Preface

Preface

The nature of many of the documents contained in the present volume of this Calendar differs so materially from that of ordinary State Papers as to need some explanation.

Joseph Williamson, afterwards Sir Joseph Williamson and Secretary of State, took upon himself the editorship of the London Gazette, supplanting in that office Roger L'Estrange, surveyor of the press. On October 15, 1665, he wrote to L'Estrange, (fn. 1) declining an application for assistance in collecting news, but offering to procure him a salary of 100l. a year, if he were willing to give up his right in the "Newsbook," the duties of which he had represented as burdensome, and the profits inconsiderable. L'Estrange writes in alarm to Lord Arlington, representing that he shall be ruined if forced to relinquish the Newsbook, which he now confesses to be worth 400l. a year, but states that the preliminary expenses were heavy, those for spies amounting to 500l. the first year, beside the providing a home and assistants; he urges that though he has doubled the size and price of the Newsbook, and increased its value from 200l. to 400l. or 500l. a year, he has been no gainer as yet, and has brought upon himself the malice of the "whole rabble faction" by his employment. He pleads also his courage in remaining in London during the plague, although it came into his own family, and 80 of the printing trade died of it, and hopes such services will outweigh the late miscarriage in public intelligence with which he is charged. (fn. 2) His pleadings were futile; the editorship was handed over to Williamson, whose official position, combined with his laborious business habits, well fitted him for the post, and the new paper was generally well received. (fn. 3)

For the sake of gaining authentic information, he established correspondences with persons official or private, in the leading seaports and in a few other towns of England, and also in many of the chief continental cities; their business was to give him accounts of the principal events transpiring, especially the arrival and departure of ships, and of such enemy's vessels as in that troublous time were seen hovering about the coast. Large numbers of these letters, for several successive years, have found their way to the State Paper collection, along with Williamson's more official papers, as secretary of Lord Arlington. They formed the basis of the news contained in the Gazette, and from them may be gathered much information relating to trade and local events.

In return for these letters of intelligence, copies of the Gazette were regularly transmitted to correspondents, and those who could afford to pay for them had, moreover, MS. letters of news sent them periodically. In this latter branch of business, Williamson had a rival in Hen. Muddiman, who, having been a news collector to the preceding editor L'Estrange, and having had a large correspondence, contrived to secure a continuance of his privilege of having his letters transmitted free through the post; by engaging himself to Sir William Morice, Lord Arlington's co Secretary of State, he got possession of much official information, and insinuated everywhere that Morice was the principal secretary, the one most trusted by the King. Williamson's zealous coadjutor, James Hickes, senior clerk at the post office, exerted himself might and main to thwart Muddiman. He wrote to all his correspondents to assure them that Muddiman, being dismissed by Williamson from the management of his correspondence, for turning it to his own advantage, could not communicate much news, and that his letters were no longer to be franked. To open opposition he added less honourable means of thwarting this rival newsmonger. The existence amongst Williamson's papers of numerous letters written by Muddiman to his correspondents affords significant evidence that they were intercepted at the post office by Hickes, and never reached their destination. (fn. 4) A reference to these letters will show the variety and importance of the subjects they embrace; and it was occasionally said that they were fuller than similar letters written by Robert Francis, Williamson's agent for his MS. news letters to subscribers.

Among the noticeable points in the papers calendared in the present volume, are the details of the plague in London, which was decimating the inhabitants, and spreading with fearful rapidity.

Thos. Povey, writing to Williamson, from Sion Hill, October 5, 1665, (fn. 5) says:—

"I have been engaged in soliciting matters of money two or three days in a week at London, until the bills [of mortality] swelled to about 8,000, and since have been daily entertained in providing for the numerous infected persons on both hands of me, there having died more than 300 in Brentford and Isleworth; and death is now become so familiar, and the people so insensible of danger, that they look upon such as provide for the public safety as tyrants and oppressors; whilst neither the richer sort will be brought to contribute, nor the meaner to submit, though to their own apparent good and preservation."

Although collections were made in churches and rates levied for the relief of the suffering poor, society had fallen into such a state of disorganization, through the callous recklessness of the lower classes and the selfish shrinking of the upper from those beneficent exertions needful to alleviate the general calamity, that the few persons of influence who had not absolutely abandoned the city found themselves beset with difficulties in attempting to grapple with the general misery.

Edmund Godfrey, (fn. 6) writing to the Earl of Newport, December 19th, 1665, (fn. 7) records that the poor people

"cry out upon the dearness of fuel and want of employment, by reason of the King and Court having been so long out of town, and some of the courtiers, nobility, and gentry forgetting of their debts as well as their charity, which imputation we are all sure can nowise concern your honour, who have been so transcendently eminent in both. We have caused an order to be made for filling up of all the churchyards where many have been buried with rubbish mould, and other earth to be brought in by cart and laid on the respective graves and ground there, at least a yard high. This week we intend to seal warrants for public sessions of the peace to be kept at Westminster the week after Twelfth-day. We have caused orders to be published in print that all persons who are gone out of town without paying their respective rates and taxes due on the Royal Aid, that their houses shall be broke open by the constables and collectors, upon orders from the Commissioners here for the same by Act of Parliament, unless they do forthwith satisfy the said duties, and that their goods and household stuff shall in their absence be sold for the payment thereof, according to Act of Parliament, and I wish we had as good a power and law for levying of the pest rate and poor's rate. We would not have undergone so much inconvenience and censure as we have done for making no better provision for the visited or poor, though I believe they were never so well relieved in any plague time whatsomever, thanks to the lords and other honourable persons, and our good benefactors; but I am ashamed to acquaint your honour, though nothing but truth, that not half our pest or poor's rate is paid by them who are charged therewith, and of right ought to pay the same, who are and have been most of them out of town all this time of visitation, and not taken care to pay anything of what is justly rated and assessed on them.

"This week's bill doth somewhat increase in Westminster, but abates very considerably in St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, in St. Giles'in-the-Fields, Covent Garden, and other parts at our end of the town, whereby upon the whole, by the best measure we can take of things, we conclude it will be a decreasing bill, though it may be not so much as was hoped for."

It was thought that a more rigid enforcement of sanitary regulations might tend to arrest the disorder. The Duke of Albemarle, who, with the Earl of Craven, had the firmness to remain in London, to encourage the lower orders by his presence and to repress disorders, writes to Lord Arlington, from the Cockpit, 20th January 1666, (fn. 8) suggesting that the King should

"write a letter to my Lord Craven, another to my Lord Mayor, and a third to Sir John Robinson, to acquaint the justices of peace that it is His Majesty's pleasure that they be very strict in shutting up the houses. My Lord Craven is very diligent in it; and in the letter to him, it will do well to take notice that, being (seeing) the rest were wrote to, His Majesty thought fit to write to him. But for the probate of wills, it were well that there were some course taken, that before they dispose of the goods in the houses, there may be care taken by the justices of peace to order the constables to see them well aired, before they are removed from the houses, for that has increased the sickness as much as any one thing; I hope you will have a much lesser bill this week than the last, by so much as I can guess."

These suggestions received immediate consideration, for under the date of February 14th (fn. 9) we find a letter from the Council to the Earl of Craven and other Justices of Middlesex and Westminster, enjoining upon them care in reference to burial places, the removal of the sick to the pest house, and precautions against the spreading of the contagion.

The Earl of Craven, in reply to this mandate, reported the proceedings of the justices as follows (fn. 10) :—

"Since the receipt of the letter from the Lords of the Council, there has been several meetings of the justices of the peace, both to review the orders formerly made by the Council Board, as well as their own, and many directions thereupon given and warrants issued forth to the respective officers, as the present occasion required, both for the preservation of the inhabitants from the infection of the plague, as well as making provision for such as were shut up and were in want.

"The Lord Bishop of London was consulted withal concerning burial places, who could not consecrate any ground unless a perpetuity of the same might be first obtained. Nevertheless the justices have directed that such persons who die of the sickness shall be buried in the late usual places assigned for that purpose.

"Such infected who were removeable were sent to the pest house, and others who could not have been shut up; their doors were marked with a red cross, [and "Lord have mercy upon us," in capital letters, (fn. 11) ] for 40 days, wardens appointed to guard them within as well as hinder the approach of company from without, &c., with a white cross afterwards for the same time; there has been no complaints brought to the justices of any neglect herein, but do believe that due execution hath been generally made of this order, having themselves made a particular observation in several places.

"The churchyards have not been so generally covered with lime, in regard of the dearness and scarcity thereof, there being not a sufficient quantity to be had for that end and purpose, but much fresh earth and lime has been laid in many churchyards, and those bodies which have been there buried so deep laid that we hope no inconveniency can from thence arise. Besides special care is taken not to open the same graves again.

"The streets are daily cleansed, and the filth carried away by the raker, who brings his carts every morning, and giving notice thereof to the inhabitants by the sound of his bell, to the end that every particular house also may be cleared of its filth. As to the lay-stalls too near the streets and passages, much care has been taken for to remove them, many difficulties having arisen therein, by reason of titles in law which the proprietors had therein. Notwithstanding, by the industry and diligence of the justices, some are already quite removed, and the rest we hope in a very short time will be removed, to the great advantage of the inhabitants, as well as to the satisfaction of the Lords of the Council's order.

"Beggars have been and are daily removed and punished, and provision made for the poor of each parish, according to law.

"As to the state of the pest-house, the justices have frequently and very lately considered of it, and do conceive it highly convenient for the preservation of the adjacent parishes that they were enlarged, that in Westminster being able to contain but 60 persons, and that other in the Soho but 90 persons, which now serves for St. Martin's, St. Clement's, St. Paul's Covent Garden, and St. Mary Savoy—scarce large enough for one of the said parishes. That in St. Giles's will contain but 60 persons, which, considering the multitude of poor in that parish, cannot be of any considerable use if the sickness break out amongst them. Now, how these may be enlarged, or indeed continued as they are, for the public use of the fore-mentioned parishes,—the ordinary taxes and parochial duties being so numerous, the middling sort of persons so much impoverished by the late calamity of the plague, so few, or rather none, of the nobility and gentry likely to continue here in case it should please God that the plague break out again,—is submitted to the wisdom of the Board, whose aid and assistance is, with all humility and speed, begged herein, it being the most probable means of hindering the spreading of the contagion amongst us.

"The business of inmates and inhabitants in cellars has been very often debated and advised upon by the justices, and although many difficulties have appeared to them, by reason of particular leases and contracts between the respective householders and inmates for a certain term of years yet to come, and in regard that several of the said inmates, most of which are poor, necessitous persons, and if once removed, would prove excessively chargeable to the parishes (which at this time are least able to bear it), notwithstanding the justices have made a progress herein, having convened before them all the respective landlords within the adjacent parishes, and taken an account of each particular case, to the end that this affair might be put in such a method that in a short time they doubt not but to give a good account hereof, very many being removed already, and are daily removing."

A series of regulations, founded on the above document, after careful revision by the authorities in London most conversant with the details of the subject, was printed on May 11, (fn. 12) and published by His Majesty's command, with additions forbidding strangers to lodge in any city, town, or village, without a sufficient certificate of health, and the consent of the next justice of peace, or chief magistrate; ordering

"That no old household goods whatsoever be received into any city, borough, town, village or hamlet, coming from any place suspected to be infected with the plague, without sufficient certificate.

"That all public meetings and concourses of people, as much as may be, (especially to funerals, wakes, or revels,) be prohibited where there is any suspicion of the plague.

"That fires, in moveable pans or otherwise, be made in all necessary public meetings, in churches, &c., and convenient fumes to correct the air be burnt thereon.

"That care be taken that no unwholesome meats, stinking fish, flesh, musty corn, or any other unwholesome food, be exposed to sale in any shops or markets.

"That no swine, dogs, cats, or tame pigeons be permitted to pass up and down in streets, or from house to house, in places infected.

" * * That no more alehouses be licensed than are absolutely necessary in each city or place, especially during the continuance of this present contagion.

"That each city and town forthwith provide some convenient place remote from the same, where a pest-house, huts, or sheds, may be erected, to be in readiness in case any infection should break out, which, if it shall happen to do, that able and faithful searchers and examiners be forthwith provided, and sworn to search all suspected bodies for the usual signs of the plague, viz.: swellings or risings under the ears or arm-pits, or upon the groins; blains, carbuncles, or little spots, either on the breast or back, commonly called tokens."

"Lastly, that you take special care, that not only the monthly fasts, but that the public prayers on Wednesday and Fridays also be strictly and constantly observed, according to His Majesty's proclamation. And that such collections as shall be then made, be strictly applied to the relief and necessities of the poor in infected places, &c., &c."

During the year 1665, in which the number of christenings in London are recorded at 9,967, the deaths were 97,306, and of these 68,596 were of the plague. Its fury, however, was well nigh spent. In January 1666, the deaths from plague were reduced to 60 or 70 a week, by June they had sunk to 20 or 30, a slight increase took place in the autumn, but in December they had subsided to 4. (fn. 13) Early in February 1666, the King once more ventured to return to Whitehall.

In proportion as the disease retired from London, it spread in remoter parts of the country; but its ravages were chiefly confined to the eastern and southern maritime counties, excepting a few solitary instances at Newcastle and Gateshead, resulting from the constant intercourse with London necessitated by the coal trade. Several towns in Kent, Sussex, and Hampshire, and particularly Deal, suffered severely.

Col. Walter Slingsby, Governor of the Isle of Wight, writing to Williamson, on October 30, 1665, (fn. 14) says—

"Here happened a desperate action the other day. Two young fellows (seamen belonging to some of His Majesty's ships newly come into harbour at Portsmouth), upon promise of a reward from the mother dwelling here, ventured up in the night to Southampton, to fetch away the daughter. One of them went up stairs in the house where they were all dead but this maid, and brought down her chest, and afterwards in the night landed her in this island. After four days she was discovered, and all with her shut up, among the rest one of these seamen. The other was, before discovery, got on board the King's ship again,—he that brought down the chest. But we have given notice to Sir Will. Berkeley, who hath seized and will try him at court martial."

A letter from Portsmouth, May 10, 1666, records (fn. 15) —

"Blessed be God there is little of the plague in Portsmouth; but four that I can hear of hath in or about the town died these seven days, but many have the distemper, with sores, and swellings, but few dying of [it], yet 12 died last week. The people are so wicked in that town that it's reported they take their foul plasters from their sores, and in the night throw them into the window in fresh houses."

Anthony Cooley, a Canterbury correspondent, writes to Williamson, November 9, 1665 (fn. 16) —

"There died this week two of the plague, one in the city, the other in the suburbs, occasioned by the covetousness of the parties, one posting to London and bringing down goods from infected places, the other by sending for goods down, and if care be not taken, 'tis very much feared the latter will be greater than the former.

From Falmouth, which had not yet been touched, a correspondent writes on November 11 (fn. 17) —

"I am advised that the last week there hath been seen abundance of ravens croaking about the town, to the admiration of the inhabitants, and some of the oldest people of the town saith that, some several years past, when there was a great plague they had the like sign; so that it doth much trouble them, for fear the like plague may fall upon them again, which God prevent."

The provincial town which suffered most severely was Norwich, where the disease broke out with fury when it was subsiding elsewhere.

A letter dated July 9, 1666, records that (fn. 18) —

"In our city since last Saturday there is in the market place two houses broke out, which make such a distraction, as people post out of town as fast as they can. I myself saw this day at least ten carts lading away stuff, and men, women and children coached away into country."

The deaths in that week were 87, 63 being of plague; in August they rose to 203 from plague out of 220, but in October they sank from 127 to 68, and by the end of the year were reduced to 11 deaths out of 21 from plague. The population was so lessened that the average of weekly christenings fell from 19 to 10.

One of the greatest difficulties experienced was in the transmission of letters, especially to Court, to avoid as much as possible their passing through the infected districts. The following prescribes certain cautions to be observed:

Lord Arlington to Mr. Bennet, November 11, 1665 (fn. 19) —

"Being informed this day that divers houses near to yours in Sherborne are visited with the sickness, and considering how dangerous it may be to that road for you to continue still there, I think it necessary that you remove to some other place thereabouts your office for the gathering and dispatching letters and posts, which I require you to do with all possible speed, and to return not till your town be free of the infection. I have sent warrants to the justices and other officers of Dorset and Somerset, to admit your horse and foot posts into the towns and villages, at least to suffer the watchmen to receive the packets you send, and to bring out others, by which means I hope the general correspondence will not be much disturbed till it shall please God to remove His visitation from the town. In the mean time it will behove you to be very wary and careful to prevent the spreading of the contagion."

The plague was not the only calamity with which the nation was visited. During the period embraced by the present volume, the Dutch, burning to revenge their defeat of June 1665, were hovering about the coasts, the French were pledged to assist them, and the discontented party in England was more than suspected of favouring their movements. On October 23, 1665, the King thus addresses the Lord Lieutenant of Kent: (fn. 20)

"Right trusty, &c.

"Whereas we have received advice that the Dutch fleet hath appeared a second time upon our coasts, although we see no reason to believe they intend any considerable attempt at land, nor that indeed they are in a condition at present to do it, yet for the better security and quiet of those parts, and of our good subjects there, we have thought fit hereby to signify our pleasure to you, that you forthwith take order to have the militia of that county in such readiness as, upon the shortest warning, such part thereof may be by you assembled and drawn together as shall be found necessary, for the preventing any descent or other insult the Dutch may endeavour to make upon the coast; without giving in the meantime other or further trouble to the inhabitants or the militia, than that they keep themselves in a vigilant posture and readiness, if there shall be reason hereafter to call them together, which, if there shall be occasion, you are forthwith to do, and to employ them in the best and most effectual manner you can, for the defence of the coasts against the attempts of the enemy; and from time to time to return us an account of what shall happen in this matter. In which we expect your particular care and vigilance."

Similar letters were sent to the Lord Lieutenants of several other south-eastern counties, accompanied, where needful, with orders to search for arms, secure disaffected persons, and guard against internal risings. The winter put a partial stop to dangers from abroad, but they were renewed in the spring. The Duke of Albemarle and Prince Rupert were sent out in search of the enemy. The Duke remained in the Downs with 57 or 60 vessels whilst the Prince with 20 more steered westward, in expectation of meeting the French fleet and preventing its junction with the Dutch. (fn. 21) On June 1st the Dutch fleet was descried, and the Duke, without waiting for the Prince to join him, gave orders for the attack. About this fight much controversy has arisen, as to whether imprudence or treason should be ascribed to those who counselled first the division of the fleet, and then the engagement when thus divided. The particulars are therefore given in full, as they appear in a letter to Lord Arlington, from Sir Thos. Clifford, who was sent expressly from Court to gain the fullest information. It is as follows:—
"On board the Royal Charles, (fn. 22)
"My Lord, June 5, 1666.

"I shall not be so particular with your lordship as formerly upon the like cases, accidents and occasions not being altogether so agreeable, and in truth the frequent meeting with things makes them seem to me not so worthy observation as at the first, but I shall begin from the time I writ my last from Harwich. We embarked there according as I writ your lordship I was about. Upon Friday night the 1st instant, we had a fresh gale of wind all night and next morning, by eight of the clock of which, we made both the fleets engaged, and they had been so from three of the clock in the afternoon the day before, for my Lord General going that day for the Gun Fleet, his scouts brought him notice of the Dutch fleet near him, and so made his engagement of them almost necessary. By 11 of the clock Saturday, we came close up to the engagement with our little shallop of six guns, and my Lord of Ossory would fain have had an opportunity of giving the Dutch Admiral a broadside in her. By two of the clock, in the heat of the fight, with much ado we got into the R. Charles, where we found all things well, and matters looked with a good aspect on our side for two or three hours, but then, after another pass, five of our better sort of ships of the second and third rates were so shattered that they made—some with leave and others without leave—toward our own ports, which was a great disheartening to the rest, especially since so many good ships also had left the fleet the day before, immediately after the first pass, without any notice of their condition given to my Lord General, of which were the Henry, the Swiftsure, the Rainbow, the Loyal Merchant, and, I think, the Portland. In fine, upon Saturday night, we found we could make but 34 fighting ships, and the Dutch hard enough upon us; and then there was nothing to be heard among the common seamen but complaints against dividing our fleet and sending away Prince Rupert. This was a strait, and my Lord General's conduct was here well seen to be very good, for he chose out 16 of the greatest ships of these 34, to be a bulwark to the rest, and bring up the rear in a breast, and so shoved on the other in a line before him, and in this manner we maintained an orderly and good retreat all Sunday, the 3rd instant, till about three of the clock that afternoon, when from topmast head we made a fleet coming toward us, which we supposed to be, as it was, Prince Rupert and his squadron. Within little we made their flags and hulls, and then in our whole fleet there was such shouting, and the English halloo that the Dutchmen that were all along firing at us were at a little pause, however kept on after us, and we, endeavouring to join with Prince Rupert, fell too near the shoal ground, and first the Royal Charles herself struck upon the sands they call the Galloper, but came presently well off, so did also the Royal Katharine; but the Royal Prince, drawing more water than either, stuck fast. The Dutch with their small frigates immediately made toward her, attended with a fire-ship or two, and we sent four or five of our frigates to defend her, that drew least water, and we ourselves would come as near as we durst for the sands; but to the wonder of the whole fleet, we saw the flag and ancient struck, and she yielded when she had not herself either shot ten guns in her defence or received ten shot from the enemy; 15 of their men came to us in their boats, and they say they had four fathom of water upon one side, and but two on the other of their ship. When we had joined with Prince Rupert, we hastened up where she lay, for though the Dutch had possession of her, yet she still stuck fast, and when they saw they could not keep her, they set her on fire, the sight of which was a sensible touch to every man's heart in our fleet, especially since a little resistance would have preserved her, and that she was so well able to stand it out. She was like a castle in the sea, and I believe the best ship that ever was built in the world to endure battering, but she is gone, and this is an ill subject to be long upon.

This evening, the 3rd, we followed the Dutch as close as we could and the night would permit us. Monday morning, the 4th instant, at sun rising we had sight of them only at topmast head, to the windward of us. We made what haste we could to them, and they staid for us till we came at a convenient distance, and then made toward us. They, having the wind, kept at a greater post from us than we would have been willingly at, and therefore our braver commanders, impatient of it, bore in upon them to go through and through, of which were Sir Christopher Mings and Sir Robert Holmes in several places, that had each many brave seconds, and they had success enough, for by it we divided their fleet and did them much mischief, though to give them, the enemy, also their due, they soon, upon many of those passes that day, came together again with great art and dexterity. We made five passes this day, and not one of them ended but with a good appearance and aspect upon our side, in which we fired several of their ships and they not one of ours, and at the last of them, about five of the clock, we divided their fleet, fell so after them in the rear that in plain terms, those that were to leeward of us in dividing of their fleet, set all the sail they could and began to run, and while we were in chase of them and picking up some of their lame geese, that part of the fleet that was to windward of us tacks upon us; and being then divided, part with the Prince and part with the Duke of Albemarle, they gave the Duke of Albemarle's squadron no breath at all, but tack immediately again upon us. The Prince in the Royal James had in the last post lost his mizen and main topmast, and his squadron was at such a distance that they could not come to our relief, being also so shattered and maimed; and most of our own frigates, to avoid the shock, runs to leeward and shelter themselves under the Royal Charles. Scarce any but the Defiance diverted the enemy from pouring their whole broadside upon us; but we bore it well enough, though at this time very much disabled in our rigging and masts, which indeed was the only aim of the Dutch, for the most part placing their shot above our hulls. De Ruyter soon observed the advantage he had by our fleets being divided and both our admirals disabled, that he makes again a sudden tack upon us. My Lord General, as ill as his ship was, gives order for tacking likewise to preserve our lamed frigates; but having received in the pass before two shots in his powder room, between wind and water, they could not be stopped but by standing upon the same course; besides our main topmast was so disabled by a shot through him that we were fain to lower our main topsail, and our foremast had received so many shots that it was the general opinion there was danger of bringing her by the board in tacking, and no signs for any of the rest to tack would prevail anything with them, so that we were forced to see them fall upon our frigates in the rear, without being able to rescue them; but we saw also by this they could do us but little harm, indeed none at all, if the Essex had not most indiscreetly and unskilfully fallen foul of a prize, a Dutch frigate that we had just before taken, by which not only the Essex but the said frigate fell again into their hands. The Convertine also, being an old Dutch ship and a slow sailer, was overtaken by two of their little frigates, and without shooting a gun or making any resistance, she struck her ancient and yielded. We might else have brought her off with some of our frigates; but Captain Pearce, the commander, was the more to be blamed for that he had scarce engaged the whole day. Our business was now to bear away before a wind to join with the Prince's squadron, and this cannot be called even by the Hollanders a running away, but the proper course to join, which was the most justifiable working, and when we were joined, the Dutch made no further after us. But by this time it was sunset, and most of our ships in an ill condition, as I have told your lordship our two admirals were, otherwise we might have steered to have met with them this morning again, for by all that we can guess by the working of the enemy, they were as glad to be quit of us as we of them, for in that last pass before the division of our fleet, at least ten of their frigates got homeward maimed, and perchance, if the two generals had been in one ship, or if either of the courses that either of them had taken had been jointly followed, viz., either to have pursued them in the rear that we had severed to the leeward of us, or to have tacked to have weathered their whole fleet, perchance we had done their work, and not have left it as it is now for a drawn battle; for if the losses of each side be considered, the enemy hath little cause to boast, for besides that we took, we burnt in the four days' flight seven of their men-of-war, and all their men are lost, which is a considerable one to them. We have still in custody the captain of the frigate we took. Now on the other hand, our loss of the Royal Prince was great, so was the Essex and Convertine, and their men too are considerable; however, they are not so bad as the men of the Dutch ships, for ours are but prisoners, and redeemable, and so our stock not diminished, whereas theirs are blown up or drowned; and for our two other ships, viz., the Black Eagle and St. Paul, two old Dutch ships, that were one sunk and the other fired by us when she was unserviceable by shots and leaks, we saved all the men of both, and I do not yet hear of any other loss we have, only there is discourse about the fleet as if the Swiftsure were taken, but she hath not been seen at all in their fleet, but on the contrary Sir John Chicheley says he saw her go off clear, after the first pass upon Friday. We have yet no news, neither of those ships I mentioned in the beginning, that went off with him; we do yet also miss Sir Christopher Mings and the Rupert, but have no reason to doubt but they are well, though not with us.

The damage to the Hollands fleet must needs be as much, if not more than ours, for there were left of them now, at last, not above 40, and they were in the beginning 84 fighting ships. It must be confessed many of ours got away after the first day, for when Prince Rupert came to us, we had but 34 ships, and if the King do not cause some of the captains to be hanged, he will never be well served. We hear of two good ships that were coming out of the swing to put to sea when they heard shooting again they went back; we have this relation from a ketch. By this backwardness in some of the captains, the King still loses the stoutest, for when they engage frankly and are not seconded, the enemy hath advantage upon them, and often cuts them off, when the cowardly ones still remain to omit their duties another time. If a severe course be not taken in this matter, this is alone enough to ruin any great action of our fleet.

"This quitting of the seas is more than ever yet the Hollander could obtain, and though it be for the present some honour to them, and may, abroad, somewhat lessen our reputation, yet that will signify but little to them or us, if ammunition and stores be suddenly provided, for this is the chiefest matter that is wanting, some of the ships having spent all to five or six rounds or less; provisions also must be thought upon, and then if Sir Jo. Mennes bring money enough to pay off the arrears, the men will be in better heart than ever. I heard some of them mutter that they had twenty months behind; these things will be necessary to be hastened. It is also requisite that Sir William Coventry direct a new press for seamen, and if these matters can be dispatched, that our fleet may be upon their coast before they are ready, the world will then see who had the greatest loss, and the Hollanders' brags, which undoubtedly they will set forth to the world in a high measure, will vanish and turn to their disadvantage.

"I am not yet certain of the number of our slain and wounded, but by my strictest inquiry and by conferring with my Lord General, we conclude there cannot be less than 1,500 wounded and 800 slain on our part; we have not lost many commanders beside Capt. Terne, Capt. Bacon, and the captains of the Unicorn, the Triumph, and St. George. The Prince and Duke Albemarle gave the command of the last ship to my Lord of Ossory, who had a mind to do a brave action upon Monday, the great day of the fight, and to that end, according to his commission, he took possession of her Sunday night, but we found her in a condition totally unserviceable; she could not make sail either with foremast or mainmast, and therefore my lord, intending by the command to do more than ordinary, finding it impossible to do so much as others in ships better conditioned, prudently declined going in her in the great fight, and so returns to the R. C. She was also leaky in her powder room, and had very few rounds left in her. My lord was the most pleased man with the command that ever I saw in my life upon the first view of the ship, before her defects and wants were seen."

In this action the losses on the enemy's side proved severe; out of 90 ships, they had 6 or 7 burned, 1 sunk, and 20 disabled. (fn. 23) Both parties claimed the victory and appointed thanksgiving days for their success, (fn. 24) and each was anxious to prove, by being out at sea again before his antagonist, the truth of his pretensions. (fn. 25) On June 29 the Dutch fleet of 70 or 80 sail was visible. (fn. 26) The English in equal numbers were in the Downs, but wanting additional men, till by vigorous impress many were supplied, and 15 small ships were dismissed, in order that their men might be withdrawn to fill up the numbers on more available vessels. (fn. 27) A fight was now eagerly expected, as the fleet had increased to 88 men-of-war and 17 fireships; (fn. 28) on the 25th the engagement began, and after it had lasted three days, the Dutch suffered a serious defeat, and were driven back into the Texel. (fn. 29)

The sympathy with which the sterner men of the Nonconformist party regarded the attempts of the enemy was caused by their hopes of an alteration in the government and of the restoration of the Republican, or, at least, of the Protectorate form, and these hopes were cherished by the numerous English exiles who were refugees in Holland, but still held extensive correspondence with England. Precautions were therefore thought necessary, and the following circular letter (fn. 30) was issued by the King to the Lord Lieutenants of all the counties in England:—
"July 15, 1666.
"Right trusty, &c.,

"We have already upon different occasions signified to you the reasons we had to suspect an invasion intended of these our kingdoms by our enemies from abroad, and how much it is the duty of our good subjects to join with us in our care and provision for the timely preventing those designs, the greatest ground of which we found to have been a belief and expectation they were led into by some malicious fugitives of our own subjects, of public distractions and insurrections that should break out amongst us here at home, in which we hope they will find themselves disappointed. However, considering the treacherous arts and practices of our enemies from abroad, some of which we have by God's blessing already discovered and frustrated, and the ill temper of some disaffected persons within our own kingdoms, we have thought fit again to warn you of the same, that you have a particular eye to those you shall have reason to suspect within your lieutenancy, and the most dangerous among them forthwith to secure, more especially those that shall be observed to keep horses or arms above their rank, which in that case you are, upon search made, to seize and take from them; and in the general, by the best diligence and circumspection you can, to watch and find out what may be contriving or carrying on prejudicial to the peace of our kingdoms and government."

The state of feeling which necessitated such preventive measures is well elucidated in the following letter from
Benjamin Harrison to Sir Thomas Peyton. (fn. 31)
"Feb. 9, 1665–6.

"The 11th of November last past 1665, or thereabout, a porter of Dover being at my house, with whom I was to send a letter to Dover, and talking together, we fell into a discourse about the Dutch fleet, a part of which had been about the South Foreland then some days before. And when I asked him what he thought of that fleet, he told me that they were very glad to see it, hoping that they should have landed a thousand men or two; and asking him again what a thousand men or two should do, he told me that if the Hollander had then sent but a thousand men or two, they should have been ready with an army to assist them; but I told him that such an army seemed to me impossible, because I knew very well that by an order from His Majesty, their arms were taken away; he replied again that notwithstanding this, they had arms enough through the whole county for to furnish men enough with arms, and good correspondence one with another; so that if any entering into the land by any enemy should be made, they should not make much ado for to join themselves together; besides there were two merchants at Dover who had every week tidings from their plotters in Holland, whereby they could know what they had to do aforehand, if such an inroad should be made.

* * * * *

"The said Mr. Shainck moreover asked him what that did signify that they got letters from the English beyond sea. The said porter answered that the said letters did signify and import that there should be an inroad and invasion, between this and May next. Thereupon he being asked who should lead them, and being told that it seemed impossible, he answered that they did expect that their leader should come with them that should make an invasion, and that should be Richard Cromwell, who is in France, and in request with the King of France, or Ludlow who is in Holland. Then being asked whether they had a competent number there in Dover to join with them, if they should make an inroad there, he answered, that they had at least 200 of whom they were sure that they would join with them. He further inquired whether he was sure of them; he answered, Yes, they were sure of them that they would assist them, and that most of the town would do so too, and that the soldiers of Dover Castle themselves would join with them also. The said porter also said that when any inroad should be made, if at Dover, the rich men would go out of town, and see what would become of it, and the rest would join with them, and so they did when De Ruyter was at the Foreland; and the rest were then prepared to join with him, if he had landed any force. When the said porter was again asked where they would have arms, he replied that every one was sufficiently furnished."

* * * * *

In the West of England the spirit of disaffection was widely spread; and there also the chief hopes of the party were based upon the success of the Dutch. The following information was given in April 1666, whilst the success of the summer's engagement with the Dutch was still uncertain:— (fn. 32)

"John Goodman, of Exeter, servant to Sir Copleston Bamfield, being in company with one John Cowborne, formerly major of foot unto Colonel Buffett in the West, upon Tuesday the 3rd of this instant, at Cowborne's own house at Wellington, the said Cowborne desired to speak with the said Goodman in private, who being in a room together, the said Cowborne inquired of Goodman what news, who said he heard not any, but of wars and sad times for want of trade. Cowborne replied, 'I can tell thee good news; but if I thought thou wouldst betray me, I would kill thee presently; but I am sure you will not.' Whereupon the said Goodman drew his sword, and said, if he could see a good day, he would make that sword do as good service as ever it did. Then the said Cowborne said, 'Cousin, we have all things provided, both money, arms, and men; the first rising will be in London, as soon as ever the General is gone to sea, which will be before Whitsuntide. The word will be Tumble-down Dick; they will declare for a commonwealth,' but some had a mind to declare for Richard, and that they in those parts would secure the gentry, which would be very easy, for nobody would fight for them but their own servants; that they would not trust the Presbyterians with their design, for they had been rogues to them already.

"Goodman inquired for Colonel Buffett and where he was; Cowborne replied, ' He is very well, and is within five miles of this place at this time.' This was all the discourse they had at that time, in regard of many people being in the house, which is an inn, the sign of the George in Wellington.

"Upon Saturday the 7th of April, the said Goodman, being in company at the said place with the said Cowborne, and being in the bowling green belonging to the said house, the said Goodman told the said Cowborne that he had thought of what he had the other day said to him, and asked the said Cowborne, if they should rise in arms here, whether the great armies abroad would not come over into England to help them ? Cowborne replied, Yes, he was assured that was their design, and said he was afraid he should be picked up before that time, but he hoped he had so many friends that some of them would give him notice, and then he would go into Devonshire or Cornwall, to secure himself for a time, for he would be no more in the pound.

"Goodman desired him to come to his house which is at Exeter, adjoining to the Castle ditch, and he might be there without any mistrust, and if they had any design upon that place, his house might be useful to them. Cowborne replied he would come within a fortnight. This is all at present that he can say, but he hopes in a short time to discover the very bottom of the plot."

An anonymous informant, writing on March 1st, 1666, says that the design of the party is to procure the return of Rich. Cromwell, whom they hold as undoubted heir to the Government, and of whose return during the summer they have great hopes. The Earl of Derby was implicated in suspicions of complicity with the party, and was said often in his cups to "heartily remember Richard Protector," who was reported to be in Holland, and in great hopes of receiving messages of importance from his friends in London. (fn. 33)

The jealousy of Richard Cromwell thus excited caused the seizure and examination of a servant of his wife, who was strong in his assertions that the ex-protector was engaged in no political correspondence, but was living in Paris, amusing himself in drawing and reading, and was heard to pray for the King, and to express thankfulness to him for being suffered to enjoy life and fortune. (fn. 34) Notwithstanding this, it was proposed to summon home Richard Cromwell, with thirteen others, on penalty of forfeiture as traitors in case of noncompliance, (fn. 35) but his name was ultimately dropped from the list. (fn. 36)

The religious as well as the political element mingled largely with the general spirit of discontent. The passing of the Act of Conformity, better known as the Five Mile Act, by which all ministers were banished from corporate towns, unless they took an oath of absolute unconditional adherence to the King and the present form of Govern ment in Church and State, was felt to be severe as well as impolitic, because it involved equally the Presbyterians, who were generally loyal to the Crown, with the wildest enemies to even constitutional monarchy.

An anonymous correspondent writes on November 24, 1665, to Lord Arlington, that "all are amazed at the late Act against Nonconformity, judging it against the law of nature, and therefore void, but that the Presbyterians will defeat its design, for some of the chief incline to take the oath."

The enforcement of the Act greatly depended upon the inclinations of the acting local magistrates; sometimes offences were ignored, at other times visited with rigorous and cruel retribution. Anthony Cooley writes to Henry Muddiman from Canterbury, October 15, 1665, (fn. 37) as follows:—

* * * * *

"In duty I am bound to say nothing was prosecuted at the last quarter sessions against the Quakers, nor the rest of that diabolical rabble, although several bills of indictment have been framed and presented at sessions against that viperous brood, yet by reason most of the grand jury are fanatics, the bills were not found, and that they have several places of meeting will manifestly appear, as at the house of Mr. Taylor, a blind man, formerly a minister, he liveth in St. George's parish, Canterbury; at Francis Germain's, a tanner, in St. Paul's parish, Canterbury; at one Hill's, a tanner, in the parish of Holy Cross, West-gate, Canterbury; at one widow Clarenbold's, at St. Stephen's, a mile distant; at Henry Roger's, a desparate Quaker, in St. Mary Magdalen's, Canterbury; at one Thos. Pollard's, a cordwinder, in the same parish, every Thursday; at one Vidion's, at North Gate, Canterbury; at one Tritton's, a miller, in the parish of West-gate, Canterbury, fifth monarchy man; at one Garard's, a bricklayer, at Ickham, three miles from Canterbury; besides the many sturdy pieces of Pres bytery, no less dangerous than the other; all which [are] most bitter enemies to the laws ecclesiastical and civil. God preserve his sacred Majesty.

* * * * *

"The honest souls, especially church officers and others, are much afflicted to be reviled and affronted in the performance of their offices by the bold faction.

* * * * *

"As I have said in my former, the fanatics abound in good horses, and seem to be ready for mischief; but if half a score such as might be named were secured in our castles, and made to give good security for their conformity to the King's Majesty and the Church, doubtless it would abate their pride, and, it may be, confound their devices."

On December 25, 1665, a resident in Bristol records that (fn. 38) —

"This day being Christmas Day, many of our Quakers, to show their contempt of authority, put open their shops, but some of the troopers of my Lord of Oxford's regiment being here, dealt a little sharper with them than others of their neighbours did formerly, and forced them to shut their shops, to the others' prejudice and their commendations."

Giles Strangways, a Hampshire magistrate, less disposed to indulgence, was selected as an instrument to execute justice against offenders whose discontent threatened to hurry them into acts of overt treason.

Writing from Dorchester, February 28, 1565–6, (fn. 39) to Sir George Downing, he says:—
"Sir,
"After I had despatched away my letter unto you by Monday's post, the enclosed papers were brought unto me from Mr. Ed. Philipps, of Montague, in Somersetshire, who is a member of Parliament and a deputy lieutenant. So soon as I had read them, I sent for an officer in the militia who, I knew, is a discreet person, and commanded him to apprehend Pitman, and likewise with great strictness to search the houses of all such persons within that parish who do forbear to come to church, and frequent conventicles; and because there are at present, and have for a long time resided the four nonconformist ministers (whereof but one has taken the oath prescribed by the late Act of Parliament), I gave him further directions to secure the other three, and to bring them before the deputy lieutenants on Thursday at Dorchester, who had appointed a meeting that day upon the King's letter. As I resolve to be severe against obstinate and impenitent sinners, so on the contrary I shall express all kindness towards such as have received the King's grace and pardon, and demeaned themselves like good subjects ever since."

The papers alluded to as enclosed are as follows (fn. 40) :—
"For John Pitman, at Bradford, these with speed.
"Mr. Pitman,
"Our design is finished in all things fitted for a rising, for we have two and forty thousand five hundred and sixty which have taken the oath that you have, and the first design is to secure the King, and to cut off his head; the axe is provided all ready, and the man appointed for to do it, and the colours that we have received have this written in them: 'Charles shall down, and lose his crown;' there are 16 hogsheads of powder in a cellar with iron bars in them, in the chiefest place in London, to be set on fire that night when the rising is, to fire the city. Pray with speed give notice to the rest of our friends with you, that they may be in readiness, and be sure to secure those cavaliers in your parish and put them to the sword, giving no quarter, for that is our intent so to do, and at the place that I did tell you of, there are three horse loads of arms. Dispose of it with all speed, for I believe you will be called upon within this three weeks. Take it not amiss that you have received no more, for I have no time nor no more paper about me. So in haste I rest,
Your loving quartermaster till death,
"Robert Benett.
"Taunton, January the 8th, 6⁵/6."

The following letter is from Pitman himself:—
"For Mr. John Chamberlain the younger, at the Old Exchange in London, these to be delivered, carriage paid, 3d.
"Yours received February the 12th, with six letters, which I have sent to our friends, and they have sent to me again, and desire to be remembered to you, letting you know that they do, with as much speed as may be, further the design which we have taken in hand, and do make no doubt but by the assistance of the Lord, to overthrow this tyrant Charles, and all the posterity; for truly they may expect the curse of God to follow them, in persecuting the people of God as they do, for we are so looked after now that we dare not meet above three or four at a time, which is a great hindrance to our design; for when we had our meetings without any disturbance, we had very many that did list themselves, but the justices of the peace are so strict with us, that we know not what to do, and specially one Justice Strangways, which is a very great enemy to the ways of the Lord. And as for the letters which you do desire to know that was miscarried, it was two letters which was sent me by two of our friends. They was found in our street, through some knavery, by the bearer; and then I sent two more to Bristol and delivered them to one of Yeovill, to be took to the carrier, and they was brought back again and thrown in our street; but I dare not make any inquiry about it to the party to whom I did deliver them, for fear he will make known several other letters that I have sent; but I think he will not make anything known if I say nothing to him about it, because he is upon the list as well as myself, and because I was never in arms. The justices do no ways mistrust anything in me, by reason thereof. I have letters sent me almost every day, to convey them to our friends, and will do to the utmost of my endeavour to the destroying of this government; and truly for my own part, I can with as good and clear conscience wet my sword in the blood of the King as in the blood of a dog, and will spend every drop of blood in my body against he and his subjects. Sir, I would desire you to send us a full account of what you know concerning the rising, and when the day will be, that we may take up such horses as we have in our parish that are fit for the service. Pray fail not of sending by the next return. So in haste I rest,
"Your fellow soldier till death,
John Pitman."
"Bradford, Feb. the 17, /66. (fn. 41)

The following information sent by —— Eyton to Fras. Manley, and by him transmitted to Williamson, shows more fully the movements of the party and the foundation of the apprehensions entertained about them. (fn. 42) It bears date—
"January 8, 1665–6.

"Though I hope we are secured by God's providence against foreign attempts, I wish I could say so from domestic dangers; we have a restless enemy amongst us, that would be what he was, and will not take up with less (though his life and fortune have been given him into the bargain); I mean the whole fanatic party, the head of which serpent lies in and near London, especially upon the confines of Essex and Hertfordshire next to it, taking either side of Ware river from Edmonton down to Ware, and particularly those retired places of Epping Forest, Enfield Chase, and so about the road near Theobalds. There is a crew of them lie concealed that way, that should there be the least commotion in London, we should find to our cost they would be too ready to second it. The ground of my present fear and suspicion is, that an acquaintance of mine coming lately into these parts, took occasion in his discourse to tell me that he had very lately met in or near that road, on foot (which supposes their holes to be nea. at hand), those two pernicious fellows, Hugh Courtney and Walter Thimbleton; the latter hath (as is suspected) been an emissary between those runaway regicides and their faction here in England; of this I suppose you have yourself heard somewhat, besides what observations you have made of that pragmatic knave; and for Courtney, he hath been always looked upon by the whole faction as the chief champion of their cause, for which he considers himself an eminent martyr, as to the loss of his power and places. Of this I have now told you I think there ought to be good use made, for should it please God that the sickness do continue, this desperate faction, if not weeded out in due time, will attempt to weed out us, and should the General (our great watchman, who hath been fortunate in all his discoveries,) go to sea, they will be strangely encouraged to renew their conspiracies, of which London and the parts adjacent is now become the only scene; for their party (though much may be made of it in the remote parts), signifies little anywhere else. It is well known what secret collections are made to relieve their distressed brethren, and sent up to London, but for that part I can say nothing of any discovery made by me, though there is room enough to suspect the thing; but as to the finding out of the two fellows, I judge it a matter worthy the inquiry, and may effectually tend to prevent mischief by breaking the knot. They are, as you know, an active generation of people, and, these two having nothing of their own to subsist on, I leave it to you to take the opportunity of consulting my Lord Arlington in the affair, that he may send to Sir Harry Wroth to have a vigilant eye that way. I see not how he can miss to single this brace out of the whole herd. It would likewise be a great security to have a strict survey made of all those householders upon that coast, (for there are vast numbers entertained in those parts), that have received lodgers, that they give in caution for their peaceable demeanour. I cannot but press it to you to consider seriously of this matter, and whether it be not safe to take notice of it to some in power, which I refer to your judgment."

Now and then some one of the dissatisfied party adopted the more open course of carrying remonstrances to the sovereign himself, though this could only be done under the shelter of an anonymous communication. The following letter from a woman was sent to a Capt. Miller, at the Cockpit, the Duke of Albemarle's residence, Whitehall, June 30, 1666, and is endorsed in Williamson's handwriting "Pretended discovery." (fn. 43)

"My Lord and Gracious King,
"I am extremely grieved to hear the sad condition this kingdom is now in. I know not whether your Majesty may be sensible of so much as you may gather out of this. All people are in a desperate condition; housekeepers are so oppressed with taxes they dare not keep their doors open, but the tax-gatherers carry away if they have a bed to lie on, or a dish or the like. This makes a great cry amongst the common people, then they curse the King and wish for Cromwell; they say the devil cannot be worse than this; as good take away their lives as livelihood; come Dutch, come devil, it cannot be worse; so that of the common people, where there is one to be raised to fight for the King, there is ten will go to fight against him. And for the gentry your Majesty cannot name ten eminent persons that they will follow; it is not the chancellor, which is now imputed to sway the kingdom, that can assist, if once an army be set on foot against you. I know not his heart, but all people conclude that he is treacherous in all his counsel; that the selling of Dunkirk and this war hath been wholly agitated by him, whom all people mortally hate, and hope to see his Dunkirk house level with the ground ere long. The truth is, your Majesty hath too much confidence in him and some others, which do only endeavour to engross all into their own hands, and care not whether you sink or swim. There was never such great taxes upon this nation, nor surely never a king more cheated, for all people are unsatisfied; so much as the soldiers are cheated of part that you allow, and not only the common but the nearest unto you, which ought to be cherished by you, for indeed they are your life, for if they fail, you are no longer king. Wherefore I beseech your Majesty to look a little better to things of such great concern.

"When your Majesty was restored to your kingdom, all persons of quality did endeavour to ride in the guard, but now how it is thinned of those persons ! There was and is still such sordid abuses put upon them by their officers, which disgrace inflicts upon your Majesty; there is no gentleman in the guard that hath relation to loyal families, so that in them all your friends are highly disobliged, and you will find that if any occasion be, the Lord Gerard will not find ten men that will be commanded by him, he doth daily put such abuses upon them. These are real truths; out of the money which you allow there is several deductions, first to the captain, then to the clerk which helps to cheat the whole troop, so that I perceive those that will not fight against you will hardly fight at all if occasion be. And if please your Majesty, it is fit you should remember that most of the gentry, by their loyalty, have impoverished themselves and posterities; then you come with an act of oblivion, which binds them from prosecuting their persecutors, so that you must believe this hardens their hearts. We may believe you intend well, but the life of the law is the execution thereof. You have raised a great deal of money for the relief of the indigent officers, but you never caused them to have it, which causeth a great heart burning, and what say most people; 'Who would be a soldier? He ventures his life and fortune for nothing but blows, for if he spends his estate and limbs, he may perish for want,' as many have done since you came to your own. If you enquire, you will find a great part of that money lies in two men's hands, yet so all people are unsatisfied; householders pay and soldiers are unpaid; your nation finds that you care not what becomes of them; so you have your pleasure, you think not of the sighs and groans your poor subjects utter. But I doubt they will not be subjects long; their patience hath been upon the tenterhooks a great while, but now they see they are forgotten. They did not expect that you should repair every man's loss, but they would have been thankful for what lay in your power; but instead of preferring them and giving them places, you have preferred those that would cut your throat, and will do still if an opportunity offer. It is very strange that you will suffer the officers of the guards to abuse you so much as they do, for it all lights upon the King's back; for when gentlemen speak their grievances, it is said, 'Why do not you make your address to the King?' — Why truly, say they, there is a company about the King that will not let him hear anything that may alter his countenance from looking pleasant upon them; while their turns are served, they will not tell him that the nation are ready with every puff of wind to rise up in arms, because of the oppression that is laid upon them, nor that there is a great many worthy gentlemen in the guard, and men that are able to do you good service in time of need, and that it is a shame they should be so extremely injured; their money is put out to use, whilst they suffer in their reputations; they cannot pay for diet and other conveniences, for the paymaster will keep them always two months in arrears, and when they are paid, there is such deductions made; they pretend your Majesty doth not allow them to be paid but once in half a year, so that when they receive two months' pay, they are forced to allow what interest the clerk will demand. He pretends he is put to a great trouble and charge to procure them money so soon; but by this and such like injuries, there is such an odium brought upon the guard that it is now counted a very great scandal to be a Life-guard-man. It is very sad when men have spent their estates that this shall be the reward. It is reported that your Majesty should say there is nothing like keeping the soldiers po[or]. You must needs know that of your pay they can make no hoards; and this be sure, it is very [ill co]unsel that persuade you to neglect the soldiers, for it is by them that you must hold your o[wn, and] you have no way to preserve yourself but this, to put down the militia in all countries, and less than that charge will maintain a standing army and see them well paid, or I doubt you will not long stand. There is now I perceive several commissions to raise men, but if your Majesty did but hear the slights and scoffs that is made, for say the people, 'Be a soldier ! No, we have precedents daily in the streets— we will fight no more, for when the wars is over we are slighted like dogs.'

"I wish I could come to tell your Majesty what I hear, for I must needs believe that you are not well informed of the sad discontents of the nation; and if you do not take a speedy course and redress these things, you will lose all your friends, for those that love you best cannot excuse these things in you. If you did oblige your people in these grievances, it is possible they would excuse your faults the more; but none of your courtiers will tell you how extremely you have lost yourself in the whole nation, for they say, 'Give the King the Countess of Castlemaine, and he cares not what the nation suffers.' I believe your Majesty's guard will be of tinkers and cobblers ere long; you may find hackney coachmen now in the guard, and indeed none but such will come in, for let a man be never so stout, or well born, or great a sufferer, and have no money to give the officers, he shall not come there, which is a very great shame.

"And now for this great concern of your shipping, that if you hang not up some to warn the rest, you will be utterly betrayed, for the victuallers do play the rogues so extremely that in many ships there is not meat nor drink that men can eat. What encouragement is this to men to fight ? You are surely betrayed in your guns, for it is reported, when they come to be tried, that not one in twenty holds good. The militia in this town may be of some concern, which if your Majesty please may be continued, but those of the countries it is supposed the people will be willing to contribute instead thereof, which will pay an army. I am but a woman, and not able to write nor express my grief for the sad projections that are upon the King and kingdom. All that I can do is to pray to the King of Kings to direct your heart to wisdom."

The complaint about the victualling of the fleet was only partially correct. The whole onus of supplying the Navy with provisions rested upon the shoulders of one man, Denis, afterwards Sir Denis Gauden, and so rested because although it was acknowledged to be too heavy a charge for a single individual, yet any change would have involved the necessity of settling accounts with him, as he was largely in advance, and of providing a fund for his successors, (fn. 44) which in the all but bankrupt state of the Exchequer, was inconvenient. It was allowed generally that the victuals provided were good in quality, but in the spring of 1666, as previously in 1665, the delay in furnishing a sufficient quantity to set out the fleet for their summer expedition was loudly complained of by the commanders, as retarding their movements and preventing their getting the start of the enemy. (fn. 45) Gauden on the other hand had a ready reply to remonstrances addressed to him, because he could point to repeated breach of contract on the part of the Navy Comrs. in failing in the stipulated payments, and urge the impracticability of his fulfilling his part unless they fulfilled theirs.

The difficulty experienced by the inferior agents of government, in procuring supplies to carry on its business, appears in nearly half the numerous letters addressed to the Navy Comrs. One correspondent complains of having to dismiss 20 crippled seamen, with sad hearts, empty purses, and loud tongues. (fn. 46) Another is at his wit's end for want of masts and money, without which he can procure no necessaries; as to board wages, he has put the poor men off with hope so long, that he is forced to lend them 10s. per man to keep them from mutiny. Another, a lady merchant, Mrs. Constance Pley, who supplied the Navy Comrs. with sailcloth, partly imported from France and partly manufactured by herself and her partner, Col. Bullen Reymes, complains that an order from Sir George Carteret, the Navy Treasurer, for 10,000l. has been dishonoured; that whilst she owes 10,000l., and her French creditors, on rumour of war and plague, tumble in their bills all at once, she has not 600 pence to pay with; she begs for money to keep the life in the poor men to whom it is owing, and to keep up so important a manufacture as that of English sailcloth. (fn. 47)

Among the sufferers from the low state of the Exchequer were the sick and wounded seamen, hurt in the naval contests with Holland; and also the Dutch prisoners of war. Space forbids more than an indication of the letters in which their complaints occur, but most of them derive additional interest from the fact that they are from the pen of John Evelyn, the author of the Sylva, but better known by his Diary, (fn. 48) who was the chief commissioner for the charge of the sick and wounded landed in Kent.

On the passing by the Oxford Parliament of the Act for raising 1,250,000l. towards the Dutch war, some degree of credit was restored by payments being made by assignments on that Act; but three years was the time allowed for raising the tax; creditors were clamorous for immediate payment; and therefore first the plan was tried of requesting advances upon the tax, with a consideration for the advance, and then a system of loans upon the credit of the Act, which latter, as their repayment in due numerical order, with interest, was guaranteed, became popular in the country, and afforded partial relief to the exigencies of the Exchequer. (fn. 49)

Among the miscellaneous subjects touched upon in the present volume, is the catastrophe of the Jews' Messiah, Sabbethai Sebi, who in 1665 excited the wildest hopes of the people for restoration to Palestine. He was received with so much honour by the Grand Seignior, that it was surmised he must have turned Mahometan. The Jews scorned the suspicion, eagerly begged permission to return to Jerusalem, God having at length begun to gather his scattered people and raised up a prophet for them, and turned a deaf ear to assurances that he was but a silly fellow, a baker's son, prompted to act a part; they were proportionately disappointed when he was hanged at Constantinople, having confessed, on the bastinado, that he had been prompted by some Jews to act his part. (fn. 50)

The foreign manners so much the fashion at court are ludicrously touched on in a contrast drawn by "Little-todo-talk-all," between a countryman just come to town, who takes off his hat by the crown, or in saluting a lady, butts out one or two of her front teeth; and the same man when he has lodged there a few months, one leg speaking French, another Italian, and his body Spanish. (fn. 51)

A flagrant instance of laxity of court morality appears in a proposal to raise men for service in the new colony of Tangiers, then very unpopular, by persuading them that they were only to serve at Plymouth, marching them thither and decoying them on shipboard, and then sailing off with them. The deputy lieutenants to be employed in the service remonstrate against this plan, as a trick that would greatly lessen their credit among the common people, and beg to be allowed instead to press idle fellows, though without declining the King's order, if still enforced. (fn. 52)

The above indications must be considered as by no means exhaustive of the topics of interest in a calendar which embraces a large portion of the Annus mirabilis. The details of the preparations for the Dutch war, of the actual engagements, and of the political feelings of the country, both in reference to Holland and to the war with France, are numerous and important.

The entries of literary interest are few, and chiefly confined to the vigorous attempt to suppress books pronounced by the surveyor of the press to be scandalous and seditious, e.g., "Sighs for the Pitchers;" "Nehushtan, or Directions to a Painter;" and "The Power and Practice of Court Acts," by Speed, which, though a legal work, was objected to as being a reprint of what was written in Cromwell's time.

An edition of Baker's Chronicle was also to be perused by Lord Arlington before being licensed, the account of the late King written in Cromwell's time to be re-written, and the mistakes in Dr. Quatremaine's book, relative to his present Majesty, corrected. (fn. 53)

Of poetry there are only two specimens; a prediction in verse of the troubles likely to ensue when a one and three sixes meet in the year (1666), and a Scottish supplication to the King in macaronic verse to reform the Consistory, to which the writer had appealed in vain for the restoration of his grey mare, accidentally drowned by his neighbour, to whom he lent it; but he says: (fn. 54) —
"They gave first anything, call it Citandum,
Within eight days I gat but Libellandum,
Within ane month I gat ad Opponendum,
In half ane year I gat Interloquendum,
And I gat—how call ye it?—aReplicandum,
But I could never one word yet Understandum."

And after two years' delay, they
"For sentence silver cried at the last,
Of Pronunciandum they made me words fain,
But I gat never my good grey mare again."

Towards the close of the volume we have the first murmurings of the rebellion in Scotland, which broke out later and was crushed, though not extinguished, by the defeat of Pentland Hill; but as the bulk of the documents relating to it will appear in the next Calendar, all notice of it is postponed till the appearance of the ensuing volume.

M. A. E. G.

7, Upper Gower Street,
May 18, 1864.