Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, Volume 9, 1675-1676 and Addenda 1574-1674. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1893.
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A Large portion of this volume is taken up with an addenda from 1574 to 1674, the period comprised in the three preceding volumes of this Calendar of Colonial State Papers, America and West Indies, the remainder of the abstracts being in continuation and completing this series down to the end of the year 1676. Some years have elapsed since the publication of the first volume, and during that time many Colonial records have been brought together from various sources which had been overlooked or misplaced, but we believe that every Colonial Record between 1574 and 1674 to be found in the Public Record Office is now abstracted, including all the early patents granted to Sir Humphrey Gylberte, "Walter Raleigh, Esq.," and others, as well as the several articles of agreement with Sir Philip Sydney, Sir George Peckham, Sir Richard Grenville, Sir Thomas Gerard, and their associates Some of these are printed in Hakluyt, but have now been calendared to make this series of Colonial Papers as complete as possible. It was after the publication of the first volume that the late Earl of Derby wrote: "May I suggest that the circumstance of a narrative having appeared in Hakluyt's collection does not seem sufficient reason why it should be excluded from yours. Hakluyt, though not a scarce, is an old and inconvenient book, seldom read or referred to, I should imagine, except for some special purpose. Your series of documents ought to be complete in itself." With this view the foreign correspondence in the Public Record Office has also been carefully examined with a satisfactory result, as the additional matter calendared from that series of State Papers will clearly show.
The first abstract is a petition of divers gentlemen of the west parts of England to the Queen "for a new navigation" to be undertaken by Sir Humphrey Gylberte and others, and on the same day, 22nd March 1574, they beseech Lord High Admiral Lincoln to take their supplication into his protection and commend it to Her Majesty (1, 2). Four years later Queen Elizabeth granted Letters Patent to Sir Humphrey Gylberte, and to his heirs and assigns (3), and then Sir Humphrey set to work to carry into effect his intended voyage. His letters to Secretary Sir Francis Walsyngham, "the pillar unto whom I lean," furnish details of the obstacles and difficulties to be overcome, and also "the causes of Mr. Knowles forsaking the voyage," which are signed by Hawkins, Raleigh, Miles Morgan, and others. We have also the names of the ships, officers, and gentlemen, and the number of soldiers and mariners gone in the voyage (4–8). On Gylberte's return from this disastrous voyage he was employed by Queen Elizabeth to quell a rebellion in Ireland, which, Raleigh reminded Secretary Walsyngham two years later, Gylberte ended in two months (11). "Would to God (he wrote) the service of Sir Humphrey Gylberte might be rightly looked into . … I never heard nor read of any man more feared than he is amongst the Irish nation, and I do assuredly know that the best about the Earl of Desmond, yea, and all the unbridled traitors of these parts, would come in to him and yield themselves to the Queen's mercy, were it but known that he were come amongst them. The end shall prove this to be true." In 1581, Gylberte was in "great extremity" for the arrears due to him for his services when he wrote a pitiful letter to Secretary Walsyngham: A miserable thing it is that I, a poor man, having served Her Majesty in wars and peace about seven-and-twenty years, should be now subject to daily arrests, executions, and outlawries, yea, and forced to gage and sell my wife's clothes from her back, who brought me so good a living" (12). After this we find him preparing for his last fatal voyage. All the Articles of Agreement between Gylberte and his associates are entered on the Close Rolls and calendared (14–22, 27–29), as well as the details in connection with this voyage, and "the names and surnames of such persons with their several sums of money and commodities adventured" (pp. 15–17). From Gylberte's last letter to Secretary Walsyngham, dated from Redcross Street (21), shortly before he sailed in 1583, Queen Elizabeth seems to have had a prophetic instinct about the safety of Sir Humphrey. "Her Majesty of her special care had of his well-doing and prosperous success wished his stay at home from the personal execution of his intended discovery, as a man noted of no good hap by sea." But Gylberte did his best to overcome and satisfy all objections. First he describes the reasons for his delay, "The outrage of this winter hath been a common hindrance to all men of this realm southward bound, ships driven from the Azores to this coast without spreading a sail, a thing never heard of before, so [it was] impossible for him to have performed his journey this winter." And then he goes on to say, "If the doubt be my want of skill to execute the same I will offer myself to be opposed by all the best navigators and cosmographers within this realm. If it be cowardice, I see no other purgation thereof than my former service to Her Majesty. If it be the suspicion of daintiness of diet or sea-sickness, in those both I will yield myself second to no man living, because that comparison is rather of hardness of body than a boast of virtue." And finally he trusts Her Majesty with her favour for his 28 years' service to allow him to get his living as well as he may honestly, "which is every subject's right," and not to constrain him by idle abode at home to beg his bread with his wife and children. Before sailing he purchased of Lord Cheney the manor of Minster, in the Isle of Sheppey, "the only stay left her to live by in her husband's absence" (21); and this letter is the last we hear of the ill-fated Sir Humphrey Gylberte. Two years later, in June 1585, Sir Walter Raleigh procured a grant from the Queen of lands in Kent to the Lady Anne Gylberte (39).
Raleigh's patent and other documents which are printed have been collated with Hakluyt, but the variations are neither numerous nor important (32). Gylberte's patent is enrolled on the patent roll of 21st Elizabeth, although it passed the great seal the 20th of Elizabeth. It is the only patent on this roll which has the regnal year, though the concluding words, "Anno Domini, 1578," printed in Hakluyt, are not on the patent roll (3). Within a year of the date of his patent Raleigh had made all the arrangements necessary for setting forth his voyage. Early in February 1585 he obtained Queen Elizabeth's warrant to the Lord Deputy of Ireland for Ralph Lane, one of the Queen's equerries, to appoint a substitute for his government of Kerry and Clanmorris, "forasmuch as we have occasion to employ him presently in other our service of importance," which was "graciously given him by Her Majesty in consideration of his ready undertaking the voyage to Virginia for Sir Walter Raleigh at Her Majesty's command" (36). There are several letters from Ralph Lane in the first volume of this Calendar from Port Ferdinando, Virginia, in August and September 1585.
Richard Hakluyt, "Preacher," the third name on the Virginia Patent of 1606, was about this time chaplain to Sir Edward Stafford, the English Ambassador in Paris, and his letters to Secretary Walsyngham (31, 35, 37) are evidence of the warm interest he took in these voyages of discovery, and the efforts he made to push them forward, because I know that this present enterprise is like soon to wax cold and fall to the ground, unless in this second voyage all diligence in searching out every hope of gain be used . … For mine own part I am most willing to go now in the same this present setting forth, and in the service of God and my country to employ all my ample observations, reading, and conference whatsoever." And because the time is exceeding short, he desires Walsyngham's answer "upon sight whereof, with wings of Pegasus, I would soon fly into England" (31). In another letter Hakluyt solicits Walsyngham again and again for the erection of a lecture for the Art of Navigation, about which he had speech with Sir Francis Drake and others, and he recommends that Her Majesty be induced to erect such a lecture in Oxford and in London, allowing to each 50l. yearly. "In my simple judgment it would be the best 100l. bestowed these five hundred years in England" (35). Hakluyt was careful to advertise Raleigh from time to time, and to send him discourses concerning his voyage, which "doth much vex the Spaniards" (37). "The twenty several titles or heads of chapters contained in the book of Sir Walter Raleigh's voyage" Hakluyt presented to Secretary Walsyngham "written all with my hand," who hath very earnestly oftentimes writ for it, and so hath the Earl of Leicester, but as yet this is the first (42). This is probably "Hakluyt's relation of the West Indies," purchased by the Lords of Trade and Plantations in 1676 for 10s. (983).
There is only one reference in this volume to Purchas, or rather to a continuation of his history. At a meeting of a Committee of Trade and Plantations, in February 1675, it was resolved by their Lordships to consider of a method of having journals from all merchants ships going long voyages, and they proposed a continuation of Purchas' History with relation to His Majesty's plantations, and for finding out a fit person for this undertaking (445).
There are several references to Sir Francis Drake. In a private letter to an English merchant, we have a graphic account of the taking of San Domingo early in 1586. The captain of a ship of Newhaven said that Drake had left on 22nd January "with all the riches of the island." He captured five great galleons and great provision of oil, wine, and rice, with 350 brass pieces, powder and shot. He took away with him 1,200 English, French, Flemings, and Provincials out of prison, besides 800 of the country captives. "The manner of the taking of the island," sent to the Lord Admiral, was in this wise. It seems Sir Francis played with the Spaniards three days, making many false alarms as though he would have landed, and so wearied and tired them. Then very secretly he landed 800 men in most warlike order a league or two off, and in the meantime his ships "gave a whole charge," whereupon the enemy issued out of the town to defend the landing, when the 800 men cutting between the enemy and the town, upon their backs, striking up their drums and displaying ensigns, so amazed them that they were scattered, killed, and spoiled, very nearly 10,000 (41). In April 1596 William Stallenge wrote to Sir Robert Cecil that he was very sorry to communicate such unpleasant news, yet thought it his duty to send him the enclosed journal of the [last] voyage of Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Hawkins, by Captain Troughton. From this journal we learn that the fleet sailed from Plymouth on 28th August 1595, but when they reached the coast of Spain "many unkind speeches passed with our Generals, such as Sir John Hawkins never put off till death." First, there was a consultation as to taking the Grand Canaries, Sir Francis being in favour of the design, Sir John against it, but at the earnest request of some of his friends was content to assist, yet in his judgment it was labour lost. They anchored on 26th September before the fort, but after some show of resistance Sir Thomas Baskerville made his retreat without putting foot on land. Arrived at Dominica 28th October, two days afterwards they anchored at Guadaloupe.
On 31st October Sir John Hawkins, "not able to bear his griefs out longer, sickened." On 4th November they anchored "among" the Virgin Islands; and on 12th November at Porto Rico, where Sir Nicholas Clifford was killed by a shot, and on this day died Sir John Hawkins, "whose death of many was much lamented." [Sic] On 2nd December Rio del Hacha was taken where great store of pearls, plate, jewels, and ryals, silk, rich apparel, and "much other luggage" was found, and the town burnt. Great store of gold, silver, and jewels was also taken at Nombre de Dios. On 29th December they "took the journey for Panama, now the mark of our voyage," but impeded by Spaniards and negroes retreated to the ships. On 28th January 1596 they came to Puerto Bello, and "this morning died our General Sir Francis Drake." Ten days later Sir Thomas Baskerville, "taking upon him General," set sail homewards. On their way they descried 20 of the King of Spain's war ships "waiting our home coming." It was Captain Troughton's fortune to take the Vice Admiral, "one of the twelve Apostles of the King." He left Sir Thomas Baskerville in a storm on 14th March (46, 46 1.). Rio del Hacha was again sacked and burnt by the English 60 years later (260).
The letters of Cromwell's sea captains and officers in this addenda show that the spirit of the Elizabethan age which dominated Drake, Hawkins, and others of Queen Elizabeth's naval Commanders was much the same in the latter period of the Interregnum, the contract being that the seamen and soldiers should have half of what they took. But Major Sedgwick was "strongly opposed to this kind of marooning, cruising, plundering, and burning of towns, though, as he said, it hath long been practised in these parts, yet is not honourable for a princely navy" (236).
Both the Virginia Patents of 1606 and 1609 will be found very fully abstracted (48, 49). In the earlier patent the first four names are Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, Richard Hakluyt, and Edward Maria Wingfield. The last was President of the Council of Virginia in 1607, Sir Thomas Gates went out as Governor with Sir George Somers in 1610, and his letter to Lord Treasurer Salisbury in the first volume describes their shipwreck and landing at the Bermudas. Sir Thomas Gates, we gather from a speech of Sir Ralph Winwood, our Ambassador at the Hague, in February 1611, had long been in the service of the United Provinces. He told the States General how some English Lords and gentlemen of quality, at their own expense, had undertaken to plant a colony in Virginia, and among those who had laboured for the success of this design, there was not one who had done more to advance it than "one of your captains named Sir Thomas Gates, who the past year was there, where the providence of God led him, after having run the risk of shipwreck, being cast in a tempest upon the Bermudas, where he dwelt with all his followers more than forty weeks. His Majesty of Great Britain desiring the happy issue of this undertaking because of the good which he foresees will arise out of it, as well for the Christian religion as for the increase of commerce, is of opinion that nobody is more fit to be employed there than Sir Thomas Gates, as well for his sufficiency as for the knowledge he has of these quarters of the world. This is why His Majesty has commanded me to beg your Lordship in his name and on his behalf that, with your kind permission, he may be able to make once more a tour in those countries, and remain for some time there to govern the Colony until your service recalls him home." The Ambassador continues: "It must not be feared that this demand will be drawn into a precedent, for there is only he and Captain Dale destined for employment in this service. I beseech your prompt resolution, the business does not require long deliberation. Sir Thomas Gates is under orders, and the four ships destined this time for the voyage to Virginia are ready to sail, and only await a favourable wind and his coming." The States General made answer they were content that, at His Majesty's instance, Sir Thomas Gates might be employed in Virginia, during which time his company should be entertained, but his pay as captain would cease (51). He sailed a second time to Virginia as Governor in 1611, but returned in May 1614. The latest Biographical Dictionary states that nothing is known of his later career, and Stith is quoted as citing a speech of Captain John Smith, wherein it is affirmed that Gates afterwards went to the East Indies and died there. There is, however, some confusion here, for it was Sir Thomas Dale who went to the East Indies and died there. As for Sir Thomas Gates we have the authority of Sir Dudley Carleton, our Ambassador at the Hague, for saying that he died in August 1622 at Count Mansfeldt's camp at Skenckschaus to the east of Nimeguen. Carleton told Secretary Sir George Calvert there were three of the Count's eldest captains dead at his camp in the space of three days, Philler and Ents, both men of account, who died suddenly in one night, and "one of his foot, Sir Thomas Gates, an ancient honest gentleman of our nation" (122). From an order of the Privy Council in September 1637 we gather that he left behind him two sons, Captain Thomas and Anthony, both then deceased, and two daughters, Margaret and Elizabeth (182).
On the return of Sir Thomas Gates from Virginia, Sir Thomas Dale again went out as Governor, and did not come back until June 1616. Secretary Sir Ralph Winwood, in a letter to Sir Dudley Carleton, English Ambassador at the Hague, dated 3rd March 1617 (89), says that Sir Thomas Dale, having for many years together resided in Virginia, is now returning into those provinces to his charge, from whence, although he hath been longer absent than he had license of the States, yet being a principal man in an employment of such consequence as that was, I assure myself you will labour so effectually for him that he shall be no way prejudiced thereby," and the Secretary of State asked Carleton to give Sir Thomas Dale such countenance and good respect as he shall think fit for a man of his quality and merit, and he will purchase the thanks of many other in this State who hold themselves much interested in his future well-doing and advancement. His license to go to Virginia the first time was procured by Ambassador Winwood in February 1611 (51), upon a letter from the late Prince Henry (89), who had recommended Sir Thomas Dale to the States Ambassador when in England.
In November 1618 he entered the service of the East India Company as Commander of the newly appointed fleet for India. There was some correspondence in reference to the payment of his entertainment during his absence (89–94), King James himself, writing a very strong letter to his Ambassador at the Hague in Sir Thomas Dale's behalf (92), which at the end of a twelvemonth was successful, and Sir Thomas Dale received his full entertainment for the whole time of his seven years' absence in Virginia, amounting to 1,000l., but the English Ambassador, in the same letter that he communicates this news to the Secretary of State, adds, Sir Thomas has left the State's service and is gone with charge towards the East Indies sans dire adieu, which "hath a very ill sound here . … the liberality used towards him being very extraordinary, and his departure so sudden, even the very day of the receipt of his money" (95). We have already, in a preceding volume of the Calendar of East Indies, China, and Japan, (fn. 1) given a sketch of his services to the East India Company, and an account of his death, which took place in Masulipatam Road on 19th July 1619. His decease was a great loss to his country, he was, perhaps, the first Englishman who had served with honour and distinction in three-quarters of the globe in a different capacity. He was a successful military Commander in the service of the States General of the United Provinces. He was, as we have seen, twice Governor of the Colony in Virginia, and the East India Company chose him as their Admiral of the largest and best appointed fleet which had up to that time (November 1617) ever sailed from England to India.
It was probably Sir Thomas Dale who started a subscription in India for erecting a school in Virginia. The Court Minutes of the East India Company prove that a sum of money to the value of 70l., "part by some of the Company's servants deceased in the Indies, and part out of the wages of some that are living," was given towards this object. The Court showed themselves ready to forward so pious a work, ordered that it should be paid and a discharge taken from the Virginia Company under their seal, which was accordingly done (117–18). Three years later a sum of 20l. was collected both ashore and aboard the ships (124–5) and the practise seems to have been persevered in until the East India Company began to think that such a collection should be made towards a hospital for the aged and impotent in their own service, "but if anything can be collected from men that die abroad the same to be reserved for Virginia" (132–3). There is evidence that the East India Company paid a further sum of money to Sir John Wolstenholme by order of the Council of Virginia, and that Mr. Copland, a minister returned from India, "doth labour to draw a contribution from thence" for erecting this school, which contribution however the Company thought more proper "for building a hospital for such as are hurt or maimed in their service" (135–6). So there is no further mention of the School.
In the meantime Spain was watching the progress of our infant colony with jealousy and distrust. The English Ambassador at the Court of Madrid was constantly writing home about this business. "I can assure you of my own knowledge," wrote Sir Francis Cottington to Lord Treasurer Salisbury, "that with those plantations they are here so much troubled as they know not how to behave themselves" (52). The King of Spain wrote an indignant letter to his Ambassador in England complaining of the seizure of three of his subjects who landed on the coast of Florida by certain Englishmen "who say that by order of the King of Great Britain they have set foot in the part of that coast which they call Virginia," and he commanded his Ambassador to express to King James the just resentment" which he felt (56). Some months later Sir John Digbye (who had succeeded Cottington) wrote "they are very much displeased with our plantation of Virginia which they stick not now to say that if His Majesty will not cause it to be recalled this King will be forced by a strong hand to essay the removal of it" (60). And there are several more letters from our Ambassador to the same effect.
Complaints were also received from the English Ambassador at Paris of our proceedings at Virginia, and Admiral de Montmorency, in a letter to King James, complains of depredations and cruelties committed by Samuel Argoll, Captain of the "Treasurer," in the taking of a French ship which was going to make a plantation in Virginia (81). Sir Thomas Edmondes reported to the King that he had satisfied Monsieur de Villeroy, and "he will no more dispute that matter with me" (84). Then we find La Marquise de Guercheville entreating the courtesy of Secretary Winwood for the reparation of the great wrong which had been done her, and for the recovery of the Frenchmen who remain in Virginia (85). The Marquise no doubt had begged the good offices of Louis XIII. and his Queen, for the English Ambassador again wrote home two months later that he had had audience of the King and Queen of France in reference to sundry complaints of His Majesty's subjects against the French, "whereunto the Queen made me no other answer than that the complaints were so great which she received, of the spoils which were committed upon the French by His Majesty's subjects as she was forced to make an extraordinary instance for the redress of the same" (86). Soon after this Sir Thomas Edmondes presented to their Majesties of France a memorial of complaints of the subjects of the King of Great Britain, a document of 21 pages, some of the complaints dating back 25 years. One of these has a special interest, inasmuch as it throws a different light upon a well-known incident which seems to have been erroneously described in works complied by authors generally recognised as trustworthy. These are the facts of the case as represented by the English Ambassador. In the year 1606, Sir Ferdinando Georges, then Governor of Plymouth, and some others, equipped and put to sea a ship named the Richard," under the command of Captain Chaloner, to traffic and obtain a footing (prendre pied) upon the coast of Virginia. This ship was taken at sea with all her merchandise and provisions to the value of 14,000 or 15,000 livres by a ship belonging to two merchants of St Malo, Louis and Graves, the captain being Alphonse Camache, and taken to Bordeaux. One named Tucker prosecuted Camache before the Parliament of Bordeaux, but after endeavouring two years to obtain justice, an order was made 20th February 1609 dismissing his suit. Now this is at various with Chalmer's, and with Burke's, History of Virginia I. 85–92, who say the ship was commanded by Henry Challoner, and was taken by a Spanish fleet and carried into Spain. See also Holmes' American Annals, 2nd edition, I. 125 (87, 87 i.).
The next abstract is the answer to the complaints presented to King James by the Sieur de Buisseaux, French Ambassador in England. The first of these relates to Newfoundland. To the fourth complaint concerning Virginia, Captain Argoll acknowledges that he took the French ship in question (about which Admiral de Montmorency wrote to James I.) within the limits of the English Colony, because she tried by force to intrude there against the privileges granted to the Virginia Company, but that nevertheless said ship had been restored at the request of the French Ambassador. And His Majesty wishing to give the Ambassador every possible satisfaction has ordered Captain Argoll to give his reasons for this arrest whenever the Ambassador shall desire, and that Tucker, his Lieutenant, shall do likewise on his return. To the eighth complaint it is answered the Marquise de Guercheville has no reason to complain, or expect any reparation, seeing that her ship forcibly entered the territory of said colony (of Virginia) to settle and traffic without permission to the prejudice of treaties and good intelligence between the two Kings (88).
A supplication of certain Walloons and French who were desirous to go into Virginia was in July 1621 addressed to Lord Ambassador Carleton who enclosed it to Secretary Sir George Calvert (114–16). The fifty or sixty families consisted of nearly 300, all of the reformed religion, among whom were men of all trades and occupations. They wished to live in "a town or in a corporation by themselves," and to have the grant of a territory of eight English miles all round with certain rights and privileges. The signatures and calling of each are appended in the form of a round robin (in the first volume of this Calendar). The King referred this proposal to the Virginia Company, and their answer was sent to Carleton by the Secretary of State (116 I.). The papers in this addenda make this transaction more complete.
Sir William Berkeley, whose commission is dated in August 1641 (193), remained Governor of Virginia upwards of 35 years. His letter of recall is dated 5th November 1676. In regard of his age and infirmities which make him less able to undergo the great burthen and fatigue of business in Virginia, especially at this time when evildisposed persons have much increased the difficulties and troubles of his employment there, the King is pleased to give him permission to retire and repair to England to give account of the present commotions of the Colony (1109). In the warrant to the Attorney-General to draw a commission for Sir Henry Chicheley to be Deputy Governor during Berkeley's retirement, the King graciously expresses his sense of Berkeley's long faithful and successful services to himself and his Royal father, and says, that though willing to give him leave to retire for his ease and the recovery of his strength, yet he will not take from him the title and dignity of Governor (1032). According to a long document of 12 closely written pages, presumably written in May 1676, with the title "Complaint from Heaven with a hue and cry and a petition out of Virginia and Maryland to King Charles II. and his Parliament," Governor Berkeley had "altered by marrying a young wife from his wonted good" (937). What authority there is for this statement cannot be ascertained, as there is no signature and the handwriting seems to be feigned as is the case with so many anonymous communications. About the same time a petition of "your poor distressed subjects in the upper parts of James River" was addressed to Governor Sir William Berkeley (921). In it they complain that the Indians have most barbarously and inhumanly taken and murdered several of their brethren and put them to most cruel torture by burying them alive; that they are in daily danger of losing their lives and are afraid of going about their domestic affairs, and they request that officers may be chosen to lead this party now ready to take arms in defence of their lives and estates. It is not the petitioners' desire to put the country to any charge, but they implore the Governor's speedy answer as the Indians daily approach nearer to their habitations. There is evidence that this petition was presented to the Governor, but it was ignored by Berkeley, and most probably led to Bacon's rebellion. Soon after the outbreak, William Sherwood wrote to Secretary Sir Joseph Williamson that a great number of indigent and disaffected persons, stirred up by Nathaniel Bacon, junr., of but little experience, and but of two years' continuance in the Colony, who thinking himself wiser than the law, raised forces by beat of drum to obstruct the proceedings of the Assembly to the terror of His Majesty's good subjects … the rabble giving out they will have their own laws, demanding the militia to be settled in them with such like rebellious practises." This country, says Sherwood, has had 34 years' experience of the valour, conduct, and justice of their Governor, whose declaration will inform more fully of their condition (939, 939 i.).
The papers now calendared furnish a very full account of this rebellion, and supply details of interest not before accessible to the historical student. Take, for instance, the journal of the ship "Young Prince," Robert Morris, Commander, which contains almost a daily record of the progress of events, and the names of the principal persons concerned, with other details not to be found elsewhere, during the time she was in the King's service in James River," from 19th September 1676 to 29th January 1677, when "the country being reduced we went about our own business as per the Governor's proclamations" (1035). The Secretary of the Colony, Philip Ludwell, as well as William Sherwood, sent to Secretary Sir Joseph Williamson very full accounts "of the distressed condition of this poor country, both from the Indians and the rebellious mutiny, which has come to that prodigious height that indeed I think no story (wrote Ludwell), either ancient or modern, can outdo, blood only excepted" (964–5). Bacon's letter," his appeal to the people of Accomack, his declaration signed "Nath. Bacon, General by the consent of the people," and his manifesto, contain in his own words the justification of his conduct (941, 969, 1010, 1031); while "the Virginians' plea for opposing the Indians without the Governor's order humbly offered as the test of their utmost intentions to clear and vindicate them from all misapprehensions of disloyalty and disobedience," and "the humble appeal of the volunteers to all wellminded and charitable people" (909) must not be overlooked (962). The news of Bacon's rebellion does not seem to have been known to the British Government until quite three months after the first outbreak. Secretary Sir Joseph Williamson received Ludwell's relation of it on 3rd September 1676 (964), and another month elapsed before the King issued an Order in Council directing the Master General of the Ordnance to cause certain stores, as per estimate, to be forthwith provided and transported to Virginia (1047–8). Commissions were then signed for the officers of the five companies of foot in His Majesty's regiment of guards to be employed in the expedition, in which the names are given (1055). We have also the names of the officers and soldiers going on board the men-of-war to Virginia, a total of 1094 on board eight ships (1091–2), soon after increased to 1,130 men when the provision to be made for them was "approved by His Majesty last night" 5th November (1114). Two colours for each of the five companies of the King's foot guards were to be prepared by the Master of the King's Great Wardrobe, the designs for each being described in the warrant (1112). The King issued, on 27th October, a proclamation for suppressing "a rebellion lately raised within the plantation of Virginia," declaring all such as have taken arms under Bacon guilty of high treason, and offering a reward of 300l. sterling for the apprehension of Bacon (1087). But Bacon had died of a bloody flux the day before the date of this proclamation.
Now the rising of the Indians, the immediate cause of the rebellion in Virginia, was by no means confined to that Colony; it spread northwards, and was devastating and threatening to destroy all the English plantations in America. "The hand of God has been heavy on the land, more especially upon the town of Boston," writes one in May 1676 (928). Plymouth, Deauxborough, and Bridgewater are great part destroyed, and Captain Bradford and his son both slain. Mr. Russell, the magistrate and country treasurer, is dead; and few families in town or country but have some dead or sick. Sickness is among the enemy, and some report small-pox which is very fatal to them. The year before, in June 1675, Benjamin Batten of Boston sent Sir Thomas Allen, at the Navy Office, a graphic account of events which preceded the general insurrection (614). It seems that Philip, the Indian Sagamore of those parts, "of a sutable mutinous temper," had retired with 600 armed men to a place difficult of access, because of a thick swamp and rocks, a promontory called Mounthope, in sight of Rhode Island and 40 miles from Boston. He had quarrelled with those of Plymouth for pretended trespasses on his lands, but Boston mediated. Afterwards, he and two of his chief men were tried for murder, Philip was cleared but the chief men were executed, at which he was enraged." Batten gives an account of the daily occurrences from June 21st to July 6th. The Indians offered to join battle, but we dared not venture till more help came from Boston; plenipotentiaries attempted to mediate, but Philip would not speak with them; they met in their journey the bodies of Englishmen without heads, their barbarous way of triumph." Then there was a good bit of skirmishing in which many were killed on both sides and many houses were burnt, so that we "have reason to suspect that this is a general insurrection among the Indians." Six months after this, Governor Leverett reported to the Secretary of State the state of the plantations in New England, "by reason of the Indian natives rising up in hostility." He explained that our taking to arms was not a matter of choice, but necessitated for defence of the King's rights, upholding authority in the government and defending the rights of the subjects against the barbarous rage and inhumanity of the pagans who "have not assigned any cause of their acting." Their most dangerous enemies are the Narragansetts who supply Philip with men, and entertain his men, women, and children. The English have lost about 300 men, 200 in battle, "the rest by their skulking upon travellers or labouring men." Their ranging has been as in a crescent from Mounthope, where they first rose, westward and northward to Connecticut, northward and eastward to Kennebec, through the country about 300 miles. The county of York, called the Province of Maine, is much wasted; in the whole, seven villages have been wasted, and houses, corn, and cattle destroyed. Josiah Winslow, Governor of Plymouth, had advanced from Boston with nigh 600 men to the rendezvous in the Narragansett country where he will make up complete 1,000 men under his control." With this letter, Governor Leverett enclosed a "Proclamation of the Massachusetts, setting forth the reasons of the war against the Indians" (745 i.).
In continuation of this account Samuel Symonds, Deputy Governor of Massachusetts, "by order of the Council," informed Secretary Williamson that he had hoped to have given a better account "of the war with the pagan natives" … but our calamities since that time have been much augmented." He relates how, in the depth of winter, Governor Leverett marched into the Narragansett country after much hardship, and assaulted them at their headquarters in a rude fort made in a great swamp where many hundreds were slain, their wigwams destroyed, and they driven forty miles up into the Nipnet country, towards Connecticut river, whither they were pursued and many slain. The English had 70 killed, and twice as many wounded. They have been out in pursuit more than 100 miles to the westward, and over Connecticut river, but cannot meet with any body of them; they leave their women and children in hideous swamps and inaccessible places, and themselves disperse in small parties all over the country, and by ambuscades and secret skulkings so infest the highways that many travellers have been cut off; then on a sudden, multitudes gathering together, fall on the out towns which lie dispersed a great distance from one another. Then having fired the deserted houses, barns, &c., they as suddenly disappear before any relief can come, so that many country towns and farms are destroyed in Plymouth, Connecticut, and Maine. Since the beginning of the war above 500 of the King's subjects have been slain, towns and villages ruined, houses not to be numbered burnt, people much distracted, husbandry and trading obstructed, and scarcity of bread, corn, and provisions to be feared. Forty years since, adds the Deputy Governor, the Indians had no guns and there was a strict law against selling them powder; but in a short time they were furnished by the French and Dutch, and many affirm the Indians are encouraged by the French in Canada and by the Dutch from Fort Albany (876).
Three months after the date of this letter Governor Leverett, on 15th June 1676, again reported the state of affairs to Secretary Williamson. He takes up the narrative from his previous letter which is more fully related by the Deputy Governor in his letter, and goes on to say that the forces of the Colonies marched forth taking prisoners and killing many, some of their principal sachems, amongst others Quananshit, the chief sachem of the Narragansetts. Philip assailed the western towns on Connecticut river, but was repulsed, and "this last week about 100 slain." The eastern parts are quiet, and many come in and are coming in professing a desire to be at peace. The hand of God has been heavy on the Colonies by an epidemical distemper of colds, and thereby putrid fevers … yet resolved to prosecute the war to the utmost, and hope in His good time to give an account of the Lord's delivery of them." Since December, by the nearest computation, they have had slain and taken captives about 340, forty being captives of whom twenty redeemed (952).
William Harris also, in five closely written pages, writes Secretary Williamson in the following August a very full account of the insurrection, in which the Indians killed his son and a negro, burned his house, drove away his cattle, and burned fifty loads of hay. He gives many details of the war not in the Governor's or Deputy Governor's letters. In the spring, 1,300 English marched up the country and slew about sixty, "but could not come up with the nimblest enemy." After this the Indians did many mischiefs to the towns of Massachusetts, and Captain Pierce fell into an ambush of 1,000 of them at Blakstones river near Rehoboth, and his ammunition being spent, all his men save a few were killed. The thousand Indians went to Rehoboth and Providence where they burned houses and killed cattle and stragglers. The Connectiċut forces took the greatest man of the Narragansetts, Nau-naun-ta-nute, whom they gave over to Uncas' son to slay, Uncas himself having thirty years since slain Nau-naun-ta-nute's father. The news from every quarter is that the English prevail. Within a few months 700 Indians have been slain, taken, and come in, and they have little provision and ammunition and are lean and dismayed, and pray that they may live. Philip is supposed to be with about 1,000 men in the swamp where the first fight was near Mounthope. "The English are supposed to have lost 1,000 souls in the war." He acknowledges the power of God in punishing the blasphemies of the Indians "as fig leaves," he says, "could not cover shame or sin, so the green leaves of the wilderness could not cover our unjust enemy." News has been brought from Virginia of destruction done by the Indians, which shows that the contrivance of the war went far. "Our little boys cry to go out against the Indians, and run on them without fear." And he concludes in a postscript: Since the capture of the great man of Narragansett the war has gone against the Indians. Between March and August 2,000 have been killed, taken, come in, and it is supposed 1,500 before, and a thousand or fifteen hundred English slain from the first. Great loss among the Indians by sickness; from all causes they have lost about seven thousand. Before the war the Indians lived with more ease than poor labouring men and tradesmen in England. News has come this 12th August that Philip was slain in a swamp a mile from Mounthope, being set upon by Captain Church of Plymouth and Captain Sandford of Rhode Island, each with 40 men. Philip was shot through the heart by an Indian, and his head and hands are now on Rhode Island (1021). Governor Berkeley said the Indians had destroyed divers towns in New England, killed more than a thousand fighting men, seldom were worsted in any encounter, and have made the New England men desert about a hundred miles of ground they had seated and built towns on. "They will not recover these 20 years what they have lost" (858–9). Sir Jonathan Atkins, Governor of Barbadoes, in describing "our misfortunes by the negroes first, and then by the hurricane," says, "we retain one advantage, we sleep not so unquietly as the rest of our neighbours in America, from whence we receive nothing but ill news of daily devastations by the Indians," and that they spread like a contagion over all the continent from New England to Maryland and Virginia, neither is New York without apprehension (862).
We learn from his petitions to the King (585–8) that the William Harris above-mentioned had been "a weary traveller for the space of almost forty years in the wilderness of New England, and was one of the first Englishmen that purchased land, called Patuxet, of the most superior Indians in the Narragansett Bay, until persons from Rhode Island, Massachusetts, and New Plymouth, under pretence of other purchases, entered it." He knew most of the leading men in New England, the Governor of Connecticut, Winthrop a prudent moderate man, Deputy Governor Leet, and some of the assistants, wise men and devout for their churches, the Governor of New Plymouth, Winslow, a very wise moderate man, the Governor of Massachusetts Leveret, their Deputy Symonds, and Assistants, very devout men for their churches, the Governor of Rhode Island, Coddington, the Deputy Easton, and Assistants, some of them called Quakers, some called Generals (531). In another paper Harris gives a graphic account of New England. There were between 7,000 and 8,000 foot, and 8 or 10 troop of horse, each troop between 60 and 80. Twelve ships between 40 and 80 tons were built every year in Boston, Salem, and that jurisdiction. "I came over (he says) in a ship built there of 200 tons, with 14 guns." There are three or four ironworks. The merchants seem to be rich men, and their houses as handsomely furnished as most in London. Their trade is described and may certainly be called free. Their money is of "pretty good silver," in the middle is a pine tree (with which the country abounds); the value of their shilling is but 9d. sterling, the pieces usually current are only 2d., 3d., 6d., and shillings; Jamaica supplies them with silver. The houses are of brick and stone, but most of timber of two or three stories. They have three meeting houses set round with galleries, each as large as an ordinary parish church. In Rhode Island, "the garden of New England," the houses are very good, especially at Newport, where are more sheep than anywhere else. The town and trade of Connecticut not considerable. Plymouth, Connecticut, and Massachusetts are in a confederacy, called the United Colonies, but Rhode Island is not. The soldiers are all of the inhabitants and exercise twice a week, their horsemen wear buff coats, pistols, hangers, and corslets; every soldier bears his own charges, except in war with the Indians; all able bear arms, except a few Anabaptists and the Quakers, who will not bear any. The Governors chosen by all the freemen. John Leverett, Governor of Boston, a resolute man, the election is yearly, but he has been Governor three years since Bellingham's death; John Winthrop, a very good sober man, has been Governor of Connecticut 20 years, and 11 years ago got a Patent from the King; Josiah Winslow, a moderate man, is Governor of New Plymouth; and the Governor of Rhode Island is William Coddington, a Quaker. The most tyrannical ministers to those that differ from them are the Presbyterians, amongst the fiercest Mr. Thatcher, "the only man in the country that keeps a coach." The greatest part of the ministers are Presbyterians, Anabaptists, and Quakers; in Rhode Island Anabaptists and Quakers rule. There is a considerable party in all the Colonies called Common Protestants, who in Massachusetts are not permitted to bear any office but constables, though in Rhode Island they enjoy the same privileges as others. There is a college at Cambridge, three miles from Boston, where many preachers, physicians, and Indians are bred, but no lawyers. It has translated the Bible into the Indian language. In Massachusetts there are three or four congregations of Indians called Praying Indians, distinguished from the others in Rhode Island, who are unconverted. Formerly there was a fencing school in Massachusetts. Gaming not allowed. Cloth they make, but the better sort of linen is brought from England (543). Ferdinando Gorges' title to Maine and Robert Mason's title to New Hampshire are fully described; all the papers concerning these controversies may readily be found by means of the Index.
The "Shaftesbury Papers" materially add to the value of those calendared in this volume relating to the settlement of Carolina. Every possible inducement was held out by the Lords Proprietors to "all ingenious and industrious persons" who would go over. Liberty of conscience, choice of their own Governor, and Assembly from among themselves, freedom from customs on all exports for seven years under certain conditions, 100 acres of land to each male, and 50 acres to a female, paying 10s. for every 1,000 acres to the Lords Proprietors, with other advantages (377). Soon after Sir John Yeamans was appointed Governor in 1671 the gentlemen chosen for an Assembly for Clarendon County, with the consent of the Governor, addressed the Lords Proprietors, supplicating the redress of three grievances, the halfpenny per acre for land, the "undecimal division" of land, and the injunction on penalty of forfeiture of keeping one man upon every 100 acres. This document has 14 signatures (390). In the summer of 1675 the Earl of Shaftesbury, his Secretary and friend, John Locke, were the leading spirits in the early settlement of Carolina—many letters signed "Shaftesbury" are wholly in Locke's handwriting—wrote three letters on the same day to "his very affectionate friends the Governor and Council," to his very affectionate friend Andrew Percivall of St. Giles plantation on Ashley river, and to his very sincere friend Maurice Matthews, about a new colony of Quakers. "They are people," wrote the Earl, "I have had transactions with here, and am concerned to have a particular care of," and he recommended the Governor and Council to give them such usage as may encourage them to invite over the rest of their friends, "who intend to follow in a considerable number." "A whole colony" of 12,000 acres was to be set out for them, as they intended within five years to build a town of 30 houses, with 100 inhabitants at least, "to each of which houses (sic) must belong as a town lot "70 acres inseparable for ever" (576–8). The next day Lord Shaftesbury wrote another letter to the Governor and Council, expressing his great dissatisfaction at the manner in which his "particular care of them, and "their settlement, ever since they first sat down upon Ashley River" had been acknowledged. Last year when the Lords Proprietors' expectations of returns grew weary, he got them to consent to a new method of supplying them. "If," continues Lord Shaftesbury, "they will be so much friends to themselves as to lay down any rational way that will satisfy the Lords Proprietors, they mean to pay for the things sent to them, and not any longer to give cause to apprehend that for 90,000l. or 100,000l., the Lords have purchased nothing but the charge of maintaining 500 or 600 people," then he may be able to persuade the Lords to send a further supply. He makes them "a fair proposal," and promises, if accepted, "nobody shall want supplies for the future, who will pay for them at moderate rates" (581). About this time Seth Sothell," a person of considerable estate in England," went out with an intention to plant in Carolina, and take up a manor of 12,000 acres, with people he will take over. He was the bearer of a letter to the Governor and Council at Ashley River from Lord Shaftesbury, who begged them to use him kindly for their own interest, since nothing "can so much contribute to the growth and prosperity of the plantation, as that men of estates should settle amongst them" (584). And at the same time, the bearer John Smith, Lord Shaftesbury's particular friend, "brings his wife and family, and a considerable estate, with intention to plant," and intends to take up a manor (590). There is a long letter from the Lords Proprietors to the Government and Assembly of the county of Albemarle, in which their Lordships assure them they will never part with the county of Albemarle, "but will always maintain our Province of Carolina entire as it is." Thomas Eastchurch, "your Speaker" was, a month after the date of this letter, 21st October 1676, appointed Governor and Commander-in-Chief of Albemarle (1075, 1142). A large folio volume containing the record of all grants of land in South Carolina from the first establishment of the Colony, with names of grantees and situation of grant to 31st October 1765, will be found abstracted, but only those grants for the years 1674 (the earliest date) to the year 1676 are tabulated in this volume (717, 1224).
There are many references to Maryland. In a letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury, in August 1676, John Yeo laments the deplorable condition of Maryland for want of an established ministry. He says there are 10 or 12 counties in this province, with at least 20,000 souls, and but three Protestant ministers of the Church of England. The Popish priests and Jesuits are provided for, and the Quaker provides for the speakers in their conventicles, but no care is taken for those of the Christian religion. The Lord's day is profaned, religion despised, and notorious vices committed, "so that it is become a Sodom of uncleanness, and a pest house of iniquity." Now, Yeo urges, is the time for His Grace to be an instrument of universal reformation amongst them. Cecil Lord Baltimore is dead, and Charles Lord Baltimore bound for England, to receive the King's confirmation. Doubts not His Grace may prevail for the maintenance of a Protestant ministry, as in Virginia, Barbadoes, and all other His Majesty's plantations which will encourage able men to come among them. The Archbishop sent this letter "from a person altogether unknown" to him, to the Bishop of London, and told him the design seemed so honest and laudable, that "I conceive it concerns us by all means to promote it," and he makes no question that if the Bishop will remember it when Lord Baltimore's affair is considered at the Council table, there may be a convenient opportunity to obtain some settled revenue for the ministry in Maryland. When that is once done, writes the Archbishop, it will be no difficult matter for us to supply them with those of competent abilities both regular and conformable (1005, 1005 i.).
The King, by Commission dated 24th July 1674, appointed Major Andros and Anthony Brockhurst to demand and take possession of the Colony of New York from the Dutch "by virtue of the 6th Article of our last Treaty with the States General." His Majesty, having granted said Colony to the Duke of York, commands them as soon as they shall have possession to comport themselves as to the future government and revenues according to the Duke of York's instructions (400). A few months later, in February 1675, Colonel Francis Lovelace "late Commander of the Fort of New York," for not having defended it, was committed to the Tower. He besought the King to appoint Commissioners to examine him in order to clearing himself. So a warrant was issued to the Duke of Monmouth and others directing any five or more of them, with the Judge Advocate, to examine Colonel Lovelace concerning the rendering the said fort and Colony to the Dutch in the late war, and report to His Majesty what he has to say upon the whole matter. The same day the Lieutenant of the Tower was ordered to send Colonel Lovelace at such time and to such place as shall be testified under the hands of the Duke of Monmouth and the rest of the Lords appointed to examine him (441–2). Neither of these are printed in Broadhead's New York Colonial Documents (11 vols., 4to.). Colonel Lovelace was still a prisoner in the Tower at the end of April, when we find him dangerously ill of a dropsy, and he was, by warrant, allowed to have his liberty, on giving security in 500l. to render himself again a prisoner when duly required (530). In "a narrative of the settlement of the corporation of Massachusetts Bay, and Captain Wyborne's account of things," laid before the Lords of Trade and Plantations, it scems that Wyborne had proposed to the Boston Magistrate the reducing of New York, offering his service with the King's frigate, but received for answer "that they would contribute their endeavours provided it might be annexed to their Government," and if this were refused, they had rather the possession of New York remained with the Dutch than come under such a person as Colonel Lovelace who might prove a worse neighbour (721). When Major Andros was governor the Duke of York applauded him for discouraging any motion for an Assembly, as being not comprehended in his instructions, nor consistent with the form of government established, nor necessary for the redress of grievances, "as such may be easily obtained by an Address to the Governor" (513). And in another letter, nearly a year later, the Duke declared that he could not but suspect an Assembly would be of dangerous consequence, nothing being more known than the aptness of such bodies to assume privileges destructive to the peace of the Government. "I do not see any use of them which is not as well provided for while the Governor and Council govern according to laws established." However, the Duke goes on to say, if Governor Andros continues of the same opinion, he will be ready to consider any proposals to that purpose (795). There is a large folio MS. Volume of 433 pages containing the records of all grants of land in New York from the first establishment of the Colony in 1664 to the end of the administration of LieutenantGovernor Delancey in 1760, and from 1761 to 1765 (371).
There are numerous papers relating to Newfoundland, many of which concern the fishery and furnish statistics of value, while others refer to the government of the country, and the total abandonment of it as a settlement or colony. Sir John Berry, writing from Her Majesty's ship "Bristol" in the Bay of Bulls, to Secretary Williamson, in September 1675, reports that this year there were 175 ships with 4,309 men and 688 boats which, at 250 kintals per boat at 12s. per kintal amounted to 103,200l.; 7 hogsheads of oil per boat at 40s. per hogshead is 9,816l., besides 20 kintals of "core fish" 3,440l., all which comes to 116,272l. There were planters 1,655 men, women, and children, who employed 277 boats and cured merchantable fish mostly shipped to England valued at 46,813l., more than a third of the fish taken by the merchant adventurers. "By this," says Sir John Berry, "His Majesty will see what a loss he will have if those poor people should remove, for they design to settle amongst the French on the other side of Cape Race unless His Majesty will let them continue" (665). The above figures slightly vary in the accounts of Captains Russell and Wyborne, furnished by order of the Lords of Trade in 1676, while the total of English inhabitants is set down at 1657, or two more than the year before (1175 XII.). In another letter, Sir John Berry encloses "a list of the planters' names" (666 II.).
The arguments for and against a settled government in Newfoundland, or the plantation being abandoned (470, 475), were the subjects of "great debate" on several occasions at the Board of Trade and Plantations (482, 498, 524). The Board reported to the King that unless they saw reasons for a colony they could see none for a Governor, and against a colony there were not only the rigours of the climate and infertility of the land, but the inhabitants chiefly consumed the products of New England and would in time tread in the same steps to the loss of England, for a like regulation on the products of Newfoundland as on those of other plantations could not be expected, because fish cannot bear the charge of coming home but must go directly to the markets abroad. So an Order in Council declared the King's pleasure that all inhabiting that country be discouraged, and that all planters come voluntarily away, and His Majesty's convoy assist in transporting those desirous to return home or to betake themselves to other Plantations (550). Some three months after the date of this Order in Council, Sir John Berry reported to the Secretary of State that he had declared the King's pleasure to all the planters, but the greatest part are too poor to remove unless His Majesty will send a ship for them, "and at last they must be put on the parish whenever they come. A labouring man will get in a summer season near 20l., and their daily food comes out of the sea, while such a person would not get 3l. in England." He has, he says, made diligent enquiry into all those things laid to the planters' charge by the merchants, and finds most of them false, "but some self-ended persons have a mind to engross all into their own hands." If these be removed from the country, argues Sir John, His Majesty's subjects would, in a few years, find the ill-effects of it, for undoubtedly the greatest part would settle among the French where they are already invited with great promises, or else for New England, and they implore His Majesty's favour to continue and promise all obedience, to what orders shall be given (628). "I cannot but pity the poor inhabitants," says Sir John Berry in another letter, "considering so many false informations have been laid to their charge as formerly reported" (744, see also 769).
"A particular list" specifies the names of the officers of the five regiments and a troop of horse "under the command of General Venables (212) destined for Jamaica. ViceAdmiral Penn reported to the Navy Commissioners on the 17th March 1655, "what a gallant passage the Lord gave us, and that both seamen and soldiers were in health and in a quiet and cheerful posture" (213). They had arrived at Barbadoes nearly two months before on 29th January, and seized all foreign ships trading there contrary to law. Fifteen were fitted for transportation of the forces raised in the Island, above 3,000 foot and two troops of horse. Penn dwells on the great increase of the number of mouths made by this accession, and begs the Com missioners consider how much "this great and honourable design" is concerned in the care that shall be-taken touching supplies. The English took possession of Jamaica on 10th May 1655, the people found upon the place to the number of 1,400 having fled to the hills except some negroes and Portuguese who submitted. (fn. 2) About four months after Major-General Sedgwick arrived in Barbadoes road "with the whole squadron, God was pleased to smile upon us in a very comfortable passage." He tells the Navy Commissioners there is no news since "the repulse at Hispaniola. I hope God hath brought down our confident spirits to fill us for some more noble work. Many (he says) think Jamaica a more considerable island than Hispaniola and may effect more than the other. I find both soldiers and seamen active and willing and not discouraged, and therefore I hope God has yet a blessing for them and that this design is his and that he will own it" (221). Both Penn and Venables arrived in England about the date of this letter, 6th September 1655, and after having given a narrative of their proceedings to the Council of State were apprehended and committed to the Tower, General Robert Venables, General of the English forces sent to America, for having "deserted the army committed to his charge contrary to his trust; General William Penn, General of the English fleet sent to America, for having, 'without license, returned from thence contrary his trust.' " General Penn was a prisoner in the Tower five weeks, General Venables a week longer, but they were then released "in consideration of their acknowledgment of their fault and their submission." (fn. 3)
On 10th October, Cromwell issued a proclamation giving encouragement to such as shall transport themselves to Jamaica. Being satisfied with the fertility of the Island and its commodiousness for trade, we have resolved to use our best endeavours to secure and plant the same, and to this end make known, especially to the people of the English Islands and Colonies, the encouragemonts we have thought fit to give to those who shall remove themselves (229). And first the Lord Protector refers to the security of the Island. Above 6,000 soldiers were landed there in May last, and in July a regiment of 800 men, "drawn out of our old regiments in England," with eight ships of war added to twelve others left there by General Penn under command of Captain William Goodson. Those removing thither to be under the immediate protection of the State, every male of 12 years and upwards to have 20 acres of land, and 10 acres for every other male or female. Liberty for seven years to hunt and dispose of horses and cattle on the Island, and no custom, excise, or duty to be paid until September 1659. All born within the Island and professing the Protestant religion to be free denizens of England. Cromwell resolved to use all possible endeavours to people and plant Jamaica, and to that purpose dispatched Daniel Gookin to New England to make agreements with those willing to go to that Island, and in all the plantations and islands in America was this proclamation issued (232). A Committee was appointed in England for the business of Jamaica and to consider the removal thither of people from Nevis and the allowance for 1,000 Irish girls and youths to be sent to Jamaica. (fn. 4) Admiral Goodson reported in June 1656 that he was sending ships from Jamaica to Nevis for about 1,000 people besides women, children, and servants (p. 111). When Major Sedgwick arrived in November he "found both Commissioners and both Generals gone and not any sign remaining that ever there was a commissioner in these parts of the world." At his first landing he found the whole shore covered with butts, barrels, and chests of dry goods, as clothing, arms, surgeons' chests, &c., lying exposed to all the damages imaginable, when a week's time with soldiers or sailors would have built a house to receive them all. "I am certainly affirmed," he writes to the Admiralty Commissioners, that soldiers have offered to sell dozens of shoes for 12d. the pair, new and good (236). The state of our Army is sad as God has visited us with a sore hand of sickness, tearing and snatching us away in much displeasure. Major-General Fortescue, Commander-in-Chief, died about 14 days since reports Sedgwick on 14th November, and since he came not less than 700 are laid in their graves; the greatest part of the Army is sick and many of our new regiment that landed in health and about 50 of them dead. Sedgwick begged that he might return home, his condition agreeing not well with the climate; he fears he shall not long trouble it, but he does not go ashore oftener than business calls him. "I beg your prayers, we all need them, our condition calls aloud to you, the Lord make you prevail for us" (236–7). About six months after this letter was written Captain Godfrey reported to the Admiralty that by the pale hand of death they were deprived of Major-General Sedgwick on 24th May 1656, and three days afterwards of Captain Leonard Harris. "Mortality" (he adds) "has not yet left off reigning here" (261). A list of men well and sick, women and children, in the seven regiments shows that considerably more than half were sick, there being 2,194 well, while 2,316 were sick, and 172 women and children (240). Cornelius Burough, the Steward General in Jamaica, wrote "I am here alive through mercy, when thousands have gone to the place of silence" (278).
Energetic measures for relief were taken by the Home Government, and at the numerous meetings of the Council of State at Whitehall it was ordered that supplies and provisions of all sorts and medicaments be sent to Jamaica without delay (225–8). These included beef and pork, bread and rice, brandy and spices, clothes, all sorts of agricultural instruments, lamp-wick, tallow candles, and two skiffs 20 and 30 feet long, with spars, axes, and hatchets, with one or two glaziers, smiths, and masons, and materials, coopers, carpenters, calkers, and armourers. Provisions were likewise taken up at New England (245). The Commissioners of the Admiralty and Navy subsequently made an elaborate report to "His Highness" on the condition of the fleet and the state of the Island which Cromwell approved and then empowered them to act upon; six "nimble frigates," with 750 men, were to be sent out, and victuals for 4,000 men for six months at 2,000l. to the Commander-in-Chief to carry on the necessary works and other emergent services (289). In March 1658 Captain Myngs reported that the Island principally depends upon the transportation of people thither (297), but this was not lost sight of at home as will be seen by the numerous references in the index about peopling and persons going to Jamaica from Nevis, Barbadoes, and other places. All things, he said, go well out here, health stands, and every one is very sensible that the earth, with the other elements, naturally contribute to increase, as in other parts, and find more advantage in settlement here than in other parts (297). An abstract of the officers and soldiers "residing upon the Island of Jamaica," according to the muster taken in January 1659, shows there were at that time 2,041 and a troop of horse of 70 men (312). A year elapsed; it was not then known in Jamaica who were in power. "We are here just like you at home," writes Cornelius Burough; "when we heard of the Lord Protector's death "we proclaimed his son, when we heard of his being turned out we proclaimed a Parliament, and now own a Committee of Safety" (326). It was a sign of the times, and shows the new state of affairs in England was being accepted in Jamaica. "I desire you not to think I "insinuate into you upon the account of religion, a most wicked cheat in this age," writes the Steward General in Jamaica. … "profession of religion makes people "suspected to be knaves." In the meantime the Island was suffering from the want of their usual supplies. The want of shoes and all things necessary for soldiers, writes Colonel D'Oyley, has this summer given such heart to the negroes that they have done more mischief than in the past two years, having snatched away a captain, two ensigns and divers soldiers, and killed others, which hath necessitated him to set an impost on strong liquors, which has had the good success of finding out where the negroes have lurked these four years undiscovered, who have built a town and planted about 200 acres of provisions. "I am "now in parley with them and doubt not a good issue" (332).
Under Lord Vaughan's Government Jamaica was in a prosperous condition. In his letter to the Lords of Trade and Plantations of 28th January 1676, the Governor reports that trade and planting has considerably improved, the Island is exceedingly helpful, and the children born in it live and are very prosperous "so that the Croyolians and natives will in a few years make a great people." Some of the best quality from Barbadoes (p.282) and those removed from Surinam (250 whites and 981 slaves ) proved a considerable addition, and most of them were well settled and exceedingly pleased with the Island (799). It was computed there were about 5,000 fighting men in Jamaica, double the number of women and children, and treble the number of negroes (794). Lord Vaughan sent a very full "account of the present state and condition" of the Island, in answer to their Lordships' inquiries. There were then seven regiments of foot and one of horse, and about 60 or 70 vessels belonged to the Island. The Governor was anxious that the body of laws he had sent to Secretary Coventry should be approved, and His Majesty's assent given to them, and he says the sooner they are returned the better for encouraging people to come (799, 800). Among these was "An Act for the perpetual anniversary thanksgiving on the 10th May for the happy success and conquest made and obtained in His Majesty's Island of Jamaica," which the Lords agree to report should be laid aside, "and the solemnity discontinued, as too much reflecting upon the circumstances of those times and of that conquest which rather seemed to have been made in opposition to his Majesty" (926). Charles II. "favored the Island" with a mace which was taken over in 1662 by Lord Windsor, and carried before the Governor on solemn occasions (p. 343). This mace is supposed to have been the "bauble" which Cromwell ordered to be removed from the table of our House of Commons. The present Speaker, the Right Honourable Arthur W. Peel, on the authority of the Governor of Jamaica, Sir Henry A. Blake, says it is probable this mace was in Port Royal in 1692 and went down with the public buildings and all the records in the great earthquake of that year. Lord Vaughan, "Captain General," had a salary of 2,000l. per annum, a troop of guards attended him, and his residence was at St. Jago (p. 215).
The Articles agreed on by Lord Willoughby of Parham, and Sir George Ayscue, Daniel Searle and Captain Michael Packe, for the rendition of Barbadoes to Sir George Ayscue for the use and behoof of the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England, were signed by Willoughby on 11th January 1652 (199), and approved and confirmed by Parliament on 18th August following. Captain Richard Nicholls was, by an Order of the Council of State, presented with 100l. "for his good service in bringing the news of the surrender, according to the order of Parliament," and 10l. was paid to the person, the name is left blank in the original, who brought the first news of the surrender (200).
Sir Jonathan Atkins arrived Governor in November 1674. The first thing he did was to call a new Assembly, who "met so well tempered … that I have brought them to a right understanding, and we all live amiably." He believed there was not a spot of ground in the universe better planted or better inhabited, very fruitful, and always green the whole year. There was not a foot of land in Barbadoes not employed, even to the very seaside, and whoever will have land there must pay dearer for it than for land in England (p. 421). The Guinea corn produces a thousand grains for one grain. There were six regiments of foot, counting 8,000 men, and 14 troops of horse, or 800, and in a short time 2,000 could be mounted. Their misfortunes, the Governor adds, are from the hand of God, and not from any neglect of their own. 200,000l. will not repay the damage caused by the hurricane of August 1675 (811). Governor Atkins wrote an account of it to the Secretary of State. He described the ruin of houses, works, mills, sugars, and utensils as incredible. Their canes for next year's crop twisted and broken off, their corn and ground provisions, that should have kept their families six months, laid flat or rooted up. "Never was seen such prodigious ruin in three hours." Three churches, 1,000 houses, and most of the mills to leeward were thrown down, 200 people killed, whole families being buried in the ruin of their houses, a torrent of rain beating down all before it, unroofing all their store-houses, and wetting their sugars. "I never saw a more amazing sight in one night." All trees stripped of fruit and leaves, housing laid flat, and the people in such consternation and distraction that they resolved never to build again but to leave the Island. But many have changed their mind and are repairing as fast as they can, but a great many can never be able to do it. Twelve ships were driven ashore and broken to pieces, but the King's frigate "Foresight," perceiving the storm coming, saved herself by standing out to sea. "All the prodigious effects of this hurricane would swell into a volume and puzzle belief" (690). Colonel William Stapleton, Governor of the Leeward Islands, in his Answer to Queries concerning those islands, says in Nevis the "Hurri-Canes" have taught the people to build low (p. 499). Has the singular writing of this word anything to do with the etymology of it? It is supposed to be a native American word.
The inhabitants are described as of four sorts, viz.: freeholders paying yearly one ear of Indian corn to His Majesty; freemen, who having served their time, serve for wages; servants whose time is not expired, and negro slaves from Guinea, Cormantin, or Madagascar. There were 10,000 white men able to bear arms, 3,030 white male children, 8,695 white women and girls; total, 21,725. Negro men 10,525, boys 5,827, women and girls 16,121; total 32,473, in all 54,198.
Governor Atkins held very strong views as to free trade and the Acts of Trade and Navigation. He argued that it was against all practice to refuse a free trade to any island, and that the King thereby lost 10,000l. a year customs in Barbadoes (862). There is one thing, he says, that their Lordships [of Trade] may admit as a maxim, that wheresoever you intend to plant a new Colony you must make their port a free port for all people to trade with them that will come. He conceives the ordinary way taken for new Plantations to be a little erroneous, for if it be by societies of noblemen, gentlemen, and merchants, the two first will commonly venture no more than they will throw away at dice or cards. The merchants do it in hopes of extraordinary gain, but if the return come not in, the gentleman grows suspicious, the merchant grows "restie," and the people employed upon the place will make the best use of their time; but when the machine fails that supplies the people with provisions, &c., the engine must needs stand still, but if the bucket goes into the well the rope must needs go with it. He reasons why the Act of Trade and Navigation in England will certainly in time be the ruin of all His Majesty's Plantations. Who is the loser? His Majesty and all his poor subjects who labour for him (p. 424). When the Lords of Trade read these opinions and arguments, they took notice of his notion for a liberty of trade as necessary for settling a new plantation as dangerous and prejudicial to England itself, and resolved to give him a check for upholding this maxim of free trade. His insisting upon the inconvenience of the Act of Trade and Navigation confirmed their Lordships in the resolution of returning their severest censures of these "dangerous principles" contrary to the settled laws of the Kingdom and the apparent advantage of it. Still, upon the whole, their Lordships agreed to return their acknowledgments and approbation of his "discourse" (1084). In their report to the King, the Lords, "on the main matter" of this business, a dispensation of the Acts of Trade and Navigation, remark that they need not lay before His Majesty the evil consequences that any subjects should presume to petition against the laws they live under and call them grievances; the whole frame of the trade and navigation would be destroyed by such a dispensation, which could only be done by His Majesty in Parliament, the whole nation being concerned in it. They conceive His Majesty's subjects of the Plantations would hardly presume to make any address of this kind to His Majesty (714 I., II.) were they not connived at by His Majesty's Governors, "and this we find to be the ground of this particular case," for if not the prompter Governor Atkins is the consenter with the inhabitants, and that he labours with more arguments than they do themselves, when it was the duty of the Governor on the contrary to have suppressed any such address. Their Lordships were therefore of opinion that it was very necessary for His Majesty's service that Governor Atkins should by letter from His Majesty be severely reprehended for his error and mistake by his concurrence in encouraging the people, and that for the future he should suppress any such notions, which tend to the ruin of trade (1116). And he was severely censured, although the King "chose rather to caution him upon this occasion," as a perusal of the King's letter to Sir Jonathan Atkins, which is printed verbatim at pp. 510–11, will show.
The King having dissolved the Council of Trade and Plantations by Order in Council of 12th March 1675, committed what was under their management to a Committee of the Privy Council, who were appointed for matters relating to Trade and Plantations, five to be a quorum, and to meet at least once a week and report their proceedings to the King (461, 603). One of the first acts of the new Board was to address a circular letter to all the Governors of the Plantations and to enclose heads of inquiry to which each Governor was required to send full answers of the condition of the Plantation under his Government, the laws, revenue, officers, civil, ecclesiastical, and military forces in the King's pay, number of planters and people, trade, in short a complete account of the state and condition of the Colony (648–50). The answers to these queries received from the respective Governors are of considerable value, more especially those from Governor Sir Jonathan Atkins of Barbadoes, Governor Sir William Stapleton of the Leeward Islands, and Governor Lord Vaughan of Jamaica (800, 973, 1152), as they contain an exhaustive historical summary of the several islands at that particular period.
Sir Charles Wheler, Colonel Stapleton's predecessor in the Government of the Leeward Islands, had fallen into the King's disgrace. The Articles agreed upon between Sir Charles and Mons. de Baas concerning the restitution of St. Christopher's (762–3) were not approved by King Charles, and certain orders that Governor Wheler had given, prejudicial to the King of Denmark's right and jurisdiction on the island of St. Thomas, His Majesty thought fit to disavow, and "has given evidence of our dislike of his conduct in that and other things by recalling him" (397). In an elaborate report of the Committee of Council for Plantations to the King (756), the principal points of difference between England and France in connexion with the restitution of St. Christopher's are clearly defined, and in this report and many other papers calendared the proceedings of Sir Charles Wheler are explained, and with his numerous letters describe all the negotiations, in which the French Minister Colbert and our own ambassador at Paris had a considerable share.
Now Colonel Philip Warner, son of Sir Thomas Warner, was Deputy Governor of Antigua under Colonel Stapleton, the Governor-in-Chief, and concerned in a wholesale massacre of Indians of Dominica, in which his pretended halfbrother, Indian Warner, a reputed natural son of Sir Thomas, was killed. Early in February 1675 Governor Stapleton sent an account of this affair to the Council for Plantations (428). The Indians of Dominica, he wrote, have again committed murders and rapines upon Antigua, whereupon we empowered the Deputy Governor with six small companies of foot to go to Dominica to be revenged on those heathens "for their bloody and perfidious villanies," who killed 80, took some prisoners, destroyed their provisions, and carried away most of their periagoes and canoes, as their warlike vessels are called. His pretended brother, Indian Warner (reputed natural son to Sir Thomas), who was a great villain, fell amongst his fellow heathens.
The account of Governor Sir Jonathan Atkins of Barbadoes gives rather a different complexion to "the intemperate actings" described above. He says one Warner, Lieutenant-Governor of Antigua, "by an action of the greatest inhumanity," from what provocation he cannot tell, transported seven companies to Dominica, "a dependent of this Government," without taking any notice or complaint to Sir Jonathan, Warner's brother having a commission from Barbadoes as LieutenantGovernor for the King, "the only person in these parts that asserted the English interest and suffered imprisonment and irons during the war for his service to the King." Colonel Philip coming ashore, his half-brother, "for they had both one father," joined him with the Leeward Indians to take account of the Windward Indians for injuries done to Antigua. After the action Philip invited his half-brother and his party to a treat, and having made them drunk with rum, caused them all to be massacred, not sparing his brother or little children. Governor Atkins incloses the examination of the master of the sloop who was in the whole action "wherein you will find a very tragical but I fear a very true story, the man being a serious and intelligent man of his quality" (439). William Hamlyn, aged 23, commander of the sloop, deposed that in company with two ships they arrived with 300 men at Dominica on Christmas Day (1674). They were met by Thomas Warner who agreed to assist Philip with 60 Indians, about 40 were killed including three drawn by a flag of truce to come on board. Then Colonel Warner invited Thomas Warner and his Indians to the number of 60 or 70 men, women, and children to an entertainment of thanks, and having made them very drunk, gave a signal and some of the English fell upon and destroyed them. Afterwards an Indian calling himself Thos. Warner's son came on board Philip Warner's ship and told him he had killed his father and all his friends and prayed to be killed also, holding his head aside to receive a blow which, by Philip's order, was given him and he was thrown overboard. Deponent took an Indian boy in his arms but he also was killed, and he believed this slaughter was by the sole direction of Philip Warner, against the consent of his officers, several of whom he heard declare against it, and Cornet Samuel Winthrop ordered to kill Thomas Warner refused to do so (439 i.).
When the news of this massacre reached England, Charles II. directed a warrant to the Attorney-General to prepare a Bill containing a special commission of Oyer and Terminer authorising Governor Atkins and others to hear this matter and pass sentence agreeable to law and justice"to the end that so inhuman an attempt should be duly examined and the persons convicted brought to condign punishment." But the warrant passed no further and a letter instead was signed by the King to Sir Jonathan Atkins, and "entered in the Plantation Book," requiring him to try the parties accused according to the powers of his Commission (552). The letter in question (601) from Secretary Sir Henry Coventry is one of the most remarkable in this volume. In it Governor Atkins is told that His Majesty is highly offended, and comm nds that speedy and exemplary justice be done upon the person guilty of this inhuman act, that the offenders be proceeded against according to law, so that justice may be vindicated and the innocent blood that hath been so barbarously spilt fully avenged. And since, Secretary Coventry writes, there is reason to believe that the Windward Islands may have been much alienated from the English by this action, His Majesty leaves it to the Governor to give that people some signal and public demonstration of his justice upon the authors by sending them some heads and by some other proper way which he shall think fit that they may be satisfied of the detestation His Majesty and the whole nation hath of this proceeding of Colonel Warner's, and how ready His Majesty will be to punish severely any of his subjects that shall infringe the good understanding he desires to have preserved between them and his subjects." Governor Atkins wrote later on of the ill-effects of this massacre, None can resolve the strength of the Indians, and by the late attempt of Colonel Warner all correspondence with them is taken from us by the death of Indian Warner" (p. 421). Governor Stapleton reported to the Lords of Trade, 30th April 1675, that two of his Deputy Governors were going home, Colonel Philip Warner "for some occasions of his own," and his own brother from Montserrat for his health (544). On his arrival in England towards the end of June, he was by the King's command committed prisoner to the Tower "charged with the murder of his brother Thomas Warner, an Indian, and the destruction of other Indians, His Majesty's friends" (681, 688, 869). There are several Orders in Council and other papers about the venue of Colonel Warner's trial whether in Dominica or Barbadoes (688, 699, 705), which was ultimately fixed to take place in Barbadoes whither Warner was shipped. Governor Stapleton sent to the Lords of Trade a very strong letter in Warner's behalf with several depositions tending to show the untrustworthiness of Hamlyn's evidence, and that the child commonly called Indian Warner was simply an Indian slave (748, 748 i.–iv.). Colonel Warner himself, in a petition to the King, prays that his case may be re-heard in order that he may prove his innocence; annexes papers in his justification and reasons for being allowed to put in bail "in case it should be judged necessary to try him" (750, 750 I., II.). And then his mother, late wife of Sir Thomas Warner and widow of Sir George March, petitions the King that her son may have liberty to go to the petitioner's house at Limehouse, "that she may take care of his health, he being dangerously sick," finding security for his appearance (751). But Colonel Warner remained a prisoner in the Tower until a warrant, passed on 28th March 1676, to the Constable of the Tower to deliver Colonel Philip Warner into the custody of Captain Wright, to be by him conveyed on board His Majesty's ship "Phoenix" in the Thames, and conveyed to Barbadoes (855). After his trial Colonel Warner wrote to Secretary Williamson: "This brings the good tidings of my deliverance after full twelve months' imprisonment in England." He was brought to a public trial on 8th September 1676. His judges were 25 gentlemen from the Leeward Isles and Barbadoes, the jury from Barbadoes only. Warner says there was "great search to find evidence against me, but none found but to my advantage." Hamlyn proved a perjured rogue, so the grand jury acquitted Warner and he was discharged by proclamation. He was returning to Antigua "where I promise myself a great deal of future content in a private retired life" (1029). Governor Atkins, in a letter to the Lords of Trade inclosing the report of the proceedings on the trial, says, Warner denied the whole fact and left it to proof which with art enough on all sides was easily carried, for the first informer being gone or carried away it was easy to persuade others who were in the action that by accusing Warner they would condemn themselves. The matter of fact is most evident, though it may be with all circumstances not so; but Governor Atkins leaves it to His Majesty and their Lordships judgment to determine. It has taken away a kind of outwork which secured the people of Barbadoes when they went for wood and other necessaries, and he doubts whether those gentlemen of the Leeward Isles will sleep very quietly for the Indians never forgive or forget injuries (1040, 1040 I.). But Governor Stapleton's comments should also be quoted. Colonel Warner, he says, is after great sufferings come off with credit by a learned ignoramus of the grand jury, and was cleared by proclamation, which could not be otherwise unless they would hang him, right or wrong. The fellow who falsely deposed against him is to be sent to Holland in irons, upon a letter Stapleton wrote to the Governor of Curacao to have him sent thither or punished for stealing 30 odd negroes from the English part of St. Christopher's which he did twice, and other felonious acts (1151).
Articles for the surrender of Surinam to the Dutch were agreed upon by Colonel William Byam and Commander Crynssens on 16th March 1667, and confirmed by the Treaty of Breda, wherein it was provided that if any of the inhabitants should at any time intend to depart they should have power to do so and sell their estates, but this not having been performed was, by the Treaty of Westminster of February 1673, agreed to be executed. It was not, however, until early in 1675 that the States General issued their orders to Captain Vorsterre, then Governor of Surinam, to conform to this resolution, and King Charles appointed Commissioners to effect the entire execution of the treaty, and to embark on His Majesty's ships the King's subjects and transport them with their slaves, goods, and estates to some of the English colonies (487). We have a complete account of the proceedings of the King's Commissioners in their correspondence, and more particularly in the "Narrative" presented by Edward Cranfield to the Lords Committee for Plantation on 18th May 1676 (683–4). From this it appears that they sailed from the Downs on 6th April 1675, and arrived at Surinam the beginning of the following June. The King's Commissioners then visited in person the several "divisions" to confer with His Majesty's subjects and encourage them to embark. But Governor Vorsterre demurred to allowing the Jews to go, who said his orders were only to let the English go, for he found more Jews would depart than he expected, and feared it might too much weaken the Colony. From a list taken it was found there were but 130 Dutch inhabitants besides the garrison, who, with the merchants in the town, made up about 140 more. Having prepared a list of the passengers and proportioned them to the ships it was found absolutely necessary to employ all (three) ships. The Commissioners took leave of the Governor on 12th August 1675, and all His Majesty's subjects petitioned to be transported to Jamaica without touching elsewhere, no person wishing to go for England or Virginia. After a tedious passage they arrived at Jamaica on 8th September, and His Majesty's letters were delivered to the Governor, who afforded them all the accommodations His Majesty directed (932). A list of the names of the King's subjects and slaves transported in His Majesty's "Hercules," "America," and "Henry and Sarah," from Surinam to Jamaica, show the total to have been 1,231 persons (675 vii.). The list of those of the Hebrew nation willing to go, but hindered by the Dutch Governor of Surinam, comprise 10 persons with 322 slaves (675 v.). The Lords of Trade and Plantations reported to the King on 30th May 1676 that they found, by a particular narrative of Cranfield's proceedings, that he had conveyed from Surinam to Jamaica 250 of His Majesty's subjects, all whites, and 981 slaves; that he had adjusted all differences in accounts, and brought them off as much savers as could be expected, leaving very few or none, unless Jews whose coming away the Governor obstructed; and that this number has been of considerable advantage to Jamaica, so their Lordships "presume to signify that he has in all points discharged himself with fidelity and success, and to recommend him to His Majesty's favour" (684, 932); the King approved of this report by an Order in Council of 31st January 1677.
A list of ships "entertained" by the Royal African Company, and the number of "negroes delivered," and the "negroes ordered" from Christmas 1674 to Christmas 1675 for Barbadoes, Nevis, Jamaica, and Virginia shows a total of 7,025 negroes (512). An account of negroes laden aboard five ships by the agents of the Royal African Company, and sold at Barbadoes between March and June 1676, gives the total number shipped 1,588, and sold 1,372, besides 224 (sic) which could not be sold there, and were sent to Nevis, and 200 for Jamaica (1102 1.). In reply to a complaint that they very scantily supplied Barbadoes with negro servants, the Company said (July 1676) that they had been settled little above four years, and in the first two, navigation was obstructed by the Dutch war. The third year the Company most vigorously prosecuted their trade and sent out 15 ships to the coast of Africa, and ordered six of them to Barbadoes with about 2,000 negroes. Last year (1675) they sent 20 ships to Africa, and appointed eight of them with about 3,000 negroes to that island. It was alleged the Company sold their negroes at 20l. and 22l. per head, but their books show the price to have been 15l. per head, and that there remained owing to them about 70,000l. This present year the Company have sent ships and intend more (911).
The rebellions of negroes in Barbadoes, and more particularly in Jamaica, were a frequent source of anxiety and of great danger to the inhabitants. "When the negroes found any English straggling in the woods they butchered them with lances," wrote Vice—Admiral Goodson from Jamaica in 1656; and another of Cromwell's officers reported they received opposition from the negroes, who slew about 40 of our soldiers a month since (251–7), so the English soldiers were obliged in self-defence, and for their own safety, to destroy the negro settlements in the Island (335). "The enemy in our bowels, to whom our lives have been a prey, and many men subjected to their mercy, the negroes I mean (wrote the Steward General in Jamaica), are now become our bloodhounds, and we are daily making depredations on them, and they are in our behalf more violent and fierce against their fellows than we possibly can be" (345).
In 1675, Governor Atkins reported from Barbadoes "a damnable design" of the nogroes to destroy them all. He found the rebellion far more dangerous than was at first thought, for it had spread over most of the plantations, especially amongst the Cormantin negroes, who are much the greater number, and a warlike and robust people. IIe had been forced to execute 35 of them, which he believed had set a period to that trouble (690). At a meeting of the Assembly of Barbadoes on 25th November 1675, it was ordered that the freeing of Fortuna, a negro woman belonging to Gyles Hall, "sent in recompense of her eminent services in discovering the intended rebellion of the negroes, be recommended to the succeeding "Assembly" (712). In Jamaica a proclamation was issued by the Governor and Council to put in execution all the clauses of an Act for the right ordering and government of the negroes, there having "lately been several insurrections and rebellions of negroes to the great disturbance and peace and planting of this island" (661–741). At a meeting of the Council early in 1676 Governor Lord Vaughan reported that the rebellious negroes were not yet reduced, and 20 good men were ordered to be kept in pay at least two months, or until said negroes be reduced, and rewards were promised for the taking and killing the ringleaders; for the negro called Peter 20l. sterling, for Scanderberg 15l., for Doctor 10l., and for all the rest of the rebellious party 5l. per head, according to the Act. Six Spanish negroes were to be sent over to assist with their lances (793). "Some Hunters," who had offered their services in pursuing and subduing the negroes, were encouraged and furnished with all things necessary at the public charge (820). Then the Governor wrote home that he had had some trouble with rebellious negroes, eight or nine have been taken and executed, and the rest not heard of for a fortnight, "so I hope they are wholly reduced or dispersed" (822). The question of christening negroes and "what the French and other nations practise in this particular" was considered by the Lords of Trade and Plantations (783–4), while in Barbadoes the Assembly were debating whether the actings of the Quakers, which may be of dangerous consequence, were to be reformed by law, in relation to their admitting negroes to their meetings under pretence of converting them to the Christian religion (p. 364).