises hyt is good to begyne a jorny or viage for godes sacke, for if thowe goest poorly out poorely thow shalt retorne agayne, for as you goe out so shall you come home agayne; you shall not gretly be amendid nor yet spared."— Undated. Endorsed: "A rule to knowe good dayes and badd to undertake jorneys." Signed: W.C. 1 p. (General 139/13.)
	Thomas Hooper to Christopher Keighley.
1625, April 17.	"I have beene much importuned by my brother Hooper of Boveridge to give bothe my voyces for the election of twoe such burgesses for Old Sarum as my Lord of Salisbury for that purpose should nominate. He hath lykewise desyred me to doe my uttermost endeavour to procure other freeholders to joyne with me in that election, and to let you knowe what I am able to doe therein. You shall therefore understand that if I knowe of the tyme of the election I wilbe ready to give one of my voyces to any one that it shall please my Lord of Salisbury to name, but for my other voyce I desyre his Lordshippes pardone if I dispose of it otherwise in regard I have made a promise thereof heretofore. There is but one freeholder in whom I have any interest, who by reason of sicknes is not lykely to be present at the election. All the rest that I know (except me) are wholy at Mr Sherfieldes comaunde, who hath hither unto of late made choyce of whomesoever it pleased him. His power is such in this busines that I think he maye make whome he will, and I doe think he will name none but such as my Lord of Salisbury shall desyre it for."—Sarum. Holograph. 1 p. (General 84/9.)
	Bridget Lucas to William, Earl of Salisbury.
[? After April, 1625].	She is the wife of Francis Lucas, and they were until recently tenants of Salisbury's farm at Elmset, co. Suffolk. Upon the expiration of their old lease, they were granted a new one. Her husband is heavily engaged in sureties and has been forced to leave, but before doing so he took the precaution of conveying all his goods to the bailiff and discharging all his debts to Salisbury. But his debts to other creditors cannot be paid and there is little prospect of his being able to do so. Petitioner asks for some yearly maintenance for herself and her children during the term of their lease, which was granted for 21 years. "otherwise they must com to the parishe charge in this their aged estate and their poore children be utterlie cast away."—Undated. ¾ p. (P. 1739.) [See General 84/2, which is a letter dated April 25, 1625, in which Lucas announces his intention to resign the farm.]
	George Fyler to Christopher Keighley.
1625, December 1.	" I have received sad but serious newes from Cambridge of Mr Buckly his dangerous sicknesse. Relation makes his case desperate and his recovery not to be expected without a miracle. Let me fayle of my best desires if I sorrow not truely and praye unfaynedly for his deliverance. There are some in that Universitye who are working powerfull meanes (as I am certeinly informed) for his liveing at Damerham to my Lord." Mr Stillingfleet has been prevented from coming to London because of his children "who are sick of the meazles." He requests Keighley to help him to obtain the living of Damerham from the Earl of Salisbury.—Cranborne. Holograph ¾ p. (General 87/27.)
	[William, Earl of Salisbury] to —.
[Before January 13, 1625–26].	He refers to the King's resolution to hold a Parliament. "Therefore I must intreat you to take some present course that I may have the nominatinge of the burgesses for Old Sarum. I understand that Mr Hoper of Salisburie is a freeholder there, and therefore to prefent anie danger by him, I have written unto him to let me have his assistance which I perswade my selfe he will doe; and then I make no doubte that by your meanes I shalbe sure to have them both, which wilbe more unto me at this tyme, in regard I ame importuned for them by some freinds, then a thinge of better valewe."—Undated. Draft in Keighley's hand. ½ p. (General 103/39.)
	On reverse: Draft of a letter in Keighley's hand from the Earl of Salisbury to Hooper. "I understand that your brother at Salisburie is a freeholder within Old Sarum, and hath some tenants there which have there voices in the electinge of the burgesses. The last tyme I had the nominatinge of them both and nowe I make noe doubte if I can gett your brother to consente, but to have them againe. I would therefore have yowe to goe over to him and to deale as effectuallie with him as yowe can, that I may have them. I shall upon occasion be redie to deserve anie favour he shall doe me herein." Undated. ½ p.
	Christopher Keighley to Henry Sherfield.
[Before January 13, 1625–26].	"To saye that yowe can be sure of both places before hand I will not, but I cannot but remember that I have more then once heard yowe saye that yowe had soe setled your lands within the borowe of Old Sarum that yowe had halfe the voyces (at least) at your owne comaund for that elecen. Soe that none (as nowe it stands) without your consent is likelie to have either of those places. But nowe I perceave by your letter that yowe make it doubtfull (in regard of some other voyces) that if yowe should insist upon both for mee, yowe may be in danger to loos both, and to incurr the displeasure of some greate ones whoe have sent unto yowe aboute them, and that if yowe should incurr there displeasure by giveinge me satisfaction in that which nowe I desire, yowe are not sure of my favor, alledgeings [? diverse] particulars by your letter.
	I thought I had given yowe such testimonie and full satisfaction of my favor by former letters that yowe should not nowe have needed to make scruple of it, and that none (much less your self) shall suffer, in any thinge wherein I maye sollycit, for doeinge me service, and presumeinge onelie upon yowe, have sent to noe other aboute it". If Sherfield will give him satisfaction in this matter, he will regard it as a favour. "If otherwise yowe have anie other or better freinds to pleasure with it rather then me, I must (althoughe I make noe doubte of it) leave it unto your consideration."—Undated. Draft. 1½ pp. (General 101/19.)
	Thomas Hooper to Christopher Keighley.
1625–26, January 13.	He did not receive his letter dated January 2 until the 8th. "His Lordship could not have imployed a man more unfit then myself for this service, to treate with men whome I have no interest or hope to prevayle (my brother excepted). Those that have voyces for the election are ffower of my Lord Chamberlayns officers, Mr Servington his Lordships tenant, ffower of Mr Henry Sherfeilds brothers and kinsmen that stand seysed of land to Mr Sherfeilds use; and my brother who I thincke hath as mutch land as all the rest. But those have bene lately made freeholders purposely to make burgesses at theire pleasures, that now my brother can least prevayle, whose ancestors had the whole burrowe and under whose tytle the rest must all clayme. My brother upon complaynt in the Parliament Howse may have remedy, or may make as mayny freeholders as they have done. My brother was sent unto by my Lord Chamberlayns officers, before I received your letter, for his two voyces. One he promised and the other reserved for my Lord without asking as allwayes he hath done. I understand of thentention by my brother, and if I showld stand for my Lord against my Lord Chamberlayne and not prevayle, I shall but dishonor his Lordship, knowing he hath sixe voyces to five, albeit Mr Sherfeilds freeholders shall stand for my Lord, and then no hope. And for me to solicit Mr Sherfeild in his Lordships behalf without his Lordships letter unto him, he will thincke himself sleighted. . . . Besydes, yow have not named a man, if to be had, and which will nowe be to late, for I perceive by my brother ther wilbe present election. If his Lordship had written unto Mr Sherfeild, I thincke it had bene all in vayne, as yow may perceive it was at the last election. But yf his Lordship had sent unto my Lord Chamberlayne, doubtlesse his Lordship would have assented to anythinge our Lord showld have desyerd, and then upon the least notice thereof to his officers heer they might both have bene [? sent]), although Mr Sherfeild showld have opposed it. But if this had bene thought on at my last being heer, we might have used some better meanes, now to late to speak off. I have intreated my brother to see what he can do, who is more powerfull then myself, who by reason of my sicknes am not able to travell, but he hath no hope to do good, neyther will he now unlesse he may have hope to prevayle. The election wilbe so speedy that I can not send unto yow to name a burgess."—Boveridge. Holograph. Seal. 2 pp. (General 84/13.)
	Britain's Burse.
[c. 1627].	Eight plans of various parts of Britain's Burse in the Strand, London. One of them, according to a note in the hand of Christopher Keighley, was "Stiles plott of the burse and the chardge". On August 15, 1627, articles of agreement were drawn up between Keighley and Thomas Styles, a freemason, whereby the latter undertook to build eleven tenements in the second and upper story of the Burse. [See Legal 5/64].—Undated. 8 sheets. (CPM supplementary 84. General 57/72.)
	Francis Godolphin to Christopher Keighley.
[Before March 17, 1627–8].	"I was hopefull to have seen you at Godolphin before you left the country, and am much mistaken if you did not promise me that favour. However, if I had had notice of your going, I would have seen you. My expectation of your coming mad me respite the sending you this inclosed which I promised you, and which is a business I conceive might easily be brought about if my Lord be pleased to stirr in it. It will be more for his Lordships honor then his profitt, it will be for both. I need not tell you this who understand it better. I am sure it would be for my proffitt too, who receiving this prejudice being under age, have very just pretence and reason to seek my right now, for obtaining whereof I would be noe niggard of my purse if your councell shall incourage us therein. I believe we shall shortly meet at Parliament; (fn. 2) if not, I shall be glad to receive from you your further opinion of this business."—Undated. Holograph. 1 p. (197. 139.)
	Hatfield.
[1628].	Plans for the conversion of the Old Palace at Hatfield into stables. On the back of one of them there are specifications and requirements relating to bricklayers' and carpenters' work. In 1628 an agreement was concluded with Thomas Avis and Harrow for this purpose. [See Deeds 65/2.]—Undated. 4 sheets. (CPM supplementary 81. General 135/3 and 57/9.)
	The Allies of England.
[After 1628].	A treatise on the principles that should guide the conclusion of treaties—"the sacred ligaments of peace", between England and foreign governments in the interests of her territorial security, maritime supremacy and commercial prosperity. The author assesses the relative strength of those European states which he regards as potential allies, and their usefulness in containing the aggrandisement of Spain, supported by Austria, and in neutralizing the influence of France under Richelieu to whose capture of La Rochelle he refers. (fn. 3) —Undated. 14½ pp. (140. 151.)
	Warrant for payment of fees to the Heralds and Pursuivants of Arms.
[After May, 1630].	For their fees at the installation of the King of Sweden into the fellowship of the Order of the Garter, thirty pounds, and to Garter King of Arms for composition for the upper garment of the said King, twenty pounds; for their fees at the installation of the Prince of Orange into the said Order, twenty pounds, and to Garter King of Arms for composition for the said Prince's upper garment, twenty pounds. For their fees at the christening of our dearly beloved son Prince Charles, one hundred marks; for their fees at the purification of our dearly beloved consort Queen Marie after the birth of our first begotten son Prince Charles, forty pounds. And for their like fees at the purification of the same our most dearly beloved Consort the Queen after the birth of our second son the now Prince Charles, (fn. 4) forty pounds. For the funeral of our said first begotten son Prince Charles at Westminster, thirty pounds. For the allowances for their diets and rewards being appointed to summon the great Estates and Nobility to attend at the said christening, being employed in that service six days by command signified to the Earl Marshal of England, as heretofore allowed, that is to say to the three Kings of Arms, to each of them twenty shillings by the day; to each of six heralds thirteen shillings and fourpence per diem; to each of four pursuivants ten shillings per diem for the six days, and to Garter and Clarenceux Kings of Arms for their travail in delivering letters to the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Mayor of London and the Dean of Westminster signifying the birth of the said Prince Charles, for two days at 20s per diem to each of them, forty shillings; amounting in all to fifty eight pounds. Further to the Kings, Heralds and pursuivants for largess as heretofore accustomed, that is to say for the creation of eight Earls, viz, of Kingston-upon-Hull, Carnarvon, Newport, Chesterfield, Thanet, St. Albans, Carbery and Downe, for each of them five pounds; for the creation of nine Viscounts, viz, Ascott, Dorchester, Wentworth, Waineman, Monson, Galloway, Molyneux, Fairfax and FitzWilliams, for each of them five pounds; and for the creation of eleven Barons, viz., Lords Savile, Wentworth, Butler, Dunsmore, Powys, Cherbury, Kilmainham, Bellingard, Elmany, Beltarbert and Thorncastle, for each of them five pounds, amounting for the said largesses to the sum of one hundred and forty pounds, which fees and largesses do amount to the sum of four hundred, three score and four pounds, thirteen shillings and four pence, which our pleasure is shall be paid unto our said servants without account, imprest or other charge on them for the same or any part thereof. Given under our privy seal at our palace of . . . [sic]. Much corrected. Endorsed: "Draught of the Privy Seal for 464^l 13^s 4^d." 4½ pp. (131. 191.)
	Musters in Hertfordshire.
1631.	"Here followeth a discourse of the Muster Master, Mr George Tooke, of all the passages for his ffees by intercourse of letters ffrom our Lord Lieutenant and the rest of his Ma^ts privy councell and the country, with the aunsweares and certificates from the country to the Lords of his Ma^ts privy councell, and other occurrences compiled together in order, and how the same now standeth betweene the country and the Muster M^r. Desired by a spetiall frind.
	1629, December 21. To our very good Lord, the Earle of Salisbury, his Ma^ts Leiutenant of the county of Hartford.
	Whereas his Ma^tie and this board have beene enformed that in many counties of this kingdome both the armes are defective and the trayned bands nott well exercized in the use of there armes as were necessary for the defence and security of the Realme, partly in regard that the Muster Masters have nott in there places performed there dutyes as were requisite, and partly because in some counties the Muster Masters have nott beene payd and recompenced as they have beene in former times and as were fitt ytt should bee.
	Wee haveing taken the same into consideration by his Ma^ts spetiall direction and commandement, have thought fitt to pray and require your Lordshipp in like manner as wee doe all his Ma^ts other Leiutenants to take spetiall care and order either by your selfe or your deputy Leiutenants that your Muster Master doe hereby diligently performe his duty according to the directions following:
	Ffirst, hee is to see that the persons appointed for the trayned bands bee of able bodyes, fitt quality and serviceable or else to acquainte the Deputy Leiutenants that better choice may bee made if they find cause.
	Secondly, to see that there armes bee good and fitt for service, and that they bee there owne and nott borrowed.
	Thirdly, that hee doe assist the captaines and other officers att convenient places besides the ordinary times of musters, to teach the trayned souldyers there duties and postures and the right use of there armes.
	Ffouthly, hee is to have his ordinary habitation in the country where he serveth, to the end hee may bee in a readiness when the Lord Leiutenant or Deputy Leiutenants shall thinke fitt to employ him, and whensoever there shall bee use of him to teach the souldiers there postures, duties and right use of there armes.
	Itt is alsoe thought fitt that in the choice of the Muster Masters hereafter the Lord Leiutenants doe nott onely find a man that understandeth and performeth these duties by experience att home, butt one that hath beene a practique souldier and experte in the warre abroad, and shall have a good and sufficient testimony of his good service abroad to bee such as may enable him to the place; and if any person doe hold the place of Muster M^r and is nott able to performe the duty required here to bee donne, the Lord Leiutenant is to displace him and to make choice of an able man such as is aforesayd in his roome.
	And in regard the Muster M^r is expected to bee a person of such experience and abilities as is aforesayd, and that the paines, diligence and care required from him is greate, therefore to the end hee may receive the better encouragement in the service and ymployment, wee have thought good hereby to pray your Lordshipp to give spetiall direction to your Deputy Leiutenants to meete together and to make certificate to the boarde by the 20th of Ffebruary next what hath beene the best pay and intertainement that hath beene most usually heretofore given within the county to the Muster M^r, and by whome and in what proportion the same hath beene assessed and how leavyed and collected. Whitehall, the 21th of December, 1629. Signed: Thos. Coventry, Exceter, Rich. Weston, Manchester, Dorsett, Sa. Eborum, Conway, Holland, Humphry May, Arundell and Surrey, Salisbury, Robt Naunton, Pembrooke, Dorchester, J. Cooke, Theoph. Suffolke.
	A letter from the Earl of Salisbury to the Deputy Leiutenants in persuance of the former letter of directions from the Lords.
	1629–30, January 4. With this you shall receive a letter from the Lords of the Councell drawne by his Ma^ts speciall commaund concerning Muster Masters whose generall abillities and duties therein described and injoyned in the particular of him that holds the charge amongst us I conceive to have there full satisfaction, hee being neither wanting in partes or hitherto in practice or care. Soe that there remaines onely the last pointe concerning the certificate wherein I must desire your carefull dispatch according to all the considerations in the letter specifyed. As likewise that you would anticipate the prefixed time by sending ytt to mee somewhat before, that I may have ytt ready to present att the day. Salisbury House, this 4th of January, 1629.
	1629, February 16. To the Lords of the Privy Council.
	By vertue of a letter directed from your Lordshipps to our Lord Leiutenant, beareing date the 21th of December last, wee make bolde to certify your Lordshipps as followeth:
	Ffirst, wee find that Capt. Henry Swayne about the yeare 1584 and 1585 came downe by the late Queenes spetiall commaund and appointement with instructions from the Lords of her Ma^ts most honorable Privy Councell for the mustering and trayneing of the souldyers of the county. Butt whether hee received any pay from this county, or how long hee continued that service, ytt doth nott appeare unto us.
	Alsoe wee find that in the yeare 1599 by a letter from the Lords of her Ma^ts most honorable privy Councell, Capt. Gill, being our countryman, was recommended by there Lordshipps to the High Sheriffe and Commissioners for the musters of the sayd county to undertake the charge of mustering and trayneing of the bands heere, whoe was accordingly entertayned and received for that service 30^l, and more wee know nott.
	Ffurthermore, wee find that in the yeare 1607 Capt. Henry Boteler, another of our countrymen, by the mediation of his frinds and allyances was elected Muster Master, and his allowance from the country ffor ffoote and horse was 41¹ 10^s which was paid him or the greatest parte halfe yearely. And afterward succeeded Capt. Tooke, a gentleman likewise of this country, whose most usuall allowance from the country was yearely the same proportion of 41¹ 10^s, which summe for the greatest parte thereof was collected by the High Constables within the severall divisions, and soe payd over to the Muster M^r, butt by whome assessed wee know nott.
	And moreover the severall captaines being 5 in nomber upon the traineing dayes outt of there owne courtesyes have sometimes given the twoe last Muster Masters forty shillings for there paines. Hartford, 16th Ffebruary, 1629. Signed: Jo. Gerrad, Jo. Boteler, Tho. Pope Blount, Tho. Dacres, Wm Litton.
	This certificate being fayrely written and signed by the said Deputy Leiutenants, ytt was committed to the care and charge of Sir John Gerrard to present to the Earle of Salisbury, and by his Lordshipp to the Councell Table. Butt his Lordshipp nott likeing the certificate returned this letter following with the certificate.
	1629, February 18. To my very loveing ffrinds, my Deputy Leiutenants in the county of Hartford.
	Haveing perused your letters to the Lords of the Councell in answeare of theres of the 21th December, I could nott conceive the cause why the first parte of there letter and that which personally respects the Muster Master is altogether untouched, espetially remembring that I shewed Sir William Litton the letter they of Staffordsheire had written in the behalfe of theres, which I purposely shewed in hope that your respects unto mee would have ledd you to have followed soe faire a president, butt I finde the contrary. Ffor the Muster M^r, if his sufficiency bee nott such as may merritt a conformable testimony to the parts required and specifyed in the letter, I am bound by an express clause thereof to putt an other in his place, and yett to mee you ever seemed to have a good opinion of him. I observe likewise that throughout the letter you take occasion to shew the way and manner of election of Muster Masters: Capt. Henry Swayne by the Queenes speciall appointement; Capt. Gill recommended by the Lords of the High Sherriffe and Commissioners for the musters; Capt. Henry Boteler by the miediation of frinds and allyances. This being in the letter noe enquiry made after the manner and power to elect, soe precise a satisfaction in the pointe seemes unnecessary and the reason to mee unconceavable. Besides in the last instance of Boteler, my ffather being then Leiutenant, I should thinke his election his sole acte and nott procured by the mediation of frinds and allyes. Butt as you mention nott my ffathers in Botelers, soe you forgett mee in Capt. Tookes.
	Upon these scruples I have returned you your letter intreateing you to meete with such speed as may comply with the exigence of the prefixed time or att farthest I may receive your answeare on Monday next, desiring you likewise soe to frame your letter as may nott give the Lords any umbrag of disfavor in you to this busines, and thereby you shall respect your selves though you forgett mee.
	PS. If ytt chance all of you cannott meete soe sodainely, then lett ytt bee donn by as many as can conveniently. Salisbury House, Ffebr. 18, 1629.
	This last letter from the Earl of Salisbury was by his Lordshipps footeman brought first to Sir Thomas Dacres on Thursday, the 18th Ffebruary, and was by Sir Thomas Dacres inclosed in a letter and sent to Sir Richard Lucy and presently from him sent to Sir John Boteler, and soe handed about to all the rest for a meeteing at Hartford upon the same busines upon the Saterday ffollowing, being the 20th of February, which letter from Sir Thomas Dacres to Sir Richard Lucy was in manner verbatim:
	1629, February 18. I even now received this letter from the Lord of Salisbury and although you were nott att Hartford, yett I suppose that your servant Mr Hurst will give you an account why that wee mentioned nothing of Capt. Tooke, which was for that in my Lord of Salisburyes letter to us hee sayes that hee conceives that Capt. Tooke was quallifyed in all things as in the letter of instructions from the Lords is required, with a touch likewise that there remayneth nothing for us butt to bee carefull in the last pointe concerning the Certificate. Now you see our Lord Leiutenant writes againe to us and with what expedition hee requires a returne againe of an account. I understand by Sir Edmund Lucy that you doe nott stirre abroad as yett, nevertheless I thought fitt to write to you of ytt that you may please to send to Sir John Boteler; and by my Lords letter ytt appeeres that att the farthest wee give an account on Monday whereby I find ytt very necessary wee meete againe on Saterday att Hartford att the same place where formerly wee mett last, which I shall nott fayle to doe if from you I heere not the contrary, and soe I must bee inforced to putt off my journey into Northamptonsheire till Monday next. Cheshunt, 18 Ffebr. 1629.
	Att Hartford they all mett accordingly (Sir Richard Lucy excepted whoe was not well) the Saterday following being the 20th Ffebruary, where after long debateing they framed this letter to our Lord Leiutenante.
	1629, February 20. According to your Lordshipps letter wee mett att Hartford on Saterday, and haveing perused the contents wee received from Sir William Litton that hee conceived that your Lordshipp shewed him the Certificate of Staffordsheire to satisfy him that there was a Muster Master there, hee haveing formerly heard that there was none; and for any further use that your Lordship intended the shewing of ytt to him, hee understood ytt nott. As for nott incerting the sufficiency of Capt. Tooke in his place of Muster Master, wee conceived both by the Lords of Councells letter as also by your Lordshipps owne accompanying them that ytt belonged nott any way for us to meddle with; wherein your Lordshipp declares that for his conformity to the instructions they were fully satisfied and that the latter pointe onely belonged to us to bee carefull of. And for the other parte of the Certificate as in the particulars of each Muster Master how hee came to be commended to the country or att what times, wee humbly crave pardon if that by writing wee cannott soe well satisfy your Lordshipp till we have some opportunity to wayte on you. Att which time wee make noe question of giveing your Lordshipp a full content. Hartford, 20 Ffebr. 1629. Signed: John Gerrard, Thomas Pope Blount, John Boteler, Thomas Dacres, William Litton.
	This letter was by the care of Sir Thomas Dacres sent upp to our Lord Leiutenant the Sonday following, being the 21 of Ffebruary, of which letter there was noe returne till the 4th of Aprill following, at which time the Deputy Leiutenants received a letter from his Lordshipp in persuance of another from the Lords of his Ma^ts most hon. Privy Councell, the Councells letter beareing date the 18th of March, 1629, and our Lord Leiutenants the 29th of the same month. The coppy of both letters here follow, and first the Councells letter as they came in order.
1629, March 18.	To our very good Lord, the Earl of Salisbury, Lord Leiutenant of the county of Hartford.
	Wee have received a letter of the 16th of the last month from the Deputy Leiutenants of the county of Hartford, in which your Lordshipp is his Ma^ts Leiutenante, wherewith wee are nott fully satisfyed, for as they advertise what intertainement hath beene allowed to the Muster Master and how the same was collected, soe they acknowledg that all hath not beene payd, yett never certify the names of any refusers and know not by whome the intertainement was assessed. Wherefore wee thought itt fitt to give your Lordshipp notice, praying and requiring you both to lett them know that wee expect more particular answeares hereafter and withall to give them order and directions to cause the last allowance being 41^l 10^s p ann to bee forthwith assessed upon the county. And wee doe hereby commaund the said Deputy Leiutenants to obay and execute the said order and directions with all care and dilligence, and accordingly to send outt there warrants to the High Constables for the sayd allowance in there severall divisions respectively, and likewise to returne to this board the names of the refusers withoutt spareing of any person. Touching the mony given in the country to the Muster Master for his paynes by the severall captaines upon there trayning dayes, wee conceive ytt to bee very fitt and reasonable that if any now Muster Master shall deserve well the same courtesy should bee allowed and continued unto him. Whitehall, the 18th of March, 1629. Signed: Thomas Coventry, Theo. Suffolke, Grandison, Rich. Weston, Ed. Dorsett, Tho. Edmunds, Conway, R. Winton, J. Cooke, H. Manchester, E. Newburgh, H. May.