Cecil Papers: Feburary 1598, 16-28

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 8, 1598. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1899.

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'Cecil Papers: Feburary 1598, 16-28', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 8, 1598, (London, 1899) pp. 50-74. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol8/pp50-74 [accessed 19 April 2024]

Feburary 1598, 16–28

Captain Gode to the Earl of Essex.
1597/8. Feb. 16. My last of the 8 present by the way of Tauttnes, which I do hope your honour hath received ere this, I writ of the “sopring” [surprising] of Denhan [Dinan] by the bourges of St. Mayllows, and also the last of January at Zaclok. In the morning they did arrive into Denhan, where they found the gates opened a two hours before they came. At the entering they did put none to the sword of the soldiers, but there was put to the sword by the inhabitants of Denhan by a “larayn” given by the bourges in the round which was made by a gentleman of Sannt Laring, and the “larman” (en)dured a half hour. With that the bourges of Santt Mallows entering, cried “Vyvylle a Royee vyell la Royee,” and presently the chiefest bourges for the Lege ran into the castle to save themselves, and the rest rendered prisoners; so it continued till Sunday at the morning afore day came Monser Monggonrye with his troops of horse, and presently cast up a trench betwixt the castle and the town for the defence of the town: the next day came the Barran Mollyaick with his troop, and that day came the regiment of the Suychers [Switzers] to belay the out part of the town, that no man should not come into the back part of the castle, and the 4 day came the troops of Nurmordy, some 1400, and the 5 day passed 4 pieces of cannon and 10 smaller pieces, with shot, powder, and matches, to prepare a battery against the castle; the 6 day came more powder and ball, with pikes, and other of the munition arrived there, and the 8 day they were ready, and the 9 day played they with some 2 pieces to see if they would render, whereupon the 10 day there was 4 principal(s) went out of the town to them of the castle and 4 of the castle to come to the marshal of the King to parley, whereunto they have agreed that those of the castle shall depart with bag and baggages what they can carry, and to be sent with a conduct of soldiers to guard them a mile or two, and this 13 day at 8 of the clock to depart in the morning, so this agreement makes nothing for the soldier, but to conclude every one of those “richs” is of the chiefest to have the parting of the goods in the castle, which is thought unknown riches there. The reason why they wanted powder and shot was that some of the soldiers of St. Larnss at the surprisal of the town ran into a tower called Sayntt Jeyllaymss tower, where all the powder and shot was, with great store of other provision in it, saying they could not keep it no longer, put a match burning into one of the barrels, and there did let it burn in a barrel of powder, and within some hour after it they could not keep it no longer, but was forced to leave it for want of victuals, fled out on the back side thereof, and did escape afore the inhabitants could get into it. It blew up of a sudden and blew up the tower and brake it in such an order it is incredible to write what it hath done; these of St. Mayllous seeing that this had happened, went presently to send for provision hither, and making some 6 or 8 shot of the cannon against they sent out one to parley with the marshals of the King, and so concluded that as the 13 day at 8 o'clock in the morning they should depart with bag and baggages, their arms, with safe conduct 2 leagues from Denhan, and so it is concluded that Monser Barron Mollacks shall be their governor, the which the inhabitants of Denhan have desired of the King, and he hath granted them, so the troops are to depart out of Denhan this 14 day. Santt Larnss is one that at this time hath some 200 soldiers, but cannot do nothing, for that the people flee from him as fast as ever they did afore affect him, and do, as it were, utterly deadly hate him. I have heard by the nobles here the King of France did offer Santt Larinss before this, if he would have come and have submitted himself with his government, would have given it him and 100,000 crowns in money, also a 20,000 francs by the year, and to make him lieutenant of Brittany, and he to enjoy all his goods and lands that he had before, with the order of the Sayntt Essprytt. All this hath a traitor lost and a poor man as a man beside himself, knowing not what to do, as ashamed of himself, a great judgment of God for the traitors of Ingland to behold, that will go against God and their anointed prince and country. Where these troops should have departed the 14 day of this month, as yet the marshall will hear from the King what order shall be afore they do depart, for that the marshall will attend the King's answer, for this holds here as Placye Berttren a stronghold held and Gyldow another, which doth trouble St. Mayllows very much. This plot which was devised for the taking of the last 10 days “trawes” with the Duck Marckryee was brought to get Sayntt Larnss out of Denhan, as I have shown of a parley because the Duck Marckrey could not rule him. It is thought that the Duck Marckrey will hold unto the King of France, but that he doth make a colour or show to the world, and will have the King to bring his troops and cannon unto Nanttz to besiege him, and upon compulsion will render, and in the intent to keep his place as he is, unto the King's use. This is thought of here and is spoken of, and has been this month or two secretly by the chiefest sort of the nobles in Breyttany, and is expected to come to pass within these three months, to have all this country of Bretteny in quiet, and in as good peace as may be. All this that is done betwixt the King of France and the Duck is done but to cozen the King of Spain, as they all this while have done, and now that the Duck Marckrey doth see the King of Spain cannot obtain his purpose against England in that he would, he seeing that and also brings promises with him for the last money he demanded, and doth not perform it, sees no way but one with himself, rather to submit himself to the King of France than unto the hazard and danger of that which is like to come unto him, if in time he should not take this, the King's offer, which now secretly hath been as the blanss “qwn” of France doth solicit daily for him unto the King of France, he seeing how the state stands cannot see how to do better, but he can look to do better than ever he could by the King of Spain so that when these parts be in peace the King shall have the better opportunity to get out the Spaniers from those other places which they are in. But here we have a new bruit that a general peace should be betwixt us and Spain, France and the Low Countries to be forthwith: this is spread abroad here for certain, which is greatly spoken of here, how true it is I do not know it, I do liever think that in such news dire treasons or conspiracies be devised. For these French I do as little trust them as the Spaniard, if they do see their opportunity possible they will pay us with the same payment which now they have done unto the King of Spain for all the money and help they have had of him and us too. I can reckon them like Peter which denied his Master when he see or was afraid of death, for no money or help no longer serves with this French nation, but it is better for us to abide a little mischief than to endure a greater quarrel or “fytt” unto the hazard of a more greater matter. Here was an example made one day at the table by a French gentleman that our nation was wise. A merchant gave the lie to a French gentleman; the gentleman struck him; the merchant being a man of peace endured the same; the rest of the French made answer that the English nation was wise for they would leifer see us cut the throats of one another than once to help to maintain a quarrel, so to conclude, one Monser Degoblytt answered wisely, if that we were wise within ourselves we need not this, if our wisdom were better our peace had been soon(er), so to this was answered if they here were in peace in general they would not care neither for our nation nor other, so proud be they. God send me never to see the general peace in France for our peaces cannot be long. What I do err in this my opinion I crave pardon of your honour. I write as I do think and what I have said of them these 30 years, this nation never deceived me, for that I did never trust them, I do know they do deal underhand to save themselves. It had need we stand upon our guard.—St. Maylos, 16 Feb. 1597.
Monser Marryshal with his troops goes to the beseiging of Plasey Berten to-morrow. By this bearer your honour shall perceive the effect of all things by Lieutenant Bellingly whom I found to depart hence.
The Senechal of Denham keeps the castle still. The King sent another governor with 20 inhabitants of Denham and 20 Swysch [Switzers].
Holograph. Endorsed :—“Captain Goad.”
4 pp. (174. 125.)
Sir Alexander Radcliffe to [the Earl of Essex].
1597/8, Feb. 16. Prays that Essex will admit his Irish brother to kiss his hand before his departure, who would gladly quit any present certainty to follow Essex, rather than to be left any more behind. Offers services.—Dover, 16 Feb.
Addressed :—“To the most noble and worthy Lord the Earl Marshall of England.”
Endorsed :—“Sr Alex. Ratcliffe, 16 Feb. '97.”
On reverse, Sir Alexander Ratcleff, and 5 other names.
1 p. (174. 143.)
Examination of Antonio Mendez, a Portuguese.
1597/8, Feb. 17. Says the fleet consists of 38 ships in which are 4000 soldiers, half of them old soldiers from Brittany, half from Biscay. Breton Dona Biscayen is general of the fleet at sea; D. Sancio de Lena master general of the camp. There are 40 captains, each having a company of 100 men. His captain's name is Fernando de Marguyna. They left “la Corogne” [the Groyne], Monday, the 6th inst. Subiaur ought to have come with the fleet, but being taken ill he stayed at the Groyne, where are also D. Diego de Brochero and the Marquis de Rambola. Villa Vitiosa is gone to la Tescera with 8 galleons. There are about 50 ships at the Groyne sans equipage. There are between 2000 and 3000 Italians in the neighbourhood of the Groyne, of whom there are three or four companies in the ships at the Groyne. The Adalanto is at Madrid.—17 February, 1597.
Signed. French.
1¼ pp. (49. 40.)
Richard Carmarden to Lord Burghley.
1597/8, Feb. 17. According to your warrant I yesterday delivered unto Sir Gelly Merrick for the use of the contractors, all the cochineal, indigo, and the rest of the goods and merchandise shipped from Dartmouth by me and the rest in commission for the same to this port, which I had in charge, and have received from him an acknowledgment for the receipt thereof. Also yesterday this bearer, one of my clerks, having received order in my absence to take care to such books either bound or unbound as come in this port that they be not such as touch her Majesty or the state, being at the opening of a fall of books, found therein this book I now send you, being a very bad book. [I] have therefore sent the same sealed up to you by him, beseeching you to command him, being my chief clerk inwards, and an honest, zealous man, to take care of such matters in my absence by other employments.—London, the 17th of February, 1597.
Holograph. Seal, broken.
1 p. (49. 41.)
Sir Robert Sydney to the Earl of Essex.
1597/8, Feb. 17. I presumed a few days ago to write unto her Majesty beseeching her, in consideration of her own service, to give me leave to attend upon her to make known some things which very much concern the state of this place committed unto my charge. I dare not too often use that boldness, and therefore, seeing the same causes remain, I beseech your Lordship to move her Majesty in it, and to acquaint her with some of those reasons which I do here set down. And whereas it may be thought unfit in these times of treating of peace for me to be absent from hence, it is, methinks, the only fit time for me to discharge that which I go about. For now is the season of the year wherein this place is most free from any attempt of the enemy, and as for the treaty of peace, they do now but begin to speak, and while the iron is in heating every one will be quiet, but as soon as it is hot then will the blow be given, and therefore the defence for it must be made ready in time. And truly in one word it concerns her Majesty as much as the town is worth to know the infirmities and weaknesses of it. For till the sickness be truly known, the remedies cannot be with judgment applied. And indeed there are evils grown into the body of this government which were not discovered when it was first established, and but unto them who understand the secret of them will not openly appear till it is to be feared that they will bring an instant danger with them. I have written very often and very long letters, but do not find that they have had any success. So as I will not hope that I shall prevail in any sort except it will please the Queen to hear me deliver my reasons and suffer me to solicit a resolution in them. And this I do not desire for mine own sake (though in the consideration of mine own particular fortune I desire nothing so much as that her Majesty's service may prosper under my hands), but what her Majesty doth for me herein she doth for her own profit, and what is denied to me is denied to the good of her own service. There is this also more at this time to induce her Majesty to license my coming to her presence, there will be every day that the States General do send over their deputies unto her, and though hereafter they may do the like often, yet not likely with the same affections. For at this time they apprehend so much her Majesty entering into a peace with Spain as that rather than that should be, they would agree to any reason should be demanded of them. I could set down unto your Lordship many other reasons, out of the consideration of this town, why her Majesty should command me to wait upon her: but if this which I have said be well understood, it will be thought enough; or all will be too little. But besides this there is a matter come unto my knowledge which is very necessary that her Majesty should understand, and understanding it very well to weigh and consider of it. For in the effecting of it there may great good or great evil fall out to her Majesty and her estate according as the terms be with which it is wrought, as also the not taking the occasion may continue those courses whereout great troubles are apparent to follow. I think there will not much be done in this matter, but if I list I shall hear of it, and howsoever her Majesty will like of it, yet I do persuade myself that she will say I have done her service in making her know how far it hath been proceeded in. But it is to no purpose to speak of the matter itself without the reasons and circumstances of it, and they are many and great, and therefore I will leave it till I hear again from your Lordship. And touching the news here, there is not any but that on the other side they make themselves assured of a peace with France. These men know not what to say unto it. At the best hand they fear that the King of Spain will win a year and thereby take breath. They see not upon what good conditions the peace may be made, and yet they know not what to trust unto, finding the most part of the King of France's council bent that way. Their deputies I doubt not but will put to sea with this fair wind, and when they come into France will “disownde” the peace what they may: but to enter into any treaty I know they dare not; neither have they any commission. As I know anything hereafter I will advertise your Lordship.—Flushing, 17 Feb., 1597.
Holograph.
3 pp. (174. 127.)
Sir Robert Sydney to the Earl of Essex.
1597/8, Feb. 17. This bearer, Lieutenant Larkin, hath very long followed the wars, and seven years ago he was corporal of my company of horse, since which time till now he hath been lieutenant to Captain Aldridge. He desireth, as all other men of war of our nation do, to be made known to your Lordship, and me as his old captain he hath desired to do it for him. This much I will say for him, that while he was with me he carried himself like an honest and a tall soldier, and so hath he done ever since for aught I can hear.—Flushing, 17 Feb., 1597.
Holograph.
1 p. (174. 129.)
Sir Edward Conway to the Earl of Essex.
1597/8, Feb. 17. In recommendation of Captain Edward Turner, who has followed the wars in France and these parts for seven years a lieutenant, and at the death of his brother was made captain.—Brill, 17 Feb., 1597.
Signed.
1 p. (174. 130.)
Bryan Orwark.
1597/8, Feb. 18. Submission of Bryan Orwark to the Queen, at the Abbey of Boyle.
Signed by him.
1 p. (141. 189.)
Sir Edward Conway to the Earl of Essex.
1597/8, Feb. 18. I recommend to your assistance the cause of the citizens of the Brill, for which they purposely travel suitors to her Majesty. Whereas her Majesty's merchants and clothes are forbidden in the Empire, it would please her Majesty to command her staple to this her cautionary town. Whereas this town has hitherto laid open, neither honourably nor safe to any end her Majesty holds it for, they may be drawn to the fortification of it and securing of the haven, which will be a better gage to her Majesty for her money and their humours. In near points of equality with any other pretending town, these deserve to overweigh for the great affection they show and humbleness they use in all points of her Majesty's service, besides great loans of money when her Majesty's treasure hath failed here, and taking oath to take arms with her for the defence of her interest in this town. They are truly a good thankful people, possessed with a reverend opinion of your honour, and full of hope to receive general good for themselves and the country by your actions.—Brill, 18 Feb., 1597.
Signed.
1 p. (174. 131.)
Spanish Advertisements.
[1597/8, Feb. 18]. Information furnished by Robert Savage. [See S.P. Dom. Eliz., Vol. cclxvi, 69. Calendar. pp. 27/29, where the paper is fully abstracted.]
Signed. Undated.
2½ pp.
Shane McManus Oge O'Donnell.
1597/8, Feb. 19. Submission of Shane mac Manus oge O'Donell, of Tyrconnell, for himself and others, at the Abbey of Boyle.
Signed.
1 p. (141. 194.)
Richard Carmarden to Lord Burghley.
1597/8, Feb. 20. Your Lordship's of this date touching salt I have by this bearer received, but, for the more perfect answer thereto, I do crave pardon for one day. For the postscript of your letter I do enclosed send you the true copy, under their hands that are the surveyors of the outports, as the same was unto her Majesty delivered by me by her Highness's express commandment. Which if it be true, as I verily believe, or else they much deceive me, then is Mr. Fanshaw much to blame to oppose himself so much against so good service and so carefully settled by her Majesty with your Lordship's privity. But I heartily beseech Almighty God to send her Majesty long life, and your Lordship and myself to serve her to see the fruits of many peaceable years in traffic.—London, the 20th of February, 1597.
Holograph. Seal, broken.
1 p. (49. 42.)
Sir Robert Sydney to the Earl of Essex.
1597/8, Feb. 20. Yesterday were brought into Flushing 200 Spaniards and one captain in chief, which were they which were taken by the ships of these countries as they would have entered Callis. The captain saith that their order was absolutely to come thither and no where else, and if they had found any fleet before the haven too strong for them they were to run their ships on shore and land their men the best they might. They are all old soldiers and in very good order. Don Sancho de Leina is their commander and shall be master of camp general with the Cardinal. They were 14 or 15 ships of war, and their admiral is called Pretendono of Biscaie. There are remaining still in Ferol 70 sail, whereof 40 great ships part Spanish and part Italians, and the rest Dutch: and some 2000 soldiers. Ten great galleons are gone to the Terceres to fetch thence the treasure, and in them also 2000 soldiers.—Flushing, 20 Feb. 1597.
Holograph.
2 pp. (174. 134).
The Treaty of Vervins.
[1597/8,] Feb. 12/22. Out of a letter from the Spanish Commissioners from Vervins, of the 12th Febr. to the Cardinal Albert:—
They understand from the Legate and from the General of the Cordeliers that the French Commissioners will proceed in the treaty whether the allies join or no; and that in the former conference they stood upon this point only for the King's reputation with his allies. That the said French King is resolved to go on with the treaty apart though he make show to the contrary, and therefore it shall not be needful to send into Spain for any particular commission to treat with England.
Out of a letter from the said Spanish Commissioners from Vervins to the Prince Cardinal, 16th of Febr.:—
Although the French Commissioners for France say that they will proceed without the allies and that Villeroy told Richardot so much, yet to take away all questions hereafter, they think it best to send to the King of Spain for a commission to treat with England. Their chief stay is now to capitulate for the Dukes of Savoy and Mercure. They agree so well as if they were the commissioners of one state or one prince.
Out of a letter from the Spanish Commissioners to the Pr. Cardinal from Vervins, the 22nd of Febr.:—
The messenger being returned, the French King insists upon sending for a commission to treat with the Queen of England, and yet the French Commissioners being pressed what the King their master will do if the Queen will not agree, say that their King is an absolute King depending on none but God and his own will. The treaty is to be finished and signed by the Commissioners on both sides and put into the Leaguers' hands till it be time to have it published.
Holograph by the Earl of Essex.
1 p. (49. 32.)
Original of the above extracts. French.
1 p. (49. 34.)
Confession of William Astell.
1597/8, Feb. 22. I was taken the 14 of July last within 18 leagues of Scilly, and carried from thence to Farrall, where as then the Spanish fleet lay, being in number 130 or thereabouts. The said fleet departed from the Groyne the 8 of October last, with 10,000 men for the land, and that was the most bound for Falmouth, and their pretence was that after their arrival in Falmouth, the Lantatha [Adelantado] should stay there with half of the army, and the “Countie Palma,” Captain Elyett, an Englishman, being his guide, should with the other half in small flyboats and pinnaces have gone for Plymouth. But the storm taking them at East North East, 20 leagues off Scilly, put them back. There was cast away in that storm the great St. Bartholomew with 100,000 ducats, 16 or 18 men saved; there was divers flyboats lost which were not much regarded, but a great levauntisco with much treasure and men, I know not certainly how much.
Touching Elyet, I heard him say that he, riding in Helford and her Majesty's ship being in Falmouth, Mr. [John] Killygray was mediator for him to the captain of her Majesty's ship, and that he did give to Mr. Killygray the value of £100 to give unto him, by which means, as he said, he escaped.
Touching Falmouth, the Lantatha his mind was if he had arrived and taken it, he meant to have cut through the neck of the land whereon the castle stood that Mr. Killygray had the government of, and have made it an island, and he meant likewise, if it had been possible, to have fortified upon the rock in the middle of the harbour called Falmouth. And touching the Countie Palma his going to Plymouth, Elyett being his guide, his pretence was with small flyboats and pinnaces to have gone to a place called Causen [Cowsand] Bay, and there to have landed their men, which should have marched over the hill to Mr. Edgcome's house, and the small pinnaces should have gone over on the back side of Plymouth Island, and at a place called Crimble passage to have taken in the Countie Palma and his men, and so they meant directly to have gone up to the Howe, and attempted first to have won the castle.
Touching Markus Erambilow who was appointed to have followed the Lantatha into England with 25 sail, but the number of land men I know not that were with him. There was no news a long time of him after the Lantatha his return into Galizia, but at length he came into Ferrall only with 7 sail and a few Italians and the rest not heard of.
As touching the fleet after the Lantatha his arrival, he presently sent 8 gallions to the Tresera for the treasure that was there.
The St. Paule and the St. Peter and 2 new galleons, with one levauntisco and 2 other gallions of the King's, stayed in the Groyne, and about 20 hulks and flyboats. The admiral of Markus Erambilo his fleet was in Ferrall, and a great levauntisco, with certain hulks and flyboats, the certain number I know not, but both they in the Groyne and likewise them in Ferrall were all unrigged, and the St. Paule and the St. Peter had both spent their mainmasts. The St. Peter had spent both mainmast and foremast. There were sent to the Treseres in the 8 galleons 3,000 men, and in this fleet that came to Callis, which were in number when we came from the Groyne great and small 38 sail, there came 4,000, and there hath died of sickness in Galizia great store, so that if there be 2,000 in the country there cannot be above.
Touching their preparation this year following for making of any fleet, I think it impossible; yet a little before our coming from the Groyne, there was a report that there was a stay of all shipping in Lisborne. Captain Elyett departed toward the Court of Spain about the beginning of January last, to seek licence of the King for the coming to take the Isle of Londey [Lundy], minding to keep it with a 100 Spaniards and 40 English. His pretence was that he would bring with him a flyboat which should bring all his provision of victuals and munition, which flyboat, after his arrival, he meant presently to send back. He meant likewise to bring with him 3 pinnaces about 12 ton apiece; 2 of them should be rigged and furnished, and the other he meant to bring in quarters to keep upon the land until he had great need. With these pinnaces he meant to have troubled the river of Severn and, as occasion should be offered, with one of them to have sent news into Spain.
There departed from Callis about a sevennight before Christmas last, 3 Jesuits, and their pretence was first to go to Brussels to the Cardinal's Court, and from thence to seek shipping to be landed in the north part of England. The names of the Jesuits be these: Father Fillcott [Philcott] and Father Osswell, whose apparel was one suit, a tawny satin doublet pinked, and a pair of black velvet hose; the other suit was a doublet of fustian and a pair of round hose of the same laid with gold lace, and a white high hat flat in the crown. The third, his name was Roffotte [or Ruffoote], otherwise called in England, Barnwell: he is a tall man with a flaxen beard and a “wrett” [wart] on his left cheek, with a little “hear.” His fingers be lame, as it was said, with racking in England.
This Roffotte was carried into Spain last by Elyett, and 2 gentlemen more, the one named FitzJames, the other Prater; and he took them in at Cork, in Ireland, and they were the [re] succoured by one Mr. Hide an Englishman that dwelleth in the river of Cork; but before in England they did remain at Mr. John FitzJames his house at Redlinch in Somersetshire.
Touching Burtondony, he departed from Callis towards Brussels the 17 of February, minding at his return to go for Spain, but there is now ready a “gallizavery,” with 4 pieces of ordnance and 40 muskets, to go for Spain the first wind, with news the 4,000 men that came in are dispersed into the country.
It was reported when we came from the Groyne that Mr. Killygray was executed for treason.—William Astille.
Holograph. Undated.
Endorsed :—“William Astell's first confession 22 Feb., 1597.”
3 pp. (174. 135.)
Confession of William Astell.
1597/8, Feb. 23. William Love, who was master with Ellyett, told me that after they had taken the flyboat and committed some other faults by sea, they came to Studdland, where Mr. John FitzJames of Redlinche came aboard, and had conference with Captain Ellyett, and he told me that he could never perceive until that time that ever he intended to go for Spain. When the Lantatha pretended his voyage for England, he gave strait charge through the army that when they should arrive, upon pain of death, none to take from any of the country the worth of a hen without paying for it.
He brought with him likewise a great number of proclamations printed in English, which should have been sent abroad, to the effect that whosoever would come in to him and become Catholics should possess still their lands and goods without hurt, and whosoever would not he proclaimed the extremity of the wars.
Two days before the storm did take him he had appointed two pinnaces to come in before which should have attempted to have betrayed the Mount. In the one pinnace was William Love before named with divers Englishmen, and in the other was Captain Eaten with other Englishmen. They had in each pinnace 50 soldiers. They determined to have come in like an English man of war and his prize, and to come in to the quay and to offer some goods to be sold. The Spaniards, all saving a few which should seem to be prisoners, should with their furniture have been close under hatches. And they did presume that making some show of goods to be sold, some of the chiefest of them should have been invited up to (the) castle, where after they had watched some advantage, a watch word should have been given and the soldiers in the pinnaces should have risen and have come up to them, and so they meant to have taken the Mount.—Undated.
In Astell's hand. Endorsed:—“William Astell's second confession, the 23 of February 1597.”
1½ pp. (174. 138.)
1597/8, Feb. 23. Observations of certain things extracted out of William Astell's first and second writings. A digest of the preceding confession.—Undated.
2 pp. (174. 142.)
George Gilpin to the Earl of Essex.
1597/8, Feb. 23. Your letter of the 11th, received the 14th, did not only minister great cause of joy in that I perceived thereby the continuance of your Honour's favour, but binds me more and more to use all endeavours for the deserving thereof. I failed not presently to let the Prince Maurice and divers of the States (namely Barnefielde) understand the causes of your Honour's long silence, which they accepted and interpreted of accordingly, glad that you were eased of the most burden of those affairs, and to have had a happy and good issue. I find them all here singularly to affect and honour your Lordship, both for the special services her Majesty, the realm and common cause receive by you, and the many good offices and favours daily by your Honour showed and extended towards this state, which depends wholly on her Majesty's most gracious goodness as the surest hold and chief means to maintain and establish the same, what show soever they have made or yet make unto the King of France. I have also let them know your honourable care and desire touching the admirals and captains' better contentment, whereof they never doubted, assuring themselves of your most noble and sound goodwill, as they also earnestly desired your Lordship to make full account of theirs. The causes alleged for Sir Francis Vere his stay were thought sufficient, though his presence be much desired here, as well in respect of the public service as for his particular; howbeit, seeing it cannot be enjoyed as yet, they rested very much contented, wishing all good success to your most honourable actions and his employments. The Admiral Duyvenwoorde is not in town but looked for this night or to-morrow, when as I will let him know how much he with his are beholden to your Lordship, which message came very fitly, because he is chosen by those of Holland to come over with the other deputies from the General States and will be there forthwith, if wind and weather would serve, the contrariety whereof hath been such as would not suffer them, nor the others that should for France, to depart with that speed could have been wished to prevent or avoid the inconveniences which are doubted might fall out if any resolution should be taken before the hearing of them, and yet do and will they continue resolute in dissuading not only from making any peace with Spain but also from treating, which they find full of danger; and as for any treague or cessation of arms the same is held no less dangerous, and that for sundry considerations, amongst the which these are not thought to be the least, that the frontiers must be still garrisoned, the soldiers paid and the contributions continued, and whether the people would make difficulty therein to be still so charged that is much to be feared; besides, the soldier living once idly and having no means to profit himself but forced to shift on his bare wages would incline to mutiny or fall to alteration, demanding count and reckoning for the past services as having been in effect promised when the countries should be in quietness. The boors which now set under safeguard and pay contribution monthly for it, should during the treague be freed and released thereof, and so consequently the provision taken away wherewith the fortifications are chiefly advanced and the service money in the frontiers for a good part paid, which otherwise should stand still, to the endangering of the places and disservice of the country The mariners and soldiers that serve on the ships of war, being likewise once discharged or giving over that service, would not so readily be drawn again together, but rather apply themselves to seek their fortune and live otherwise. Moreover, the intercourse of traffic and conversing together would give liberty and licence to private conference between both sides and to the ill affected means to practise dissensions and draw the people by sundry enticements to reject the States' government and listen after a peace, whereunto the greater part would run headlong, especially those that are of the frontier and weaker provinces, and in this sort would a new separation fall out as at the last parley about the peace in Cullyn. And so should not the enemy only have compassed and won a great advantage upon those men, but would extend and look further, for the King of Spain, aspiring still to his monarchy, may and would break off when he should see his most profit, and getting once a larger foot in these provinces, might with more ease and freely be doing with their neighbours who are to look for little help hence if they should be once brought to a strait or extremity. Assuredly, my Lord, whosoever makes other reckoning (if either peace or truce be made) but that the Cardinal will establish his estate, and then break off at his pleasure when he shall see his time, and that of those presently united provinces the greater part will remain on his side rather than to serve for frontiers and be subject again unto such misery as they have endured afore, doth neither know the state of these countries nor the humours of the people. And whether Holland, Zeland and Freesland, which are the likeliest to continue joined, will hold out and abide all the burden of the war, that is very doubtful, the most being generally given to their ease and gains. But having troubled your Honour too long with these I humbly crave pardon for my boldness and so will return to the Prince Maurice who with the deputies or Mor. Regenmorter will write unto your Honour, and by the Admiral Duyvenwoord and the other will the particularities of all be enlarged. The contrary winds will not yet suffer them to depart. The States are still busied about the grant of their usual yearly contributions and to take order for the wars against the time to come, both concerning the maintaining of the soldiers and to bear and provide all other needful charges. They of Gelderland, Freesland and Overysell meet in their respective provinces about the same, and Holland and Zeland are to confer together presently touching the defence of the sea against the enemy's ships of war, and will be driven to a greater charge by reason of the Spaniard's late arrival at Callays, which much moves them, and what is intended under the colour of peace begins to appear already, but if they have brought the Cardinal no money then will the charge fall the more heavy and little help by those forces. We shall shortly see and understand further and would have written what we hear of these Spaniards but that I heard that there is others of them sent over who will declare all the particularities.—The Haughe, 23 Feb., 1597.
Holograph.
4 pp. (174. 140.)
Conveyance of Spaniards to Spain.
1597/8, Feb. 24. Warrant to Lord Burghley to pay the sum of 150l., for which the Spanish prize Spirito Santo, taken in the Earl of Essex's late voyage, was sold to Capt. Nicholas Oseley, for the charges of conveying certain Spaniards into Spain, besides such money as he has already received, the number of Spaniards being much greater than was first appointed him.—Westminster Palace, 24 February, 1597, 40 Eliz.
Sign Manual. Signet.
1 p. (49. 43.)
Thomas Bruges to the Earl of Essex.
1597/8, Feb. 24/Mar. 6. Having a messenger I certify your Honour of such things as pass in these parts.
The King hath given over the rule of all things to the Prince, his son, whether by resignation of his life, or otherwise, I know not, but this is most assured that the Prince, or rather new King, hath caused certain moneys to be coined in his name, of which I will not fail to send your Honour by the next messenger, that you may be assured of the truth in this matter. In these parts of Galicia, Esturias and Biscay there are plagues, together with extreme famine, so that, between the pestilence and want of meat, the people die exceedingly, and by reason of the great abundance of rain and waters that have fallen this winter, the year ensuing is likely to be of more scarcity than that which is past. There is order to put men of war to command in all the ports of Galicia and Esturias, and for the fleet to be drawn from Ferrol to the Groyne, where they travail much in fortification, fearing much your Honour's coming this spring. They say they are very well provided of victuals, but to my knowledge the soldiers die of hunger. The fleet is about 56 sail, great and small, the army between 6 and 7 thousand men with Italians and all. The Italians were at the first very near 5,000, but they are half dead. They are commanded by the Marquess of Ranbolo. The Adelantado is sent for to the Court, as is reported, to be sent to Naples to be Viceroy there. The Conde de Foentes, they say, comes to command the army here. In the meantime it is commanded by Don Diego Brochero. Forty sail of ships are gone with 2,000 men to supply the Cardinal, commanded by one Bretendero, a Valencian, for the Biscayan, Seviaurs, is sick. The soldiers here are much discontented for want of pay and very willing to mutiny. The Armado which was last at sea was, for certain, made for Falmouth. Speeches are that it was to be rendered; it were good making it safe from such dangers. If they had landed in England, the “Britiste” regiment were resolute to have put themselves into the service of her Majesty, they were so much discontented for want of pay. They have news here of a great army preparing in England, their intelligence by a priest called Oswall, who, as they say, is a soldier in the army. Such soldiers would be looked into and put out of pay, or rather sent to the prince of darkness whom they serve. This Oswall is a man something tall of stature, his hair black, with an evil-favoured, leasing face. I hope to send a messenger shortly who knows him. Other matters I have of more weight which are not to be committed to paper, but at my coming into England I will inform your Honour at large. I beseech you that I may be sent for before the army go forth.—Viven in Galicia, the 6 of March, 1598, Stilo Novo.
Holograph.
1½ pp. (60. 23.)
Sir Nicholas Parker.
£ s. d.
1597/8, after 24 Feb. A note of my charges in the survey and plotting of Falmouth, Fowey and Plymouth.
For four months-and-a-half my diet and my man's at 3s. 6d. the day 23 12 0
For the guide's diet for three months at 12d. the day 4 10 0
To the guides for guiding for three months at 12d. the day 4 10 0
For horsehire from Plymouth to Falmouth 40 miles, 2 horses, 2d. per mile 0 13 4
To the running guide to bring the horses back at 1d. a mile 0 3 4
For the hire of boats to go up the rivers at Falmouth, Fowey and Plymouth 2 10 0
For horsehire from Falmouth to Fowey, 2 horses, 20 miles at 2d. the mile, with the running guide 0 8 2
For horsehire from Fowey to Plymouth, 2 horses, 20 miles at 2d. the mile, with the running guide 0 8 2
For horsehire from Plymouth to London, 2 horses 2 10 0
For the carriage of my trunk to London 0 15 0
For paper, parchment, colours and leather cases 0 10 0
At many times extraordinary charges of diet, apparel, horses, &c. 4 0 0
Moreover I do esteem my great and painful labour in my survey, my workmanship in making the plottes and my instruments at 30 0 0
£73 9 9
£ s. d.
There is due to me by your Honour's bargain, from the 9th November, 1597, to the 24th of February at the rate of an angel a day for my labour and expenses 67 10 0
Whereof I have received:—
of your Honour at Ratford 10 0 0
of Sir Francis Godolphin 10 0 0
of Mr. Goddart at Plymouth 10 0 0
of Mr. Harris at Ratford 5 0 0
of your Honour at London at three several times 5 0 0
£40 0 0
Rests due to me £27 10 0
Endorsed:—“Sir Nicholas Parker. My accompt and bill for my service in the West parts.”
2 pp. (58. 47.)
Exportation of Cloth.
1597/8, Feb. 25. Warrant to Lord Burghley to allow John Stokes to transport from London free of custom 40 Wiltshire cloths and 20 Kentish cloths to Denmark for the King of Denmark's own use.—Westminster Palace, 25 February 1597, 40 Eliz.
Sign Manual. Signet.
1 p. (49. 44.)
John Colville to the Earl of Essex.
1597/8, Feb. 25./March 7 In the beginning of this month, at the desire of the party, I went to Amiens for informing myself the better of all things to be communicated with you, minding to have returned immediately; yet for the self-same cause and moved by the selfsame party I go to Wervin [Vervins] where the deputies do sit, making my race somewhat the longer to the end I may loop the further. In the mean time I dare affirm that with God's grace my long abode shall prove no impeachment to my service, for the party (as you shall know at meeting) permitting me a longer time for necessary causes I was bold to alter so much of my former resolution, beseeching your lordship to accept the same in good part; and if from Vervins my affair draw me to Bretagne or where his Majesty is, undoubtedly I shall bring the better satisfaction, wishing, if so were your pleasure, to meet your ambassador by the way for certain occasions which I cannot write, tending to the benefit both of this and that realm, which is my principal scope and end.
As to the estate of matters here, his Majesty, I trust, shall so shortly and so easily make Brittany obedient as he may say with Cæsar Veni, vidi, vici; for except Nantes, where the Duke is, all is already rendered, and the chief men of that town have exhorted him to yield, wishing him to take example of Amiens which was both stronger in fortifications and men. And for this cause the “quhyit” Queen and Madame de Mercure be come to Tours unto the King to entreat for the Duke. The government of Bretaigne, for which he offers much, he will not get; but certain other conditions will be offered, which if he accept not he shall be forced either to flee to Bluet or Spain.
Whether these 4000 lately arrived at Calais were driven there by force of winds, unlanding in Brittany for the succours of the Duke, or not, we cannot tell here; but if they have brought no money with them their coming will prove more hurt nor help to the enemy, who lacking money, the more men he have shall be subjected to the more mutinies.
The circumstances, progress and apparent event of this treaty I refer to my return which, God willing, shall be shortly; in the the mean time beseeching your lordship accept of my small endeavours according to your natural mansuetude.—From Amiens, the 7 of March, 1598.
Holograph.
2 pp. (49. 52.)
The Mayor and Burgesses of Weymouth and Melcombe Regis to the Queen.
1597/8, Feb. 25. Before the union between the two towns, the corporation of Weymouth claimed to be fee farmers of the town of Weymouth, and kept courts there, but since the union offenders refuse to submit themselves to the government of the Mayor, affirming that the courts kept on Weymouth side belong to the Queen: and also refuse to pay levies to the Queen's officers, saying it belongs to the new corporation; and so would keep themselves from all government. The inhabitants have built a jetty and a bridge, at a charge of £800, which require maintenance. To settle the controversy, they pray for the grant by letters patent of the petty customs, courts, fines &c. within those towns, which they now claim to have in fee farm.—Undated.
Note by Dr. Julius Cæsar that the Queen refers the suit to the Lord Treasurer, and if he thinks fit, a book is to be drawn for her signature. 25 Feb. 1597.
(2104.)
The Society of Merchants Adventurers.
1597/8, Feb. 27/March 9.—
Points and articles which the Society of the Merchants Adventurers of England with all due reverence do require to be granted unto them by my lords the States General of the United Provinces, that so upon the granting thereof they may settle their residence in the said Provinces. [Answers of the States General.]
1.—First, that [it] would please the said lords States to accord and confirm unto the said Society such privileges and rights as were given and granted unto the said Society by an Act bearing date the 9th of January A.D. 1587, with further grant of the points and articles hereunder written. It is understood that the Act herein mentioned shall remain whole and entire in itself upon full assurance that the people of these lands shall likewise enjoy the effect of the tenor of the privileges, treaties, intercourses, and other benefits granted unto them also in England.
2.—That the placart published in the time of the Earl of Leicester the 12th August, 1585, be renewed in the name of the said lords States, and that the penalties therein mentioned be straightly put in execution. [Answers of the States General.] (cont.) 2. It is consented that the placart herein mentioned shall be published in the name of the States General (mutatis mutandis) as trusting that the people of these lands shall also in England enjoy the effect of former concordats and intercourses. And it is understood that the Netherlanders shall not be charged further than with their oath, and not be bound to set other or further surety or to produce certificate, yet so that if before the ministering of the oath the contrary can be proved by lawful witness the matter shall stand according to the law.
3.—That for the perfect accomplishment and making up of the foresaid privileges and immunities already granted to the foresaid Society by virtue of the said Act, or otherwise hereafter to be granted, and to the end that the foresaid merchants may follow their trade freely without suspicion or fear, it would please the States to deliver to the Society their letters of safe conduct and public assurance made in due form. 3, 4, 5. That which is required by the third, fourth, and fifth articles is agreed unto.
4.—That likewise if it shall seem good unto the foresaid States either by reason of misunderstanding of matters, war (which God forbid) or for other causes to revoke their letters of safe conduct granted unto the said Society, which they may well do, it would please them to appoint unto the said Society the time of three or six months or longer to retire themselves out of the country and to seek their abode in some other place.
5.—That also like privilege may be granted to the said Society by the foresaid States as was given to the Society by Duke Philip of Burgundy, to wit, that no goods, at least no English commodities, belonging to the said merchants, shall be confiscate or fall into commission, if that the said goods either through negligence or ignorance (yet without fraud) either in respect of the quality or quantity of the same, be not found rightly entered with toll; but that only a penalty of four double or otherwise may be taken according to the said privilege. [Answers of the States General.] (cont.)
6.—That all English wares, as wool, woollen cloth of what sort soever, fell, tin, lead, flax, leather, saffron, &c., may at their coming in be free of all other charge save the toll already set upon the same. Forasmuch as the convoys herein mentioned were set in the time of these wars for defence of the lands, therefore there shall be as much done in the required moderation as the state of the lands will bear. As for the further demand made by the sixth, seventh, eighth and ninth articles ensuing, the English shall be used like other the inhabitants of these lands; but if it can be shewed that the Merchants Adventurers have hitherto enjoyed inthese lands freedom of the convoy at the coming in of their cloths and kerseys, thelike freedom from this time forward shall be also permitted unto them.
7.—That likewise the imposts and convoy set upon the said wares, especially wool and woollen cloth, either here in these lands consumed or carried out of the same, may be abolished or at least moderated.
8.—That likewise the convoys of wares brought into these lands out of Dutchland, Italy, the east country, and other places for the return of the foresaid Society's goods, may be moderated, which will not only be profitable for the merchant but also for the country; for that by this means the wares which otherwise would be shipped directly into England from the foresaid countries of Dutchland, &c., will be brought into these lands, and that which in the tax shall be lessened by reason of the required moderation shall in the great quantity of the foresaid wares be found doubled, whereas now for want of return the English merchants are forced to use the exchange, whereby the land is nothing at all benefited.
9.—That all as well English wares as others brought into these countries by the foresaid Society, for the which they have once paid the charge and duties at their first entry, may within a year after the first entry, be carried again out of the countries without paying any further charge, if it be duly found that the said wares belong to the said merchants and that the property thereof be not altered.
10.—That if through tempest or other misfortune the ships of the said merchants shall arrive in some haven of these Provinces which they were not destinated unto, they shall not be bound to discharge in such place or to pay any charge or duties, but only in the place of the residence of the foresaid Society unto which the said ships were destinated. That which is required in this tenth article is agreed unto so that there be no bulk broken.
11.—That if through tempest or other misfortune a ship be cast away the goods that shall be saved shall be restored to the owners, paying such costs and charges as by good proof shall be found to have been laid out for the keeping preserving of the said goods, and besides reasonable allowance for Bergelone, as it is termed. [Answers of the States General.] cont. This article likewise is consented unto, so that the like be done to the people of these lands in England.
12.—That the foresaid merchants may be permitted in their contracts and bargains to rule themselves according to the common course and disposition of the laws, and bespeak such conditions as they shall find to be most for their profit and as other merchants are permitted to do, derogating all such ordinances as be any way contrary hereunto. This article is also yielded unto, conditionally that the English merchants contain themselves within the limits of the laws and customs of the lands like other merchants of these lands.
13.—That no person of the foresaid Society be convented, molested or troubled for another man's debt or fact except he become surety or stand bound for such party, or were complice or abettor in the foresaid fact. This article is agreed unto.
14.—That all last wills and testaments of the foresaid Adventurers made after the manner and custom of the realm and England (so that the same be not to deceive or defraud the creditors) may be of validity and have no less effect, although the goods lie in these countries, than if they lay in England. That which is required in this article is yielded unto so far as the last wills and testaments made according to the laws of England be but for the disposition of moveable goods, but for immoveables (wherein are comprehended rents upon immoveable goods laid to pawn) the laws and customs of the lands where the same lie shall be followed and observed.
15.—That for goods lying in these countries and belonging to the foresaid Merchants Adventurers the like right of succession shall be observed (ab intestato) as is observed in England on that behalf. As far as concerneth moveable goods it is agreed that such right ab intestato shall be observed here in these parts unto the English as in England; but for immoveable goods (wherein pawned rents upon immoveable goods are comprehended) the laws and customs of the place where the same lie shall be observed.
16.—That likewise the foresaid States will grant unto the said Society civil jurisdiction for the administering of justice between and over the supporters of the Society according to their laws, customs, and privileges in these and other lands practised and used. [Answers of the States General.] (cont.) This is agreed unto so that they be English.
17.—That also in respect of the foresaid Society all letters of cession, respite, and such like, which by the debtors of the said merchants may be obtained for the prolonging of the payment of their creditors, may cease and be of no worth, according to the concordats with former Princes and States. This point is also granted, to wit, of the proper contracts of the English merchants, but not of those which the said merchants shall come by through cession, insolutum or otherwise.
18.—As concerning the criminal jurisdiction the Society submit themselves unto the laws of these lands, conditionally that if any of the said Society, not by formal accusation or ex-officio but by delation of another, be apprehended, the officer shall be bound to apprehend the accuser also and to detain him in safe keeping at the requisition of the person accused till such time as due proof shall be made of the delict or crime committed; or by default thereof the person apprehended to be presently discharged without cost or harm. This article is also granted.
19.—That no man of the foresaid Society shall suffer loss or confiscation of goods for the delict of his servant whereon life or limb hangeth, if the delict were committed without his knowledge or consent. 19. This article is also granted conditionally that the people of these countries enjoy the like in England.
20.—Lastly, it may please the foresaid States General to promise that if hereafter it be found needful or necessary that more points and articles should be granted to the said Society they will be content at the requisition of the Society to yield thereunto in all reason and equity. This is agreed unto.
These articles being examined in the assembly of the States General of the United Lands, and communication being had with the deputies of the Society of the English nation called Adventurers, as well upon the said points as upon the apostiles set upon each of the same, were found good upon the good liking of the foresaid United Provinces and of those of the abovesaid Society; trusting that the meaning of the foresaid Society is to keep their court within these provinces and not transport themselves to any other place so long as they shall be here in these lands.
Even thus done at the Hague the 9th of March A.D. 1598. Egmont, Vt.
By ordinance of the foresaid States General, C. Aersens.
Endorsed: “Our demands of the States General and their answer thereunto, sent from John Wheeler. Pub[lished] 12 Martii 1597.”
7 pp. (49. 56.)
Scotland.
1597/8, Feb. 27. Proclamation by King James with respect to the defences of the realm of Scotland.—Holyrood House, 27 Feby., 1597.
1 p. (141. 141.)
Isaac Wythers to Queen Elizabeth.
1597/8, Feb. 28/March 10 Since my last there came from Brussels two seminary young priests of the age of nineteen or twenty years. One who was of Norfolk in England, as he said, was going to Lysbya near the Spanish coast. He had letters from England from one Christopher Fysbye to the Duke of Medena's eldest son: treating of the Parliament, of taking of ships on seas, that it was lawful; that it was lawful to make purchase if they had trafficked with the Spaniard, of what nation soever they be; and how your Grace's shipping was weather beaten in the last action in 1597; and how there is a great fleet going to sea, none knows whither; and that the matter should come to pass as soon as time could serve; with other matters which he himself will not confess. I have his letters, his body in prison with the other. These both were sworn to return to go into England for the North. If your Grace will have them sent to England, the Marshal (“Martiall”) hath promised to send them. For Murleys, he is a Protestant as he confesseth.—Paris, the 10 Mar., 1598.
Holograph. Seal.
1 p. (60. 38.)
Anthony Bacon to Sir Robert Cecil.
1597/8, Feb. Having understood by Mr. Poole that Mr. Monparson hath agreed or is upon the point of agreement with Chambers, I would renew my former suit in behalf of Mr. Poole to you, whom I beseech that, considering he is her Majesty's ancient tenant and that she verbally gave her assent before Monparson ever moved his suit (howsoever since he hath sooner obtained her Majesty's hand), you would take some such favourable order that the priority of Mr. Poole's suit may not be altogether frustratory.
Endorsed :—“February, 1597.” Signed.
1 p. (49. 45.)
Sir Edward Dyer to Sir Robert Cecil.
1597/8, Feb. Mr. Typpar, this bearer, letteth me understand that Mr. Fanshaw prepareth process to extend my land for the debt to the Queen, for which once it pleased you to speak in favour of me to your father. I have none other refuge but to you, Sir, and in truth I do all that lieth in my power; if my lord should not stay it it were mine undoing. I therefore pray you presently to use some means to my Lord Treasurer to defer this extent yet some half-year longer, in which space I trust to make better satisfaction to his contentment.—At my lodge, this — of February, '97.
Holograph. Seal.
1 p. (49. 46.)
Gilbert Earl of Shrewsbury to Sir Robert Cecil.
1597/8, Feb. Yesterday my Lord Keeper sent me word it was her Majesty's pleasure that I should be at the place where the Lords used to sit in council in the Star Chamber to-morrow by 8 of the clock, where I should understand further of her Majesty's pleasure to use my service upon some occasion. Now, Sir, I must lament my misfortune unto you, who being most desirous to do her Majesty any service should now be unable, I fear, to perform this, having not stirred out of the doors these nine weeks and more but only twice within this sevennight, and have found myself by the motion of the coach more subject to mine infirmity (which is not unknown to you) since than before; so as if the occasion of service should hold me 6 or 7 hours together in one place, I protest I think I shall either faint in that time, or if it be possible that I endure it out, yet shall I sit with such pain and difficulty as all men may see I endured a kind of torment, which how fit it were to give occasion of misconstruction, besides my own peril, I leave to your judgment; and this much in substance I have been bold to impart to my Lord Keeper. Nevertheless if I may find that it is her Majesty's pleasure that I shall be there notwithstanding my infirmities and this estate of my body as I have declared, I will not fail to be there, God willing, though it were to the hazard of my life.—This Tuesday.
Endorsed:—“1597, Febr.” Holograph. Seal.
1 p. (49. 48.)
The King of Scotland to the Queen.
1597/8, Feb. Although I had sufficiently purged to your late ambassador Sir William Bowes the calumnious and untrue reports that came to your ears of me, yet I could not satisfy myself without sending one of my own unto you, as well to inform you more amply of the truth thereof as to turn over most justly on yourself that over hasty credulity which in your letter you lay so sharply to my charge. No farther will I answer particularly to your letter as it becomes me not to strive with a lady, especially in that art wherein their sex most excels, but, believe me, I take not unkindly your passionate letter, both because it was but privily written to myself, as likewise because I perceive sparks of love to shine through the midst of the thickest clouds of passion that are there set down; and indeed I must confess, if I had any ways been guilty of that wherewith you charged me, I had deserved worse at your hands than so kind and homely a reproof as it was, although it was bitter. But amantium iræ amoris redintegratio, which makes me to trust that the fruits of our contesting shall be sweet, although the buds thereof were sour; and for my part I am only to continue with you in that old contention of honest amity, for which effect I have sent unto you my ambassador the Abbot of Kinlosse, whom I heartily pray you favourably to hear and trust as one for whose honesty and plainness I will be answerable.
Holograph. Undated.
1 p. (133. 184.) [Printed for the Camden Society, Ed. Bruce, p. 124.]
Catherine de Bourbon, “Madame,” to her “cousin” and dear friend the Earl of Essex.
1597/8, Feb. Thanks him for his good will, begs him to continue it, and assures him she will ever be ready to serve him.
Endorsed:—“Received by Dr. Harris, Feb., '98.”
French. Holograph.
½ p. (147. 184.)
Warden of the Marches [Lord Eure] to Sir Robert Cecil.
1597/8. About Feb.—Sir William Bowes in his letter of 25th Dec. to Mr. Edward Gray signified orders from the Council to proceed to perfect the delivery of the pledges, and commanded Mr. Gray to get into his hands the former pledges and two of the same surname for any that might be wanting. In his letter of the 29th Dec. Sir William commands Mr. Gray in haec verba, “I must charge you to possess yourself of the old pledges and of two principal men of the same surname as any that shall be wanting, and to keep in safe custody.” In the postscript he insists that the new pledges are to be the principallest of the surname and the duty performed with speed. Edward Gray in his letter of the 11th of January to the warden says that he has accordingly apprehended one William Hall of Cartington as a proper pledge. Not long after this arrest there came to Mr. Gray's house Ephraim Wooddrington, with Andrew Clemell, Luke Errington, and Roger Ogell, all servants to Henry Woodrington, with Ralph Smith, servant to the said Ephraim, armed with swords, pistols, and long guns. Being come to Mr. Gray's gate at dinner time they willed the porter to open the gates, which he refused in regard he see them come in that manner, and said his master was at dinner. The said Ephraim then asked for Mr. Hall, who came to the gate with one Hall, a servant of Mr. Gray's. Woodrington asked Mr. Hall if he were prisoner, and on his replying that he was, said, “This iron gate shall not hold the railing of Mr. Gray,” and used more violent and undecent language, declaring such an arrest to be causeless and unlawful. In the same letter Mr. Edward Gray, finding the inconveniences of this to be a cause of hindrance to the Queen's service, desires to resign his office of Deputy-Warden, the rather that this year he has to serve as high sheriff of the county.
Now since the secret combination of the gentlemen against me their warden shows malice against me and my government, and since I cannot serve without officers, and since my officers are so contemned, I must ask you to “convent” this Woodrington and his servants and yield them such punishment as may be fit to prevent such conduct, and further to find someone more fit for this post than myself, who may be able to repair this and other enormities daily growing in this poor country to the overthrow of the poor English subjects.
Undated. Unsigned.
1 p. (58. 26.)
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