Preface

Preface

The present volume contains the Addenda of Queen Elizabeth's reign, from the year 1566 down to 1579.

It will be seen at a glance that its contents are very unequally apportioned over the years which it occupies. The first three years and three quarters fill only 82 pages; the next three quarters of a year 222 pages, and the last ten and a half years 270.

This inequality will be best understood by an explanation of the sources whence the Addenda are derived. They consist—

1. Of papers discovered in the Exchequer sacks which have been sorted during the last 14 years.

2. Of the Conway papers given to the office by the Marquis of Hertford, containing, amongst other valuable documents, a collection of holograph letters from the Earl of Leicester to the Queen.

3. Of dated papers accidentally misplaced, and of undated papers to which a closer investigation has assigned an earlier date than that under which they had previously been deposited.

4. Of such unofficial papers, addressed to residents abroad, as are in their character and contents domestic; and of similar papers, written from abroad, by travellers or English Catholic fugitives, in France and the Low Countries. These papers are among the most curious and important of the series, in illustration of domestic history, though they were formerly looked upon as foreign papers.

5. Papers relating to the Channel Islands, which heretofore formed a small separate series.

6. The Border correspondence. When the late Mr. Lemon compiled his Calendar of the earlier portion of the Elizabethan papers, these papers formed a separate subdivision, comprising the correspondence of the Lord Wardens of the Marches with Scotland and with their own Court, and also the correspondence of the President and Council of the North, located at York. Indeed, as a general principle, papers relating to the Northern counties, as far as Yorkshire, were classed with the Border correspondence. In it consequently were deposited almost all the papers relating to the Rebellion of the North, under the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, in 1569–70, of which, therefore, Mr. Lemon's Calendar contains few and unimportant traces. This series of papers is now very properly divided; those relating to Scotland are transferred to the foreign series, and the remainder to the domestic, and it is the papers relating to this rebellion which swell the Calendar for the time that it lasted.

In the present Calendar of Addenda, from Sept. 1569 to June 1570, may therefore be read, for the first time, a consecutive account of the rebellion, as gathered from the daily letters that passed between the authorities in the North and the Court, and from the letters, examinations, &c. of the rebels themselves. The late Sir Cuthbert Sharpe in his history of the rebellion has printed some of these documents entire, and extracts from others, along with other important illustrative matter from the Bowes' papers, but they have otherwise been little used or known.

The key to the partial success of this desultory and illtimed rebellion is to be found in the fact of the strong adherence of the Northern counties to their ancient faith. Of this we have several illustrations. In Nov. 1568, the President and Council of the North, writing to the Privy Council, say that they: (fn. 1) —

"perceiving that in many churches w^thin the commission, ther hath ben no sermons in many yeares past, and that in moste parts, or almost generally, the pastors be unhable to teach ther flock, and that the backwardnes in cawses of religion in these parts procedeth rather from ignorance and lack of convenient instructinge of the people then of any stubbornes or willfull disobedience, have ordered that the preachers in the cathedrall churches and others that be in the country shall, w^thin the diocese where they dwell, devide themselfs by ther owne assent, and travell from place to place, preachinge the worde of God to the people in all places, as they maye conveniently. And letters be written to the justices of peace to receive them, assiste them, and accompany them to the places where they preach, remaine at ther sermons, and procure sufficient and orderly audience to ther incouragement."

The details of the rebellion in this volume are so full and lengthy that the mere enumeration of them would be almost that of the contents of the volume itself, from Oct. 1569 to March 1570, and many papers occur later on. The share taken in it respectively by the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland is clearly traceablc; but if the former Earl is to be trusted, the two Countesses, old Richard Norton, and Thos. Markenfeeld were at the bottom of the plot; and he distinctly excuses the Earl of Westmoreland, stating that this Earl only joined them at the last hour, and that by procurement of his wife, who was more vehement than any other in favour of the rising. (fn. 2) His confession is calendared at length (pp.402–409).

The reluctance of Lord Hunsdon, Lord Warden of the East Marches,—into whose custody Northumberland was delivered by the Scots to whom he had fled for refuge,— to be either his gaoler or executioner; (fn. 3) Hunsdon's plea that the dignity and estate being specially entailed on the brother, Sir Henry Percy, the Queen had better preserve Northumberland alive, unless she were better assured of Percy's fidelity; (fn. 4) and the efforts of the Countess of Northumberland to bring foreign influence to bear in her husband's favour, (fn. 5) are all given with more or less of detail. His career closes with a note of the charges of Sir John Forster, to whom the Earl had been transferred by Lord Hunsdon, for conveying him from Alnwick to York, where he was executed. (fn. 6)

The Earl of Westmoreland, having been fortunate enough to escape, retired into the Low Countries, and but little further notice of him transpires in the present volume than that he was nursing a broken leg at Louvaine. (fn. 7)

Of the Dacre family, particularly Leonard titular Lord Dacre,—who refrained, contrary to their expectations, from joining the Earls in their rising, and thereby contributed to its speedy failure,—the details are full, especially of the great difficulty attending all attempts to capture him, when it became evident that he was playing a double game, owing to the reluctance of the country generally to fight against a Dacre. (fn. 8) There is also a set of papers found in Dacre's house at Naworth, when he was defeated and fled into Scotland, among which are advices and instructions written for him by an old retainer, which are extremely curious family documents. (fn. 9) Amongst other counsels, Leonard is advised to look out a young lady of noble living for a wife, and to look among the ladies of honour at Court, one of the Queen's blood if possible, and when he has chosen one whom he fancies, to give her name and two others in a paper to the Queen, and ask Her Majesty to appoint one of them to be his wife; but requesting her beforehand to choose the one at the reading of whose name he pops his head; so that she may seem to choose for him, while he really chooses for himself. The writer adds that it was said, after the death of George Lord Dacre, there would never be a Lord Dacre again; but adds, "Let me but see you Lord, and "then God may shorten my days;" a wish never to be accomplished. (fn. 10)

The personal notices of the Queen are few. We find her, in accordance with a leaning before noticed (fn. 11) to the delusions of alchemy, reserving to herself the right to resume into her own hands at pleasure a patent for a corporation to practise a new art of making copper, meanwhile binding the other patentees not to "multiply "gold or silver contrary to law."

The reputation of her love of science elicited an offer made to her by a collector of objects de vertu in Paris,—who understood that she intended to make a large collection of portraits,—of engravings by eminent masters, enough to fill 20 volumes, pictures by the best masters, models, busts, &c., and he requests her to send an agent over to view them. (fn. 12)

Her strong attachment to her mother's kindred is shown in the fond familiarity with which she addresses her cousin, Henry Carey, Lord Hunsdon, in a postscript to a formal letter of Feb. 26, 1570. (fn. 13)

On pages 328–332 is calendared at some length an important paper,—a discourse by Lord Keeper Bacon, on the advisability of the Queen's marriage with the Duke of Anjou; he recommends it on the ground of added safety to her person, if she had children to succeed her; and of comfort to her subjects; for if she had issue, the joy would be so great to good subjects, and the grief to the evil, that she would see new life put into them, and be freed from care. She would also then be freed from apprehensions of the plots of the Queen of Scots and her adherents, or of the parties of rebels at home or abroad. Then follow arguments to prove the suitability of the Duke to be her husband. The answer to the objections as to his youth is that he is manly and comely, and shall have cause to esteem Her Majesty as becomes him, because "she is, in person, beauty, and all gifts of nature, the best and goodliest Princess in Christendom, and also in sight to behold not inferior to any other princess of the Duke's own age, neither is her age to be judged by her visage, but thereby she may be esteemed of equal age with "him." Elizabeth was at this time more than 30 years old, and her juvenile suitor was only 18.

Then follow answers to objections relating to his position, probable succession to the crown of France, &c. But at the end is a note from another hand, stating that on the matter of religion, which is the weightiest, the writer has said nothing, and as to the rest, the answers are not so weighty as the objections.

Of her conduct towards the Earl of Leicester, several illustrations occur. In April 1566, she had promised him a considerable grant of lands, which remained to be selected; but meanwhile he went into the country, and remained absent longer than suited his royal mistress. Secretary Cecil pressed Leicester's suit, and urged her to appoint a time when she would speak to Sir Walter Mildmay, Chancellor of the Exchequer, upon the grant. She made excuses,—she was going to see Lady Huntingdon, perhaps that day, perhaps the day after;—she could not attend to it. Cecil urged that the Earl, having such good words given before his departure, marvelled at this delay; but she only replied that the lands chosen by his agents were of so important a nature that she did not choose to part with them.

It was a difficult thing to choose lands to the proposed value out of the "quilletts" or small portions left of undevised estates, which were alone authorized by the Commissioners for sale of Crown lands to be sold, and Mildmay was at a loss how to proceed, wishing to please the favourite, yet unwilling to offend the Queen. He said he dared not propose again to her the lands which she had refused, and Leicester must suggest others.

Meanwhile Mrs. Blanche Parry, the Earl's best friend in the privy chamber, privately informed Leicester's servant that the Queen was expecting to hear from him, and that though she had excused his silence by the probability of his speedy return, Her Majesty replied that she expected to hear from him before his return.

The Queen's displeasure at his absence and silence grew daily, and began to express itself in action. Leicester had filled the post of Master of the Horse ever since she came to the throne, but she said to Lord Hunsdon, My Lord, it hath been often said that you should be Master of the Horse, but it is now like to prove true." Matters assuming thus a serious aspect, the question was, whether the Earl had better remain away, in hope of the storm blowing over, or return at once to Court; some advised the former course, some the latter; but his agent writes: "I say, if you come not hastily, no good will grow, as I find Her Majesty so mislikes your absence that she is not disposed to hear of anything that may do you good," adding that one of the Queen's ladies, who was Leicester's firm friend, urges his hasty return. (fn. 14)

To the following year, 1567, is attributed a letter from Leicester to Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, bearing no other date than May 4, Norwich, which is written in a spirit of deep despondency, (fn. 15) confessing error, but strongly asserting rectitude of purpose, and alluding to "one fault," which he hoped might have been pardoned to him, when so many foul faults were pardoned to others; he concludes thus: "I see, Sir Nicholas, I shall not need to make so great haste home when so good opinion is conceived of me; either a cave in a corner for oblivion, or a sepulchre for perpetual rest were best homes I could wish to return unto."

Throckmorton's reply to this letter was inadmissible in the Calendar, because it only exists in MS., in the handwriting of the late Mr. Lemon, without note as to whence it was transcribed, but it is curious enough to merit printing in extenso. It is as follows:—

"Mr. Colsill arrived from your L. the 8th of this month, in the morning. He delivered your token, and I presented your writing what time no person was present (by the Queen's order), but my Lady Knolles. Her Majesty read your letter over thrice together, and said you did mistake the cameleon's property, who doth change into all colours according to the object, save white, which is innocency! At your cypher, the black heart, she shewed sundry affections, some merry, some sorrowful, some betwixt both. She did much commend the manner of your writing. Then she willed me to show her what your Lordship had written to me. She read my letter twice, and put it in her pocket. Then I demanded of her whether she would write to your Lordship. She plucked forth my letter and said, 'I am glad at the length he hath confessed a fault in himself, for he asketh pardon.' I said, 'Madam, do you mean in your letter or in mine?' 'In yours,' she answered.' I said, 'That which you mean is but a conditional supposed proposition.' Then she read again my letter, and said, Here is enough to suffice me.' 'Yes,' said I, 'and to accuse your Majesty also.' 'Whereof?' said she. 'Of extreme rigor,' said I. Then she smiled and put up my letter. I asked again whether Her Majesty would write to your Lordship. She said, 'I will bethink myself all this day.' I do judge by Sir H. Lee she meaneth to send your Lordship a token and some message. To Mr. Carey, since, she hath said you have confessed at length a fault in yourself. She hath taken great pleasure to read Mr. Dyer's letter sent to Mr. Carey, and namely in that phrase where he useth the metaphor of the flax and the distaff.

"Things have framed so here as your Lordship may say with David, Salutem ex inimicis nostris. This bearer shall tell you the circumstances & authors, to make you laugh. Yesterday Appliard and Trendell, being taken discreetly by the Knight Marshal, they were before the Earls of Pembroke, Arundel, the Marquis of Northampton, the Lord Admiral, and Mr. Secretary. My Lord of Pembroke desired my Lord Paget and me to frame some charge against them, for they knew not how to proceed with them. We, with the advice of Mr. Tamworth and Mr. Carey, devised four general interrogatories, reciproque between your Lordship, the Duke of Norfolk and the Earl of Sussex, to the end upon their answers other particular interrogatories might be ministered unto them. Thus it fell out: Appliard, with fair words of love and duty to your Lordship, uttered much malice against you, but denied all matters either touching the Duke, the Earl of Sussex, or yourself, as at any time uttered by him to your Lordship or to any other. Trendell confessed such matter as it appeared to the Lords that Appliard did greatly dissemble and did much malice your Lordship. In the end Appliard is committed to the Marshal's custody,—for neither might they commit him to the Tower, neither would they commit him to the Fleet,—and Trendell is committed to the Gatehouse at Westminster. All the Lords did most willingly employ themselves to punish the lewd doings of this malicious fellow, and I have moved that both Appliard and Trendell's confession might be put in writing, lest the same might be forgotten. Now the Lords do not know what is further to be done until your Lordship's coming, or advice be signified unto them. I think my Lord Steward and my Lord of Arundel will advertise the Duke of Norfolk of their proceedings in this matter.

"My Lord of Sussex as yet, as I think, is nothing acquainted with the matter. His going to the Emperor is no otherwise forward than when I did write last unto your Lordship. I hear that the Lord North doth not accompany him, the same proceeding from the Queen's Majesty. My Lord of Sussex hath been in hand with Her Majesty to have young Wrothe with him, avowing him to have been his servant these three years past. Her Majesty would in nowise permit Worthe's going. The Earl of Sussex doth desire that Mr. Wrothe's behaviour might be tried, which falling out to be lewd, he will, as he saith, discharge him of his service; and the same proving to his justification, he seeth no reason either to leave him, or that he should be restrained from any place. This speech was had to my Lord of Pembroke and me lately. My Lord Steward, after he had heard your Lordship's letter read unto him by me, which you sent him, he burned it. Thus having nothing else at this time worthy your knowledge, I commit you to Almighty God. At Westminster, the 9th of May.

"Your good Lordship's
to use and command,
N. Throkmorton."

"To the Right Honorable & my very
good Lord, the Earl of Leicester,
Knight of the Order, and one of
the Lordes of Her Majesty's most
honorable Privy Council, give these.

(Indorsed) "9 Maye 1567."

Of Leicester's letters to the Queen, a considerable number are here presented for the first time. They are almost all undated as to the year, though all have the day and month. Two of them (fn. 16) clearly belong to 1570, on account of the allusions they contain to the Northern Rebellion. The remainder present few tangible points on which to fix a date, but are assigned according to probability. They are calendared on pp. 231, 339, 360, 361. They are chiefly adulatory or apologetic in tone. The Earl usually designates himself, her poor eyes, expressed by the symbol of a pair of cyes, as Sir Chris. Hatton, probably to carry out the jest, called himself her lids. His professed obsequiousness to the will of his royal mistress was sometimes more apparent than real, for though he did not openly oppose her, he would sometimes lay plots to circumvent and bring her over to his wishes. A news writer from Court, on Sept. 19, 1577, tells Wm. Davison, agent at Brussels, that,—

"My Lord of Leicester cometh over generall of all the men w^ch Her Ma^tieshall send in the Low Countrie. This is his full determynation, but yet unknown unto Her Highness, nether shall she be acquainted w^th it untill she be fully resolved to send, w^ch will not be untill the Prince of Orange send back by him; at w^ch tyme, if she understand y^t the Duke of Guise's power comes certainlie down to ayde Don John, then she will assist the States w^th a ten thousand, as we saye. My Lord of Leicester is the moste desirous to goe the chiefe of this journey y^tever you heard of, and dothe labor y^t, bothe by his own policy and by the favor of all his friends."

No serious armament was, however, sent at this time to the Netherlands, so Leicester did not gain his object till 1585. There are in the volume several letters from him to other persons than the Queen, but none specially worth notice, excepting one to Davison, of April 25, 1579, (fn. 17) illustrative of his costly extravagance in dress.

During almost the whole period embraced by the present volume, Mary Queen of Scots was prisoner in England, and although the papers relating specially to her form a separate series, not included in the Domestic Papers, yet incidentally particulars transpire about her which deserve notice. The examination of Thos. Bishop (fn. 18) shows that before Mary had set foot on English soil, Queen Elizabeth regarded with great jealousy any intercourse between her and English noblemen. A letter of mere courtesy written by Mary to the Earl of Northumberland was thought likely to "cool the love between the princes," and this even at the time when their relationships were so apparently friendly that Mary had requested Elizabeth to stand godmother to her young son, and to send as proxy some one whom she could trust, that Mary might communicate to him things which she would hesitate to write.

A few months later, Mary was a refugee in England. The Queen and Council were wishful to know the opinions of the people of the North, as being the most interested in Scotch affairs, upon the steps fittest to be taken with her. The report was that they varied, some thinking it honourable to receive her, others looking upon her presence in England as dangerous to the Queen, fearing lest her pretended title to the Crown and her religion might occasion trouble, and wishing her honourably back in Scotland. (fn. 19) The fascination with which she attracted those who came within the verge of her influence is thus alluded to a few days later, in a letter from some of the Council of the North to Cecil, dated July 11, 1568,— (fn. 20)

"It his heare perceyved that many in talke do lament the present state of the Scottishe Quene, that she is a Quene, and put from her government, and some upon reporte speaketh favorablie of her causes, notwithstanding they have herd of all the evill reported by her; so that it is thought she lacketh no favorers in thies parts. And likewise there is many that dothe resorte to Carleile, to what purpose we knowe not; but the moste part of them be suche as beareth no good affections to our estate in religion, and by common fame she is reported to be wise, curtuous, eloquent, and (to her power) liberall, the whiche (with her behaviour) wynneth the affections of many w^th great praise, and speciallie of suche as be symple, or that be no favorers of our religion.

"We here also that some in Scotland at this present, of the faction against her, is muche in doubte of their estate and contynuance, for it is said that bothe in the furr partes of Scotland and in the nearer partes thereof, the people shoulde be raysed, and in armor against the Regent; and if this be true, and that he shulde have the overthrowe (she lyinge here as she dothe) what perell might happen to this realme or countrie thereby, God knoweth."

The difficulties of Mary's position were greatly increased by the outbreak of the rebellion of 1569. It was strongly rumoured that the rebels intended to take the Queen and raise her to the throne, as the rightful heir, according to Catholic notions. The following extract from a letter of one of the rebels, Chris. Norton, who was suspected of tampering with the Queen, gives an interesting view of her private life, when a state prisoner at Bolton castle:— (fn. 21)

"Where Capt. Styrlay saythe I toylde him thayt I, in a mornyng, spoake wythe the Quene of Skots a fore she rose forth of hir byd, I dyd say so to him; and at the request of one of my brother's wyfes, to obtane a letter for savyng the lyfe of a kynseman of hares. I, one mornyng being in the greate chamber at Bolton, in the company of dyveres of my Lord Scrope's sarvands, and some of my kaptan's soldiers, there came forthe one of hir Grasy's chamber, who I axyd if the Quene war rede; he ansuerd me w^t 'No;' I toyld him I hayd a sute to the Quene; he retornyng in, bad me stay, and sayd he wold tell the Quene, as he dyd. He came forthe shortly after, and sayd Basdone hayd kepte syche a ruele in the ener chambe[r] w^t his felos, as they war so meary wythe him as he thought the Quene could not slepe, & prayd me to se his madnes, to thayt end none in the chamber should parsave that I went to speake w^tthe Quene. I foloid him as he wylid me, throught the mydill chamber, where Basdone & his falous was mary, into the Quen's bed chamber, whar she lay, & hir women about hir, heir fesycyon & hir sorgon talkyng w^t hir.

"She bad good day, & sayd hir man toyld hir I had a sute to hir. I declaryd at one of my brother's wyfes hayd a neare keinesman that was takyng for preyse, & it was thought he should dye w^t in 10 dais, if hir Grase helpt not in it. She axt me wyche way she cold do good to him; I toyld hir Grasy's laiter to the Spanys imbassitor, who was earnyst against him, myght stay him, & he being stayd, his frends dothe hope to get his pardon. She sayd hir sarvands reportyd me to euise thame gently, & tharefore she wold not deny me. I toyld hir there was no sarvys I could do hir at I myght lawfully do, but I woyld be glayd to do it. She thanked me, and sayd God defend she shold wyll me to do any unlawfull thing, and wyllyd me to geve to one of hir sarvands the name of him, & she wold wryt for him, though Prynsys eusyd not to wryt for syche suteres, yet to do me plesure she wold; & toild me yf I war spied by any of Sir Fransys Knoyles' men, I shoyld be spent. I thought so myselefe, & w^tall she bayd me avoyd blame. So I came my way, w^tout any other talke w^t hir, & seinse that tyme I have never spoke w^thir; & for savynge of a man's lyfe I venterd this blame, although whene sute waes mayd to Sir Fransys Knoyles, for his laiter to som of the Counsell for the same matter, and also to him for the Quene of Skots' laiter to the Spanys imbasitor, who sayd he wold not hender if she wold wryte, but he wold wyll her to it.

"Where Mr. Styrlay saythe I toyld him of a ryng w^t a dyamond, w^ch the Quene of Skots shold shue to me, & say whane the Lady Levystone shuld turne thayt rynge of her fynger & the dyamond torned to me, at then I shold knowe she wolds speke w^t me frome the Quene; she never shueid me [a] ryng in hir lyfe, nor no token for any syche mater, for thare in he saithe untrully of me. Whare he saythe I toyld him that the Quene of Skotes pryctysyd w^t me to conevey hir away, & that I toyld him thayt I mayd diveres of my captaine's solgers to thinke at my Lade Levyston dyd love me, to that eind I shold get the Quene of Skotes forthe of the gates, in her lynen, who is nothing lyke of makyng, and bothe well knowne to every solger as Capt. Redhayd, I am sure thare was not one solger in all the band that thought thare was any syche love, & the Lady Levyston dyd continually ly in the castel w^t hir husband. On the nyght, ather my Lord Scrope or Sir Fransys Knoyles kept the kees of the gate, & wache about the castell continually. I wyll take this of my dethe, that I neaver mynt ne syche pryctys in my lyfe, & that the Quene of Skots nor none for hir never nor at no tyme wylid me to any syche pryctys."

* * * * * * * * *

"Where he saythe I toyld him of a devyse was mayd for Sir Fransys Knoules' deaythe, thayt is as false as God is troue. I talkyd w^t him of Mr. Knoules, of this cause; he wylid me in any case to kepe myself from byeng takyn, and sayd if I war, I myght dy for it, and toyld me y^t I was suspictyd for the Quyne of Skotes' mater. Thane I toyld him houe and of what cause I thought that blame came; I toyld him of the lutes w^h I boroyd at the requiste of bouthe the Lord Scroupe and Sir Fransys Knoules; and also I toyld him hou thayt one daye, whane the Quene of Skotes in wenter hayd beine seting at the wyndo syd, knyting of a worke, and after the bord was covyryd, she rose and went to the fyer syd, and makeyn haste to have hir work finishid, woyld not ly it away, but worke of it the tyme she was warmying of hir, and lokyd for one of hir owne servands, which indede was all gone to feche up hir meat; she, seing none of hir owne fokes thare, cawlyd of me to hold hir worke, who was lokyng of my Lord Scroupe and Sir Fransys Knoyles, wh. was playing at chease (chess) the bord. I went, thinking I haid desarvyd no blame, and thayt it should not become me to a refusyd to done it, my Lady Scroupe standing w^t hir, and many gentellmen in the chamber that saue she spocke not to me. I think Sir Fransis saw not nor hard when she cawlyd of me. When he hayd plaid his mate, he seeing me standynge by the Quene, houlding of hir worke, cawlyd my captan to him, and axid him if I watched. He answared 'som tymes.' Then he gaue him comandment I shold wache no more, and sayd the Quene wold make me a foole."

To avoid the danger of a rescue, Mary had been removed from the North to Tutbury, in Staffordshire. Here, if the floating rumours current in London among the Catholic party are to be credited, a plot was devised for her destruction; but it had probably no existence, except in the credulous brains of those whose attachment to and sympathy for her made them susceptible to any wild story of her danger. It reports that—

"The Queen of Scotland continues prisoner at Tutbury, and her Bishop (Leslie, Bishop of Ross,) in Grindall's house, very closely kept. She had been delivered into James' hands (the Regent Murray), or else worse conveyed away, if James had not been slain when he was. The manner of it should have been thus: under pretence of favour, she should have been carried about to see the country, to take recreation after her long restraint; and by hunting and hawking from place to place, she should have been brought nigh unto Bristol, where, in a night, she should by force have been embarked, and in the morning, her keepers and guard should have made an outery, and raised up the country and pursued her, saying that she was fled, and run away into France. The ship (some say) with all her burden, should in another night have been drowned by the way, when the master and mariners had first put themselves into a less boat or pinnace that was with her. This ship was in her way towards Bristol when James was slain, and taken by two or three French ships that went to victual our castle in Scotland, called Dumbarton, besieged by James' commandment, and kept for the Queen." (fn. 22)

The same writer, a few weeks later, says:—

"In Scotland there be also sundry practices; one sort tendeth to marry their Queen basely, to the end that still they and their religion might reign and rule and govern still both her and her realm; and of this mind be the most of the Scottish nobility, though they be (against England's and James' faction) of their Queen's party. Another company there are of the faction of England, that would have her deposed and deprived for ever; but they be the weaker in power, fewer in number, and have little hope to prevail but by the puissance of England. Only a few are there that join throughly with herself in mind to marry neither in England nor in Scotland, neither yet with any other so great as should have any nearness or likelihood to enjoy any greater crown or state than England is. In the meanwhile a prisoner she remaineth, and in hourly peril of her life, and is like still so to be for ought I see, unless her enemies by her death make an end of her misery, for it appeareth not that any proper Prince seeketh or attempteth anything at all for her succour or relief." (fn. 23)

Of the unfortunate Duke of Norfolk, who lost his life through the evil destiny attending so many of the favourers of Mary, this volume presents many notices. The earlier ones are unfavourable. On the death of Thomas, 4th Lord Dacre, in 1566, Leonard Dacre his brother, solicited the wardship of his only son George, and applied to the Duke of Norfolk for his influence. The Duke however had other views; he married the widow of Lord Dacre, a woman of proud and imperious temper, and with her obtained the wardship of her children. As guardian, his conduct to the tenants was arbitrary and oppressive, and gave rise to a host of petitions and complaints, his answer to which was by counter complaints, chiefly of their disrespect or misdemeanours towards my lady. (fn. 24) The death of the young Lord in 1569 at nine years of age, from an accident, was commonly laid to his charge, and the rumour was not lessened when he married the three young sisters and co-heiresses, the eldest just 18 on her brother's death, to his own three sons.

Meantime more aspiring views are said to have arisen in his mind,—views to which his wife presented an obstacle. She disappeared, and an enemy does not hesitate to make insinuations that he was the cause of her death, when she stood in the way of her lord's ambition (see p. 257, Calendar). The surmise seems to have been entirely unfounded, for the Duchess died, according to Camden, in 1567, and the first suggestion for Norfolk's projected marriage with Mary Queen of Scots, is said to have been made by the Regent Murray, in 1568. The earliest notice of it in these papers is in a letter from the Earl of Sussex, Lord President of the North, and an intimate friend of the Duke, to Sec. Cecil, dated from Cawood, late in the night of 29 Sept. 1569, in answer to information sent him of the Queen's displeasure at her discovery of the projected marriage. He expresses great dismay at hearing of the disgrace into which the Duke has fallen, but strongly urges his former loyalty in his favour, and ascribes the mischief to the practisers who seek to sow sedition. He urges Cecil to remember the good parts he has known to be in the Duke for service of the Queen and realm, and for the love of them that love and serve her and wish well to him, to try to satisfy Her Majesty, and put him out of fear, and avoid that Her Majesty should mistrust his loyalty, or he doubt of her being his gracious sovereign.

He adds with imploring earnestness, "I hope the Duke hath done nothing but this may be with duty brought to pass, and if it be so, good Mr. Secretary, slack not to deal in time. If it be otherwise (which God forbid), I shall curse the time that ever I saw this office, whereby I was so long absent from him, and left him to the counsel of others that have carried him to that, without my knowledge, from which I know my counsel would have stayed him. You know, Mr. Secretary, my affection to him cannot blind my duty towards the Queen, and therefore as I have always loved him above all others, the Queen's Majesty only excepted, and thereby wish earnestly the continuance of her favour and his duty, so if he should forget his duty (which God forbid) I will never slack my service, and thereof Her Majesty may be most assured." (fn. 25) His letter to Council of the same date concludes: "God put it into Her Majesty's heart to continue her favour towards my Lord of Nor folk, whom she hath heretofore dearly loved for his just deserts; and into his Lordship's heart, to continue towards Her Majesty, as I steadfastly trust he will, that loyalty which, in all his actions wherewith I have been acquainted, he hath always had, with as great love and dutiful desire to honour and serve Her Majesty as ever any man had or could have; and in your lordships' hearts to interpose so far in this matter as, by your good means, both may take good effect, to the good service of Her Majesty, and the comfort of the whole realm." (fn. 26)

Another week brought the intelligence that the Duke had abruptly left the Court without permission, and had retired to London, and thence to his estates in Norfolk, whence on Oct. 16, he wrote a business note to Cecil, from Keninghall, without any allusion to his disgrace. (fn. 27) His friends argued that his retirement proceeded only from fear of the Queen's displeasure, and that fear was a " great token and perfect sign of obedience." (fn. 28) Sussex felt himself in danger of implication, as the Duke declared him to be privy to the proposed marriage with the Queen of Scots, but he solemnly averred that he gave no assent whatever, except on the understanding of the Queen's allowance. (fn. 29)

Meanwhile, as the Duke's absence was construed by rumour into a design to rescue the Queen of Scots from Tutbury Castle (see p. 273, Calendar), and as the breaking out of the Northern rebellion rendered it important that he should not identify himself with it, even in suspicion, he was persuaded to return to Court upon summons, (fn. 30) although his country tenants entreated him not to go, offering to live and die with him, hanging upon his horse's legs and entreating the whole country to stay him (see Calendar, p. 362). His hope of restoration to the Queen's favour proved fallacious; the proofs were strong that he had designed the obnoxious marriage, and in spite of the asseverations of himself and his friends, that its accomplishment was to be entirely conditional on his obtaining the Queen's consent, he was apprehended and sent to the Tower. His imprisonment was not severe. A Catholic news writer says, on April 11, 1670, that he has the liberty of the Tower, and six of his servants to attend him, but of his deliverance there is little hope. (fn. 31) On the following June he tendered a formal submission to the Queen, (fn. 32) as follows:—

" Most humbly, I, Thomas Duke of Norfolk, Your Majesty's most humble and obedient subject and servant, do, with all reverence and duty, submit myself to your excellent Majesty, by knowledging my offence, and by voluntary offering to make amends for the same, with a determinate mind never to offend Your Majesty, either in the same, or in any like. Beseeching your most gracious goodness to accept me into your favour, to serve you in any manner that it shall please Your Highnes to direct and command me, wherein I trust to make it apparent to the world how humble a servant and loyal subject Your Majesty hath of me, ready to make recompense for the former offence by Your Highness conceived of me.

" And where I did unhappily give ear to certain motions made to me in a cause of marriage to be prosecuted for me with the Queen of Scots, I most humbly beseech Your Majesty to permit me to declare such part of the truth that maketh in some part my excuse, as I will also willingly confess the rest wherein I did err. Surely I never consented to accord thereto in my respect, but whatsoever reasons were propounded to me to induce me thereto [were] for Your Highness' benefit and surety; yet I humbly thank Almighty God that I alway referred the allowance and disallowance to Your Majesty's own judgment, as it might appear to be agreeable or disagreeable to Your Highness. I beseech Your Majesty, in the weighing of that which was faulty in me, to have gracious regard; and on the other part, I do confess that now since I further considered thereof, notwithstanding any appearance of the reasons made for Your Highness' benefit, to follow upon that marriage, I did err very much, in that I did not cause the same to be known to Your Majesty upon the first mention made to me. And therefore humbly, voluntarily, and with the lowness and fullness of my heart, acknowledge that therein I have given Your Highness occasion of offence, and do from the bottom of my heart, crave of Your Majesty forgiveness for that which is past.

" And considering that I have plainly perceived that Your Highness doth not like of such marriage, neither do account it to be for your benefit, I do by this my writing, signed with my own hand, and sealed with my seal, voluntarily and absolutely grant, promise, and bind myself, by the bond of my allegiance to Your Majesty as my Sovereign dread lady, never to offend Your Highness in the same, but do utterly renounce and revoke all that which on my part in any wise hath passed, with a full intention never to deal in that cause of marriage of the Queen of Scots, nor in any other cause belonging to her, but as Your Majesty shall command me.

"And thus having, under Your Highness' favour, declared my error and my repentance, with renunciation of all that I have done therein, and assurance of my loyalty to live free from any like offence, I firmly hope that Your Majesty will extend your ac- customed favour upon me, and draw me out of the danger of your displeasure, and presently grant me some relief for my health, and consequently of your gracious goodness let me appear to the world as one of your humble subjects, not in any wise touched with any infidelity, but to be employed as it shall please Your Highness, with my life, lands, and goods, by service to Your Majesty and my country, for the full recovery of your princely favour. And so, recovering the same again, I shall to my life's end, by word, thought, and deed, acknowledge myself to have been born under a most gracious Prince and Sovereign lady. So continually pray for Your Majesty's long and most prosperous reign.

" The 23rd of June 1570."

This submission, frank and full as it seems, fell to pieces when submitted to the scrutiny of those who wished the Duke's downfal, and a paper dated Aug. 2, 1570, containing observations on it, is a curious specimen of malicious ingenuity. (fn. 33) The faults found are that the Duke acknowledges no offence greater than his concealment of the proposal of marriage made to him, and speaks not of his offence committed against the Queen, but of the offence she has conceived against him. That the impression made by so lowly a submission of so great a personage, for only neglecting to reveal a proposal which he professes to think would be for the Queen's benefit, would be that he had committed but a small error, and been very lowly in his confession, and that the Queen had treated him with small indulgence and great hardness, and that thereby his popularity would be augmented, and a grudge spread against the Queen and her councillors. That people would wonder what should be done with those who made a proposal the concealment of which was so grievous. That the Duke expressed no dislike therein of the person, the previous conduct, or the pretended title to the Crown of the Queen of Scots. That he professed no dislike to the marriage proposal, except in its want of success. That nothing in the submission would prevent him in future from defending his position; that the reasons for which he desired the marriage tend to the benefit of the Queen, nor from endeavouring to obtain Her Majesty's consent to it. That he suggests that the marriage might really be beneficial to the Queen, although she could not be brought to see it in that light. That the renunciation of the project in future includes no renunciation of the past, and that if opportunity occurred, he might easily plead that it was made on compulsion, and being contrary to engagements undertaken before, could not be considered valid. That he in no way discredits the Queen of Scots' title to the crown, "which is thought to gape for Her Majesty's "dispossession," "though it be the very ground of his offence." "I cease to search further," adds the writer of these notes "lest with too far wading, I find too great a depth. His grace may mean well, but methinks he hath not said well enough. There died lately one in the Tower, of the plague as it is suggested, whereby is some hope of deliverance, or at least great suit. There be some in the Tower to whose cases I would otherwise turn it, viz., that their men run no more abroad to fetch the plague, nor themselves go too far abroad to carry a worse plague. Close prison is best for all sides."

These hard councils, however, did not prevail; the Duke was liberated, though only permitted to live in his own house under custody of Sir H. Nevill. His re-imprisonment, owing to further implications in the Queen of Scots' affairs, did not take place according to Camden till 7 Sept. 1571, but on Aug. 31, John Lee, an English spy in Flanders, conversant with the English fugitive Catholics there, writes to Lord Burghley "that there was of late a great whispering "amongst our contraries that the Duke should be committed to the Tower again, which disquieted their minds not a little, and caused divers of them to bluster out most unseemly phrases against some of the Queen's Council (wherein your Honour was not forgotten), affirming that your Honours mean in time to root out all the old ancient nobility for the more better establishing of their own posterity hereafter." (fn. 34)

From the Tower, on Oct. 10, the Duke wrote a pitiful letter to the Queen, which is fully calendared on p. 364. (fn. 35)

On Jan. 16, 1572, occurs a long detailed account of his arraignment and trial, slightly different from that printed in Howell's State Trials. He was convicted and sentenced to death; but it was some time before Elizabeth would consent to the execution of the first peer of the realm, against whom no overt act of treason had been really proved. On April 2, John Lee, writing again to Burghley, says:—

" Here hath been spread by the Italians a rumour that the Queen should be very sick and in great danger, which causeth papists in the Low Countries to triumph not a little, and to substitute the Queen of Scots without contradiction in the place; alleging further that God hath most miraculously preserved the Duke of Norfolk to this time, whom they trust will so reward him that caused the scaffold to be first set up, that he shall play the first tragediacal spectacle thereof; with a great deal of other such unreverend and malicious talk. Further, they say that the 26 of February last, there was a warrant directed to the lieutenant for the executing of the Duke of Norfolk the morrow following; but the Queen (as they say) after she had signed the warrant was so greatly disquieted in mind and conscience, that she could not rest before such time as she had sent commandment to the lieutenant to return the warrant back again. This is reckoned of some for a miracle, of others for an enchantment." (fn. 36)

The accounts of the Duke's execution, which are very full, are calendared on pp. 396–399. It created much regret, both at home and abroad, that "such a person should perish upon little surmises," and was thought an " infamy to our country." (fn. 37)

Among papers relating to historic persons should be mentioned a quaint and characteristic letter of the controversialist Bishop of Salisbury, John Jewel, chiefly on affairs relating to his own household and the town, particularly to the mayor, whom he suspects of being influenced by private grudges of others in selection of captains to go over into the Low Countries. He ends thus:—

"Commende me to al my neighbours, and telle them that, God willinge, I wil returne to Sarum as soone as I maie, for in deede, I am weary of beinge here, even as weary as a dogge. If my neighbours there make any reporte of the intertainmente that I make them, thei do me wronge, for in deede, I doo neither see them, nor heare of them, but if thei would comme to me at dinner or supper, thei should be hartily welcomme, and fare as wal as I could make them. As for other times, I have no leasure, but onely when the Queene Commethe." (fn. 38)

Still more quaint and characteristic is a long letter from another man whose name is hardly less illustrious, Roger Ascham, the tutor of Henry VIII.'s children, and also of Lady Jane Grey. The rarity of his letters, and the dainty ingenuity of his style, seem to justify giving the letter in extenso, its length rendering the calendar of it only a brief exposition of its contents.

" Most excellent Prince,

" my best Lady and Mistress.

" A doubble duty I owe to your Ma^tie. All faithfull obedience to yo^r Highness; my whole hart and good will for your singular goodness; the first as to my Sovereign over many other; the second as to my dearest mistress above all other, for you are no more my Sovereign by your authority than you are and have been always my best mistress by your goodness; yet as I daily wish and pray that you may long and long remain both highest Sovereign and greatest friend unto me; so for this time of reading this letter, I humbly beseech yo^r Majesty to imagine that your Highness were absent in some withdrawing chamber, and your goodness only present to read this letter, for I write now not as to the Queen, to make any suit, but as to my dearest friend, to ask some counsel. In deed a suit I would fain make to the Queen, but surely I will make no suit to her Highness, before I ask counsel for it of your goodness. If you mislike it, I will not follow it; if your goodness allow it, her Highness will grant it. For as none can better grant it unto me than her Highness, so none shall sooner obtain it of her than your goodness; and as her Highness must only grant it, so will I have your goodness only ask it, or else I will surely go without it; and that because I would only be bound to her Highness and your goodness, and to none other person for it, no, not those two my greatest and best friends, my noble Lord of Leicester and good Mr. Secretary Cecil, greatest in authority and best in good will to do any good thing for me, but only your goodness shall obtain it of her Highness, or else it shall never be mine.

"And as for my suit, it shall be neither unreasonable for your goodness to ask, nor great for her Highness to grant, nor injurious to any other person. It shall not be to enrich myself now, but only to leave some comfort to my good wife and children hereafter. And your goodness may speak willingly and ask boldly for me, for her Highness hath promised already, as my good Lady Stafford heard, both courteously to hear and gladly to grant unto me and my children any fit and reasonable suit, which if it be first liked of and allowed by your wisdom, then helped forward by your goodness, of the good success thereof at her Highness' hands, I make no doubt at all.

"My suit, with the occasion that moveth me to make it, and the necessity that driveth me to ask it, is this; I wrote once a little book of shooting; (fn. 39) King Henry, her most noble father, did so like and allow of it, as he gave me a living for it. When he lost his life, I lost my living; but noble King Edward again did first revive it by his goodness, then did increase it by his liberality, thirdly did confirm it by his authority, under the Great Seal of England; which patent all his time was both a great profit and pleasure unto me, saving that one unpleasant word in that patent, called "during pleasure," turned me after to great displeasure. For when King Edward went, his pleasure went with him, and my little living went away with them both.

"But behold God's goodness towards me, and his Providence over me; in Queen Mary, her Highness's sister's time, when I had lost all, and neither looked nor hoped for anything again,—all my friends being under foot,—without any labour, without my knowledge, I was suddenly sent for to come to the Council. I came with ill will, but departed with much comfort, for there I was sworn secretary for the Latin tongue, because some of them knew that King Edward had given me that office when I was absent in Germany, by good Mr. Secretary Cecil's procurement, and because some one did think that I was fitter to do that office than those were that then did exercise it.

"When I saw others so willing to do for me, I was the bolder to speak somewhat for myself. I saw Winchester did like well the manner of my writing; I saw also that he only was dominus regit me in that time; I told him that my patent and living for my book of shooting was lost. 'Well,' said he, 'cause it to be written again, and I will do what I can.' I did so. And here I will open to Your Majesty a pretty subtlety, in doing happily a good turn to myself, whereat perchance Your Majesty will smile; for surely I have laughed at it twenty times myself, and that with good cause, for I have lived somewhat the better for it ever since. I caused the same form of the patent to be written out, but I willed a vacant place to be left out for the sum. I brought it so written to the Bishop; he asked why the old sum was not put in. 'Sir,' quoth I, 'the fault was in the writer, who hath done very ill beside to leave the vacant place so great, for the old word ten will not half fill the room, and therefore surely, except it please your Lordship to help to put in twenty pounds, which would both fill up the vacant place well now, and also fill my purse the better hereafter, truly I shall be put to new charges in causing the patent to be new written again.' The Bishop fell on a laughter, and forthwith went to the Queen Mary, and told her what I had said, who, without any more speaking, before I had done her any service, of her own bountiful goodness, made my patent twenty by year during my life, for her and her successors. I have often told this tale to many my friends, for I think it a part of honesty to say well of them that have been so willing to do well of others.

"Some that have heard me tell this have said unto me, surely, seeing King Henry, King Edward, and Queen Mary, to whom you were scarce known, to whom you had done no service (except in teaching King Edward to write) were so beneficial to grant, to augment, to confirm this living unto you, we are sure Queen Elizabeth, as every one of them three did always better one another, so she alone has bettered them all, or else the fault is in yourself for not speaking, and not in Her Majesty for not doing of the same; and (sure) it is both a folly in you and an injury to her goodness, that through your own fault, your book of shooting should be more bound to any other prince, for divers causes, than to Her Majesty."

I answered my friends thus: "It is my own folly indeed, for nature has made me so loth to ask as no opportunity could ever make me to be bold, nor no necessity yet drive me to crave. It is my less grief to want myself than to wail to any other; it is my greater desire to satisfy by good will and service than to trouble with bold and busy suits. For in so many fair years and days spent and passed in the presence of my Prince, I never opened my mouth to utter any suit to make myself richer, except it were for venison to make my friends merrier. But behold, on the other side, Her Majesty's most bountiful goodness, who hath given unto me many and great benefits, greater than I can deserve, and always given by her before they were asked by me; for as her goodness exceedeth far my deserts, so her benefits prevent evermore my suits. And therefore it is my chance always to be bound to give her thanks before I have need to make request unto her. And so I find always true that which Her Majesty hath said many times unto me, the less I speak, the more she will do; the more I seem to forget myself, the readier she will be to remember both me and mine. "Well," saith one of my best and wisest friends, you say well; but if the Queen did not a great deal better, both you should do very ill now, and yours ever ill hereafter. But if you did consider your own case as you should, you would do otherwise herein than you do; you do not now live to yourself. God hath sent you a good wife, and many fair children; you are well stept into years; your wife is young, your children all within the years of innocency, some not able to speak, not able to go, and one (though shortly) yet not born; and I have heard you often say, if you now die, all livings the Prince hath given you do die with you; and how yours shall then live, if you do not consider and help now, they may lament too late hereafter. You are not sure yourself, nor very like, by wise men's judgment, to live very long; but sure I am of this; whensoever you die, if you die thus, you shall die an ill husband to your wife, and a worse father to your children. You know better than I how St. Paul scorneth them that be careless providers for their own families. Indeed they be of good nature that say least for themselves; but they be of worse nature that do nothing for thier dearest friends. Truly, in doing thus no good for yourself, ye do over much wrong to others, and over great injury to the Queen's Majesty. Many wise and good men think lest (unless) you yourself were careless thereof, she that is so rich in learning would never leave you so poor in living. If you had served any other but the Prince, the misery of you and yours were easier to be borne, and the note thereof less in men's eyes, and seldomer in men's talk than, both now and hereafter, it is likely to be. And hereby as ye purchase misery to yourself, so do ye offer great injury to the Queen. For surely you that have been so long so nigh to so good a Prince, in asking all this while nothing of Her Highness, is plainly to seem to mistrust her goodness. But do so no more, lest Her Majesty (who hath a head to decypher men's thinkings) either find you do so, or at least think you do so, and so justly do nothing for you at all. If she had said to you once nay, you might then be loth to speak, but seeing her goodness is such to give unto you before you do ask, surely she will never deny you that which shall be, first, reasonable for you to ask; then, nothing out of her own way to grant. And though you be loth to ask anything for yourself, yet be not over careless to ask somewhat for your two sons, Giles and Dudley, or else it is pity that ever you were father of such two children.

"And seeing you have given me leave to say thus much, I will now take leave to say more. Do as I bid you, and ask as I shall will you; and if her goodness deny you, I will pay you yearly as much myself, out of mine own purse, as that is which I would Her Highness should grant you; which, if I should do, I should never be a whit the poorer for it at the year's end; for she shall not give one penny from herself, but only that it would please Her Majesty to be contented that, as her noble predecessors were good unto you, so her successors likewise should be good unto your children; that small living as her predecessors gave unto you before, her successors should suffer your children to enjoy the same hereafter. If her goodness grant it, then shall [she] never miss it, nor be never the poorer for it; and Her Majesty, in the meanwhile, shall receive not one penny less thereby unto her coffers than she doth at this present, and that by this way. Her predecessors gave you xxl. a year for your book of shooting, and xxl. a year also, with a little more, for your secretaryship in the Latin tongue. Again, you pay to the Queen a xxl. a year for a little farm that Queen Mary gave you by lease, and xviijl. a year for a little parsonage that your mother-in-law left to you and your wife. Be humble suitor to Her Highness thus to deal and change with you. Give you again freely to Her Highness all that which her predecessors gave unto you, and beseech Her Majesty, in lieu thereof, to grant and give unto you, for your two sons, the little farm for the one, and the little parsonage for the other, to find them at school when you are gone.

"You yourself have been brought up in good learning, brought up in the best service, yet if, neither by your learning nor by your service, you can be able to procure such two [poor] livings for two such pretty children, wise men shall judge you another day to have been neither wise by your learning nor happy by your service. I hear say that ye have written a book for the good bringing up of young children, well commended by them that have seen it. (fn. 40) But what is that to the purpose, to teach them gay things, how they shall learn, and to leave them nothing how they shall live? Ye do well in the one, and do as well in the other, and then shall your children find you first a wise father for their learning, then a happy father for their living thus left unto them. And though hereby you shall have no more in your own purse to spend yourself, yet shall you have more, to your great comfort, to leave to your children. On the other side, the Queen shall have a penny for a penny,—yea, five pence for a groat.

"And herein shall be all the difference. That as she found her predecessors good unto you, so shall she bind her successors to be good unto your children. And thus when the benefit of your Book of shooting shall first be granted by good will by noble King Henry, then confirmed during pleasure by good King Edward, after assured during life by Queen Mary, at last established longer than life by most noble Queen Elizabeth,—then set out your book of shooting in print again, as many wish you should do, and in your preface let others understand what goodness you have received, particularly at this famous noble Princess' hands, for the labour you took, and service you did, by your bow and your book. And when Her Majesty shall well weigh your suit, how necessary it is for you to ask, how reasonable it is for her to grant,—yea so reasonable as I believe my Lord Treasurer will not only allow it, but also further it, and be an earnest suitor for it,—surely I am of this opinion that her goodness will grant more than you require; that is, freely to give to you and yours as much as you ask, and not take of you (for your short time of life) the poor livings that her predecessors gave unto you. Which if she do, then shall you both live with less care, and die with more comfort, when ye shall leave your children so well provided for by so noble a prince."

When my dear friend had given me this good advice, it sank so deep into my head as I could never since sleep well, until I should impart the same unto your goodness. For this is the suit I would fain make to her Highness, and this is the counsel I would gladly ask of your goodness whether I may make this suit to her Highness or no. Indeed to make some suit to her Highness, your goodness this other day did give me most friendly counsel. And now I bring, I trust, a reasonable suit, which if it be allowed by your goodness, it will soon be granted by her Highness. And yet dare I not speak for it myself; for though I am bold sometimes to say somewhat in the presence of your goodness, yet am I evermore abashed to say anything, specially for myself, in the presence of her Highness. It is your goodness only that must do that for me, and for my suit, which ye have done many times for me without all kind of suit; that is, to bring to pass that her Highness grant me my suit before I speak for it, before I know of it. Therefore if it might please your goodness to say but two words to her Highness for me, as your goodness should truly say them, so her Highness, I trust to God, will graciously hear them. The words be these.

"Most noble Princess, time was when God and your own choice did call him, and after did use him to do you much good for your learning; let time be that God and your own good nature move you likewise to do him and his some comfort for their living. And do it in time; for though Your Majesty shall have long and long time to do good to him and his, yet he is like to have no long time to ask for him and his. It is high time for him rather to enjoy somewhat than to ask anything. He asketh not much; nothing for himself, but something for his children; and that somewhat shall be not to give anything from yourself presently, but only to grant a little from your successors hereafter, even that that was given by your predecessors before. If your Highness shall be thus gracious unto him, then shall he leave twenty pounds a year to either of his sons, a gift fully satisfying his desire, and yet, to say truth, a small portion, I believe, as ever secretary to a Prince did leave behind him."

"If he miss of this suit, some man shall judge that he, for some great fault in himself, for some disability in his service, is counted not unlucky to obtain, but unworthy to deserve this his suit. And then, besides the inward grief of present misery, he shall sustain too sore a note of open shame, both he himself now, and his children hereafter, who had a father that was called to serve, and suffered to serve many years in good place in weighty affairs, and no great fault found in his service, and yet nothing by him obtained by his service to leave behind to his children. And the last word he said to me was this,—and that he said with weeping eyes,—'I beseech your goodness tell her Highness that if I be not so happy to leave this poor living to my children, yet will I leave the copy of this poor letter unto them, to bear witness with me in time to come that, although they had a father unfortunate to do them good, as much as lay in his power and learning to do.' * * *

But weeping and ill weather be ill means to do anything well. But thanked be God, the weather was never fairer, not the time fitter for your goodness to speak to her Highness for me, to do for me now as she hath done always [before], that is to bind me to thank her for her benefit, before I do come to trouble her with my suit. In God, in your goodness, and in this hope I so repose myself as I trust to receive such assurance by your goodness from her Highness in this matter as shall glad my heavy heart, comfort my careful wife, sitting now at home weeping and praying for the good success of this my suit, and make happy my poor children, for their good bringing up in virtue and learning, thereby to serve the better God, their Prince, and their country another day. God send your goodness all health, your own heart's desire, &c. At Windsor, 10 October 1567. (fn. 41)

"Your Highness' most obedient subject,

"Your goodness' most faithful servant,

"R. Ascham." (fn. 41)

The presentiment of Ascham's speedy decease mentioned in this letter was verified the following year; Camden relates that on Dec. 30, 1568, died Ascham, "one of the first of our countrymen that polished the Latin and Greek, and the pureness of the style, not without com"mendation for eloquence;" but adds that "being too much given to diceing and cock fighting, he lived and died a poor man."

An unofficial letter of friendship, entirely in the handwriting of Lord Burghley, merits notice. "I have not found more comfort," he writes to Sir Chris. Hatton, "in a morning, after that I have been tormented with my familiar enemy, the gout, and released thereof; than your letter hath satisfied my careful mind, having been perplexed with many heavy cogitations, arising upon conceit all this night." He lauds Hatton's placability in not retaining a grudge for an offence taken, promises to further his suit, and says, "In that you think well of my intention to serve Her Majesty carefully, you comfort me much, for so I mean indeed, howsoever my step"dame, peevish fortune, doth thwart me." (fn. 42)

The presence of numerous documents relating to the Catesby family is accounted for by the fact that all their papers were seized at the time of the Gunpowder Plot, and having been placed in chronological order with the other papers, many of them occur from the early part of Elizabeth's reign downwards. Several of them show the Catholic tendencies of the family, (fn. 43) but they are principally on matters of private business.

Under date of Feb. 1568, occurs a long medical report on the state of health of the celebrated Sir Henry Sydney, father of Sir Philip, and ancestor of Robert, afterwards Earl of Leicester. He was only 36 years old, but was troubled with the stone. By the coincidence of dates, the report being but a few months before Sir Henry, then Lord President of Wales, was made Lord Deputy of Ireland, the report seems to have been elicited, perhaps at request of his wife, Mary Dudley, sister of the Earl of Leicester, to discourage the Irish appointment. The doctors urge that he should avoid "unreasonable "exercise, long sitting, and cares of his mind;" that the place of his abode should be "in an air neither cold nor moist, but dry, with temperate heat, as much as may be avoiding all places full of bogs, fens, and marshes, where the winds do blow commonly from the S. and S.W.; where foggy mists be often and long continue; "where the houses be dampish, mouldy, and ill savour"ing." While ordered to take moderate exercise in dry air, he is to avoid "such exercises as do much heat and strain the back, as leaping, running, vaulting, dancing aloft, riding post long journeys, or upon a stirring horse, gallopping the field clad in heavy armour, &c." He is not to sleep on a bed of down, nor yet nigh the ground; "watching the night abroad in the field greatly hurteth." He must not study after meals immediately, nor much occupy his mind; but pass the time with pleasant disports, giving himself to mirth, avoiding as well pensiveness and cares as anger." (fn. 44) The report adds that his father having died of the same disease, his case requires the more caution; but the doctors doubt not that, by attention to the diet and medicines, &c. prescribed, he may be perfectly cured, or at least long preserved. The probability is, from this report being preserved among the State Papers, that it was presented to Queen and Council; but if so, it was little heeded. Sydney was considered the fittest man for Ireland, and therefore, heedless of all cautions against bog and fog, thither he was sent, did notable service, both in the field and as legislator, and survived 18 years longer, dying in 1586, aged 54.

The papers of local interest are unusually numerous. The deplorable condition of Dover Castle, and the state of the haven are minutely described by an eye-witness, Sir Thomas Hoby, who spent a few days there in April 1566, waiting for a wind to enable him to pass to his duties in France, where he was appointed Ambassador, and where he died the following July. (fn. 45)

A like complaint of decay of the castle was made from Hull, and elicited a letter from Council to Sir Henry Gates, Thos. Boynton, Ralph Rokeby, and two others, ordering a survey of the castle and blockhouses on the Drypool side and an inquiry into the disposal of the lands given by Edward VI. for their maintenance. (fn. 46)

One other similar paper may be named; (fn. 47) a petition of the mayor and burgesses of Arundel, co. Sussex, to the Queen, complaining of the decay of an ancient timber bridge, of good heighth and length, over the river Arun, which is the only convenient passage, near the town, between the east and west of England. It was then customary for bridges to be repaired by charitable collections, but they state that the sum collected has been insufficient, and they have had to expend 140l. in five years upon this bridge; therefore they request and obtain a licence to export yearly 400 quarters of wheat, custom free, that with the gain thereof, they may repair the bridge. The signatures of the Bishop of Chichester, Lords Lumley, Delawarr, Montague, &c., occur to this petition.

In April 28, 1566, is a return from commissioners appointed by Her Majesty to examine the creeks and landing places in Cumberland, and to report on their inhabitants, shipping, and how far they have been implicated in unlawful export of corn, and in receiving pirates' goods, &c. The report is long and detailed. (fn. 48)

A little later occurs a calendar of all the gentlemen resident in Cumberland, 121 in number, with 10 stewards and officers; and a similar one of all the gentlemen in Westmoreland, 72 in number, with six stewards and officers. (fn. 49) There is also a list of 35 knights and gentlemen in the West Riding, 26 in the North, and 20 in the East Riding of Yorkshire, suitable to be captains or lieutenants of foot, (fn. 50) and a list of 65 residents in Berkshire, distributed into the several hundreds, including two at New Windsor. (fn. 51)

About 1570, is a series of five books very valuable for the history of Dorsetshire. They note the sums raised in the several hundreds, as taxed by the commissioners of musters, for provision of armour and weapons, and give also the names of the persons, from 19 to 23 in each of the five divisions of the county, on whom, as well as on several towns, an assessment was laid towards furnishing soldiers for Ireland; (fn. 52) also a list of Dorsetshire gentlemen to be assessed for the loan, 25 for 100l. each, 30 for 50l. each, and 9 for 40l. each. (fn. 53) There is a similar list for Gloucestershire, containing only one name for 100l., one for 100 marks, and 40 for 50l., with notes of such as are removed, dead, or have relatives able to contribute. (fn. 54) In Dec. 1574, occurs a list of 149 of the clergy holding more than one living; their total annual income, 16,616l. 10s. 8¼d., and of 68 of meaner livings, total amount, 3,447l. 12s. 10½d., amongst whom it was said, "10,000l. could easily be raised" towards the levying of troops, although the average income of the former was little above 100l. a year, and of the latter under 60l. (fn. 55)

Under date April 12, 1571, the answers to the objections made in Parliament against the corporation of the Merchant Adventurers of Bristol throws considerable light on the condition of the town, the state of the shipping, nature of the commerce carried on, &c. (fn. 56) The arguments in this paper touch upon the old contest between monopoly and free trade, which was waged fiercely both at Bristol and at Chester, where the "mere merchants" were very earnest in their endeavours to prevent the merchant retailers from encroaching upon their privileges. (fn. 57)

The most important document relating to commerce and shipping is a book, compiled in 1572, entitled "Merchant Ships in England." (fn. 58) It gives the names, numbers, and tonnage of all the vessels in the English ports, between Michaelmas 1571 and Michaelmas 1572, and was compiled by Thomas Colshill, surveyor of the port of London, whose official position gave him every facility for making accurate returns. Taking only the number of vessels, exclusive of their dimensions, the fishing towns on the eastern coast bear the pre-eminence, because they employed so many small vessels. The number of Yarmouth vessels is 193, Ipswich 179, then come London 162, Chichester 148, Sandwich 142, Exeter 124. The remainder range from 69 at Plymouth to 7 at Bridgewater. The total of vessels belonging to England was 1,383. If the tonnage be taken into consideration, the relative importance of the several ports undergoes a great change. London is the only port that owns vessels of above 100 tons, except three at Ipswich, one at Bristol, one at Chester, and one at Southampton. The largest London ship is 240 tons; there are 30 between that size and 120 tons, 18 of 100; but no large number of small vessels. The total tonnage of London vessels is 12,770, that of Ipswich 7,765, Hull 2,338, Plymouth 2,085, Bristol 1,993. It should be added that each port includes in its report the vessels of the small places adjoining. The number of ports given is only 16. The total tonnage of the ships in all the ports was 49,918; so that London had more than a fourth of the entire bulk of the shipping of the country.

An undated paper, assigned conjecturally to the year 1575, gives a not very flattering picture of the condition of morals and manners in the University of Oxford, only it must be remembered that the old grudge of town against gown would render the writer liable to put the worst construction upon the offences complained of. The following is a specimen of the complaints:— (fn. 59)

Item. The eighth mysdemeanor ys that the 10^th daye of Feb. last, there was certeyne of the University, to ye nomber of 30 or 40 personnes (some of whose names are in the sayd bill, exhibited into the sayde courte of Starre Chamber before yo^r Honors for a ryot, and both they and the rest are well knowen to the Vicechamberleyne of the Universytye), whoe assembled themselves togeather, about 11 of the clocke in the night, w^th swords and bucklers and clubs, and other weapons, contrary to the Quene's Ma^tic's peace, and went thorowe the towne, soundinge both drome & trompet; sayenge, 'come out the prowdest townsman that dareth.' And so went up & downe the streats, misusinge both men & women, w^th opprobryous words, they lienge in their beds, neyther thincking nor doinge any harme to them; and all (as y^t should seme) was to begynne a new ryot, or rather an insurrection.

Item. The nyneth dysorder or mysdemeanor ys, that the 16th day of Feb. last, about eight of the clocke in the night, one Pepwell, Henry Snowe, Christopher Toldervy, M^rs of Arte, w^th dyvers others to the nomeber of 12 or 15 persones, most M^rs of Arte of Christe's Church, standing in y^e highwaye, there cam by them, in God's peace and the Quene's, a pore myllner a horse backe, w^th five and six small gristes under him, whome they torned besides his horse, and threwe the same griste downe, some in one place and some in another, and some in wet and fowlle places; and as many of them as could ryde on the said horse got up uppon him, and rode up and downe ye towne; and the poore miller went after them, desyrenge them to have his horse agayne, for that he was a servaunt, and shold have blame for his long taryenge; and that (yf the horse should miscarry), he should be torned out of servyce; and they beinge also requested gentlye to delyver the poore myller his horse, by divers honest inhabytants of the towne, they gave them very evyll and opprobious words, unmete to be repeated to y^or Honors; and havinge had their pleasure in rydeinge, they whipped the poore fellowe w^th his own whippe, whoe gave them never a fowlle word; and yet not so contente, they took his hat oute of his hand, & rent yt all in peeces, & so departed away, levinge the poore myller w^thout recompence for his injuries, beinge a very evill example, & not to be suffered in a commonwelth.

* * * * * * * * *

Item. The twelveth mysdemeanor ys for that no man's servant, nor the M^r himself can sit at their owen dores, nor goe about their busynes in the eveninge quietly, but he shalbe beaten, & havinge any thing in his hand, y^t shalbe taken awaye frome him, as wyne & wyne-pot. And y^f a man goe but w^th a lanthorne to see his waye, y^t shalbe smytten out of his hand & broken, & the party beaten.

Amongst the noteworthy papers relating to religion is a supplication of the Puritans of London, signed by 11 males and 16 females, to the Queen, to set forth the true word of God, and to cut down, root out, and utterly destroy all monuments of idolatry, as forked caps and tippets, surplices, copes, starch-cakes, godfathers, and godmothers, &c. They state that the canon law has killed Rich. Fitz, their minister, Thos. Bowland, deacon, and many others, and that the very walls of the city prisons could testify the Lord's anger against such unjust persecution. They pray that the Queen, now in the 13th year of her reign, may imitate Jehosaphat, and cast down idolatry. Two black-letter fly sheets were found enclosed in this petition. (fn. 60) The first is entitled:—

"The Trewe markes of Christe's Churche, &c.

"The order of the privye churche in London, which by the malice of Satan is falselie slaundred, and evell spoken of.

" The myndes of them that, by the strengthe & workinge of the Almighty our Lord Jesus Christe, have set their hands & hartes to the pure unmingled & sincere worshippinge of God, accordinge to his blessed & glorious worde in al things, onely abolishinge & abhoringe all tradicions & inventions of man whatsoever, in the same religion & service of oure Lorde God, knowinge this alwayes, that the trewe & afflicted churche of oure Lorde and Savyoure Jesus Christe eyther hathe, or else ever more continually under the crosse stryveth for to have, fyrst & formoste, the glorious worde and evangell preached, not in bondage & subjection, but freely & purelye. Secondly, to have the sacraments mynistred purely, onely, & all together, according to the institution & good worde of the Lorde Jesus, without any tradicion or invention of man. And laste of all to have, not the fylthye cannon lawe, but dissiplyne onelye, & all together agreable to the same heavenlye & allmighty worde of oure good Lord Jesus Christe.

Richarde Fytz, Minister.

The second bears no title, but is a form of Puritan declaration of the reasons for nonconformity:—

" Beyng thoroughly perswaded in my conscience, by the working and by the worde of the Almightie, that these reliques of Antichriste be abominable before the Lorde our God, and also for that, by the power and mercie, strength and goodnes of the Lorde my God onelie, I am escaped from ye filthyness and pollution of these detestable traditions, through the knowledge of our Lorde and Saviour Jesus Christ; and last of all, inasmuch as by the working also of the Lorde Jesus his Holy spirite, I have joyned in prayer, and hearyng God's word with those that have not yelded to this idolatrouse trash, notwithstandyng the danger for not commyng to my parysh church, &c. Therefore I come not backe agayne to the preachynges, &c. of them that have receaved these markes of the Romysh beast,—

" 1. Because of God's commandement to go forewarde to perfection. Hebrew 6, v. 1; 2 Corinth. 7, v. 1; Psalm 84, v. 7; Ephes. 4, v. 15. Also to avoyde them. Rom. 16, v. 17; Ephes. 5, v. 11; 1 Thessal. 5, v. 22.

" 2. Because they are abominations before the Lorde our God. Deut. 7, v v. 24 & 26; Deut. 13, v. 17; Ezek. 14, v. 6.

" 3. I will not beautifie with my presence those filthy ragges which bryng the heavenly worde of the eternall our Lorde God into bondage, subjection, and slaverie.

" 4. Because I would not communicate with other menne's sinnes. 2 John, vv. 9, 10, &11; 2 Corinth. 6, v. 17. Touch no unclean thing, &c. Sirach 13, v. 1.

" 5. They give offences, both the preacher and the hearers. Rom. 16, v. 17; Luke 17, v. 1.

" 6. They glad and strengthen the papists in their errour, and greve the godlie. Ezek. 13, v v. 21 & 22. Note this 21 verse, &c.

" 7. They doo persecute our Saviour Jesus Christ in his members. Acts 9, vv. 4 & 5; 9 Corinth. 1, v. 5. Also they reject and despyse our Lorde and Saviour Jesus Christ. Luke 10, v. 16.

Moreover those labourers whom, at the prayer of the faithful, the Lorde hath sent furth into his harvest, they refuse & also reject. Matt. 9, v. 38.

"8. These popish garments, &c. are now become very idolles in deede, because they are exalted above the worde of the Almightie.

" 9. I come not to them because they shoulde be ashamed, and so leave their idolatrous garments, &c. 2 Thessal. 3, v. 14. Yf any man obey not our sayings, note him, &c.

" God geve us strength styl to stryve in suffrying undre the crosse, that the blessed worde of our God may onely rule, and have the highest place, to cast downe strong holdes, to destroy or overthrow policies or imaginations, and every high thing that is exalted against the knowledge of God, and to bryng into captivitie or subjection every thought to the obedience of Christ, &c. 2 Corinth. 10, vv. 4 & 5, &c.; that the name and worde of the eternall our Lorde God may be exalted or magnified above all thynges. Psalm 138, v. 2. Finis."

If the Puritans found cause of complaint in the strickness with which the laws for conformity were enforced, the Papists were no less aggrieved. They were kept under strict surveillance, as appears from a list of those resident in London, giving particulars of those who keep chaplains, attend mass, &c., among whom however are two Barons of the Exchequer. (fn. 61)

There is also a curious return sent to Sec. Walsingham by one of his omnipresent spies, of the names of all the English Catholic fugitives who were receiving pensions from the King of Spain, either in Spain or Flanders. In this list may be found the names of many of those who caused, by their pens and their intrigues, so much trouble to the Government of Queen Elizabeth, e.g., Ant. Standen, Egremont Ratcliffe, Edw. Dacre, Sir John Nevill, Hugh Owen, Michael Tempest, Dr. Saunders, Lord Morley, the Bishop of Meath, Countess of Northumberland, &c. The total sum thus expended was 23,000 ducats yearly.

This list is headed with the name of George Chamberlain, who, writing from Louvaine, on April 5, 1570, bitterly regrets the weakening of the Catholic cause, owing to the imprisonment of the Duke of Norfolk and Lord Lumley, the banishment, by flying, of the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, and Lord Dacre, and the death of the Earls of Cumberland, Pembroke, and Derby,—all men of name and power, and either Catholics or friendly to the cause,—so that "the present rulers of the State may without fear execute their furious will." He adds:—

"In this meane tyme our rulers ar not ydle at Court, but dayly execute, empryson, and vexe all good affected Catholiques; and more, ar like, even as they threaten, to ridd the countrey of them all, seeing now they be out of feare, as well at home as that forrayne princes will anything regard or endeavour for our bettering in God's cause, or respect redress of those injuries that have so many waies bene done them by us; the feare whereof did bridell very much their rigorouse determinacions, threatning to roote out the Catholique faith and favorers in our countrey; which, if Almighty God do not miraculously withstand, is like spedely to be putt in executyon, the rather for that the King's Majestie of Spayne doth, beyond all expectation, not only neglect our injuries done him, but entre into newe friendshippe and accord, as well for accustomed traficque with our nation, as wonted alliance; wherein hit becometh me not to speake much, but leave to your wisdome to considre the cawse therby given and taken of many to speake and think more largely. Whoso is anything acquainted with the present state of our countrey doth well knowe, there cowld nothing have more dismayed our well affected Catholikes ther than this manyfest shewe of the King's carelesse regarde to be a partie to reduce us to conformtyie in religion, when bothe the tyme at home & willing helpe of other Catholique princes seemed rype & redy to have putt in practyse something for the good of Christe's cawse and Church, whereby seemeth that Almighty God dothe playnely teache us not to putt our trust in man's power or pollecy, but only in Him, who, as He is able, so I trust will at length be willing to heare the contynuall petitions made unto him, which he most commonly grawnteth for the more glorie of his name, when man's help or industrie is least hable to devyse remedy." (fn. 62)

On the other hand, the Established Church itself did not escape criticism from those who, whilst recognizing its advantages were not slow to perceive that in some few particulars, it did not carry out the religious objects of the church which it had superseded. That church admitted only of a celibate clergy, to whom revenues were assigned for the sustentation of the church and the poor, not for individual or family purposes; but the case became very different when the minister had wife and family to maintain and provide for. An Act was therefore proposed "concerning the maintenance of good hospitalitye by the clergy, and for reformation of certain enormity on their behalf to be redressed." It opens thus:—

"Forasmoche as your noble progenitors, Kyngs of this realme,—in consyderation that as well the glorie of Almightye God myghte be the better advaunced, and godlie religion for the erudition of the people more frutefully preachyd, and set fourthe, as also that good hospytalitie myghte be the rather maynteynyd and supported, not onley for the relief of the poore, but also y^t the youngar bretherne of the nobilytie and gentylmen of this realme myghte the more vertiously be educated and brought up in good maners, and in the feare and knowlege of Almightie God, —dyd heretofore endowe the clergie of y^is realme w^t moste ample & large possessions, suche as wold become an honorable estate to have and enjoy; the revenewes whereof, farre excydyng a meane many's estate, ys to be pondered, and considered whither the same, in theis o^r dayes, be ymployed and bestowed accordyng to the godlie intente and meanyng of those sayd noble progenitors. And forasmoche as it is thoughte that dyvers of the clargie, nowe beyng maried & havying wyffs & children, do overmoche alienate thair myndes frome the honeste & carefull dutie whyche y^ei ought to beare towards the maynteynaunce of good hospitalyty, hertofore of late yeres by thaire predecessors used, by dymynysshyng as well the nomber of household officers, and other mynysters & servants, as in abbrydgeyng the accustumed alowances of fare, and other lawdable duties of longe tyme used, to the great relyf of the poore & nedie; so y^t acceptyng & retayning pryvately the moste parte & portion of the yerely revenewes of ya^ir dignities unto themselfs, y^t moste godlie intention before rehersed ys moche therby defrauded and abused, to the greate displeasure of Almighte God, and no lesse slander unto the estate of ye hole clargie.

For redresse wherof, Be y^t enacted by the Lords spyrytuall and temporall, and Commons of this present Parliament assembled, that every Archebysshoppe, Bysshoppe, Deane, Archedeacon, Provoste, & Master of colledge shall have & reteyne, before the feast of Ester nexte comynge, into his or y^air households, suche & so many officers, suche and so many chaplens, gentylmen, wayters, yomen, gromes, & pages in all degrees as were in household reteynyd w^th any such ecclesiasticall person, the 30^th yere of ye reigne of Kynge Henrye the VIII^th of most famoste memorie; as by the Exchequire rolle of the same households in thair degrees then was in force, by the books of the auditors, or other presidente may dulie appere; havynge and susteynyng suche alowances, as well of fare att meales as otherwyse, such lyveries before, betwene, and after meales, bothe of breade, beare, & meate, in suche sorte as was lawdably usyd in those dayes, as likewise of livery cloth, woode, coole, candell, &c. to all respects.

"And forasmoche as yt ys the dutie & parte of discrete & sadde matrones, beyng wyfs to suche lernyd men as have the charge & care, under ye Queny's Majestie, of the hole reame, as concernyng the doctryne of faith and good example of lyf, to bestow y^air tyme in dyvoute and moste godly exeryses, namely of prayer, almes-deads, and mynystryng to the poore, w^t suche lyke wourks of charitie, petie, and mercy, and not to intrude & preace themselfs into the worldely affayres of any suche state of govermente,—as now far otherwyse at y^is present y^s reported to be, by ye sayd matrones, moche to ye blemysshynge of y^air good nameys.—Be y^t therefore enacted by th'aucthorytie aforesayd, that all Archebisshopps, Bysshopps, Deanys, Archedeacons, Provosts, & M^rs of Colledge, havyng wyfs, shall in no wyse permytte y^air said wifs, or any other woman of y^air kynne or famyly, to have to do in any respecte w^th ye order, rule, governmente, or mynystration of thair householde or famymylie (other y^an w^th thair own chyldren, women servants, and maydens) but onely suche common officers as of auncient usage have byn wounte & accustumed to governe in that behalf." (fn. 63)

The other clauses of the proposed Act relate to the needful repairs of church property, the preventing of leases of it, liberal dealing of bishops, deans, &c. with their officers, by not withholding from them the customary perquisites of their offices, &c. This Act, however, does not seem to have passed beyond the draft here noted.

The last paper on religion deserving notice is endorsed by Lord Burghley, in his earlier hand, "Sent from Thos. Cecill to me, wrytten by Mr. Carleton, concerning a power of j^M. horsemen & ij^M. cullivers. To suffer the precise sort to inhabit Ireland." (fn. 64) The paper is long and curious. It opens thus:—

"By many consideracions, eche man of us ought to be stirred carefully to weyghe the state wherein this realme of England now standeth: for as conserninge warre, neither abrode is it hable to invade, neither yett it selfe defende, by reason wee have no faithe at home. And as touchinge peax, so peaceable is oure governement that ere longe peax it selve will breede our braule, by reason that him wee condempne whom wee ought to favour, and him wee favor whom wee ought to condempne. For three sorted subjects this realme beareth, the Papiste, the Atheist, and the Protestant. Theise three alyke are favoryd, and alyke blaymd. The furste and seconde favoryde becawse they are many, and wee, lovinge peax, dare not displease them. The thirde is also favoryd because wee, havinge some religion, feare to displease God in them. These three are also condempned. The Papist for that he is a traytor; the Atheist in that he is a Godlesse man; the Protestante because he is a presisyan. It semethe to me that reason shuld move that the 2 first ought not only to be mislyked (as they are), but, where a comon welth is well governed, from thence to be removed. But what reason have wee to be greved w^th that subjecte w^ch loveth God, & liveth the more presysely under his lawe, leaste he shuld offend his Lorde? This subjecte obeyethe in God's feare, when, where, & whome the Lorde comaundethe. The other 2, as they knowe no God, so they knowe no obedyence but under tyrrany; and yet I must say agayne, all these three alyke allowed and alyke blamed." * * * * * *

The writer proceeds to express a confident hope that all will go well during the Queen's lifetime, but thinks it needful to provide against the "day of sorrow" that must come. The precautions suggested are threefold: 1st, an association of the nobility and others for defence of the Gospel, and preservation of the State and the Queen's person. 2nd. The ordering of 100 gentlemen in the counties about London, each to have 10 horsemen in charge, armed and equipped, to be ready in case of peril; at the cost of 21,312l. yearly. The third and most important is as follows:—

"This realme hath a greate people dailye increassinge, w^ch are professors of the Gospell towards sincerity; and as they hate all heresyes and poperye, so they cannot be perswaded to beare lykinge of the Quene's proseedings in relygion, by reason that our churche here is not reformed. This people consist of all degrees, from the nobility to the lowest; and so whott is the desier of God's truthe in them, that they will not frame themselves to favor eny the lawes or ordinaunces sett forthe by the Quene, in God's matters, but suche as are voyde of all offence, and reformed according to sincerity. This people, as they doe not lyke the course of o^r church, so they doe & will practyse assemblies of brethren, in all partes of this realme, & have theire owne churches in companies, contrary to the procedings, w^ch will & may offend Her Ma^tie; and yett not to be punished for the same, because they are the Quene's owne bowells, her dearest subjects, the servants of God, and suche as doe tread the straighte pathe of the Lorde to salvacion. So that eyther the churche of Englonde must be framed to theire appetyte, or els they must be suffred, w^th out blame, to proseede as they beginne.

"And more; three causes dothe generally discompfort the harts of all the good and best subjects of this realme. The one because the sincerity (as is saide) of the gospell is not of the State directly favouryd. The other for that wee have no longer hope of countennance in this good entraunce towards sinceritie w^ch wee have and doe enjoy under the Quene's governemente, than while the same Quene shall live amongst us. The laste because that, as the country of Irelonde might beare a people to God's glorie and Englond's surety, by oure fault the same, not arighte governed, will provoke God againste us. So that that earthe shall receive a people to laye his wrathe upon us. So easye is it to be donne, when a man of warre shall enter into the consideracion of o^r State, & that advantage.

Therefore three waies I sett downe to satisfy those grieffs, and relive this people. The furst to lycence suche and so many of this people as wyll [to] departe the realme; and for mayntenance, elswhere livinge, to enjoye theire owne lyvelihood & goods as at home. Or els, secondly, to dwell here as they doe, suffred to congregate in companyes together, and to have theire owne churches. Thirdly and laste, to bestowe upon them a porcion of the countrye of Irelond to inherite; and there, as conserninge religion, to live accordinge to the reformacion of the best churches.

These 3 notes thus I favor, and briefly do show my reason. The furste and seconde are not to be graunted. The furste because that suche & so many of this people may departe the realme, that howe moche they are in armes & faithful obedience, as true subjects, to stand the Quene and realme in steede, so moche shall the Quene & realme by theire want be weakoned.

The seconde, by reason that as one countrye is best governed by one Kinge or Quene, so the same & they bothe oughte to be directed by one course of lawe.

But of the thirde and laste, I am of another mynde; for if ever policyes be from Heaven favoryd, then those they are w^ch doe sett furthe God's glorie and contrys' advancement. So then this of Irelonde is the groundworcke of this note, w^ch will not only worcke the quyet of the Quene and State at home, but also bringe to the same the favour of God, not w^thout a greate defence that presently this realme of Englond shall receive, by the neighbourehod & obedience of suche a people. I will say no more but that so Godly & noble a journey shall fynde more enemyes then friends; such is the sleighte of Sathan when God's kingdome shynethe; but to the matter.

By a dealing, there maye be founde—Englishe gent. of religion & value to take this enterpryse in hand. They shall deliver this realme of all the presyse ministers & greatest parte of the people that folowe them, to the nomber of three thousand men, enter Irelond, inhabite the same, & there live under the Quene's subjectyon, (according to the faithe of good subjects and lawes of this realme, the churche's constitution only excepted). Because this Iryshe journey & suche lyke or (ere) nowe hathe ben dyvers tymes attempted, to the greate dishonour of Englond & hinderaunce of suche as have delte therein, therefore nowe in this note it ought to be the more regarded; and because the countrye of Ulster is the Irishe pece of most daunger to this State, by reason it borderethe uppon the Skott, the same is the soil in w^ch I wolde have this people planted.

Lett then Her Ma^tie call in all grants & patents there granted to Mr. Smithe & others, & disburse unto these gent.—pounds, graunting unto them the inheritance of so moche of the countrey as they, w^th theire force w^thin seven yeres, shalbe hable to recover and gett possession of. After w^ch seven yeres, the Quene shall have, for the same portion of money & countrye, to her and her successors, so moche yerely revenue as for the money she will disburse shall amount to the rate of tenne yeres' purchase; and Englishe land to that value bound for the performance thereof. And also, at theire furste entrance, discharged of all the bands of souldiors & other charges whatsoever, w^thin the said countrey of Ulster.

Whilst there was thus a disposition to dismiss from England to Ireland those who would not yield to the established forms of Church government, England itself became the retreat of the persecuted Protestants from other countries. Several papers in 1567 illustrate the mode of treatment of those Low Country Protestants who were thus driven to take refuge in England. A number of them landed in Southampton, where they desired to establish a colony; have a church with service, as in the time of Edward VI., sacraments, &c.; be allowed the exercise of their respective trades; have leave to keep their own servants and workpeople; export their own wares, paying small customs; and live at moderate rental, not heavier than charged to natives. The answers to these requests, which were made to the Mayor of Southampton, could not all be given by him, without reference to higher authority, but he opposed on local grounds, on account of injury to English workmen, the exercise by strangers of any trades except such as were unknown in the country; and notes in Sir Wm. Cecil's hand record the opposition of the higher powers to any serious infringement of uniformity in worship, or to any favour in the matter of customs. (fn. 65) The strangers next appealed to the Bishop of Winchester, urging that their motive in congregating in one place, rather than dispersing themselves where they could hire houses more easily, was their wish to have the preaching of the gospel continued. The final issue was that 20 families, with 10 servants in each household, should be permitted to settle in Southampton, on condition of their teaching their trades to a stipulated proportion of English apprentices. Also for seven years they were to be allowed to pay only half the usual customs of strangers, for goods made by them in and exported from Southampton. (fn. 66)

A similar difficulty transpired in 1568, with reference to the distressed French Protestants of Normandy, who took refuge in the island of Jersey and wished to make a settlement there. Amias Paulet, who was acting as lieutenant governor of Jersey for his father, Sir Hugh Paulet, wrote as follows to Sec. Cecil:— (fn. 67)

"It may pleas your Honour to be advertised that wheras certeyne mynysters of the worde of God yn the Duchye of Normandye, to the nombre of 17, are repayeryd hether of late, for theyr better assuraunce during this tyme of the troubles in Fraunce, as lykewise Mouns^r De Colombiers and Mouns^r de S^te Marie, menn of greate revenewe and no lesse credyt in Normandye, have sent hether theyr three sonnes, the Bayllyf of S^tSaulvers, with three or foure others of meaner estate, being also arryved here for lyke purpose, whose partycular names shall appeare unto yo^r Honour yn this Byll enclosed; like as they have prayed me to recommende them unto your Honour, and others my Lordes of the Councell, for your favor towardes them yn this extremyte, wherein they loke for no mercy at the handes of theyre adversaryes, and therwithall are for the more parte of such poore condycion as they may not convenyentlye seeke a farre refuge; so the baylyef and justyees of this isle, havinge consydered theyre symple estate, and that they are not of soche qualytie as are lyke or are of habylytie to procure hurte to this isle, do thinke that theyre abode here for a season sholde be benefyciall to the inhabytaunts, as well in the hyre of theyre houses, as in the sale and utteraunce of theyre corne and vyctualles, wherew^th God hath endowed them abundauntly; referring the resolucion hereof to your Honnors' better delyberacion, wherein y^t may pleas you to advertyse me of yo^r pleasure; as also touching suche others as maye happely repayer hether herafter, upon lyke occasion, in which behalf I am enfourmed that the Baron of Colonces, a man of good estate, but unfyt for the warres, yntendythe to be here very shortly."

Sir Hugh Paulet, the governor, however expressed his disapproval of the permanent reception of these strangers in Jersey, as a greater number would surely follow, the ministers and faithful in France being in great trouble and fear, and recommended that they should be passed over into England. (fn. 68)

A few papers relating to the Court of Wards are deserving of notice. On April 27, 1566, Sir Ant. Browne writes to the Earl of Leicester to beg his interest for the wardship of Mr. Luke of Bedfordshire, 14 years old, son of the late Nich. Luke, Baron of the Exchequer, whom he wishes to marry to his step-daughter, Jane Mordaunt. The bribe he offers is 200l. and all charges, for the wardship,"with reasonable portion during nonage;" or 700 marks if the allowance be 100l. a year. The ward's lands are thought to be worth 400 marks a year, and his whole income 500, but Sir Anthony begs that the wardship may be got at the Queen's hands as cheaply and speedily as possible. (fn. 69)

The Earl of Shrewsbury writes on June 20, 1572, that he has just heard of Lord Wharton's death, and that the Earl of Sussex has the wardship of his son; that his house and lands being near, he wants the boy in marriage for a daughter of his wife (the celebrated Bess of Hardwick), and will give as much as another for the marriage, if his lordship will part with the young gentleman. (fn. 70) This marriage did not however take place.

In March 1570, we find Ascolph Cleasby, a gentleman implicated in the Northern rebellion, reprieved and afterwards pardoned, simply because he had great influence with Lord Conyers' daughters and heirs, one of whom Lord Hunsdon wishes to obtain for his son Harry, in which project however he did not succeed. (fn. 71)

In Nov. 1570, occurs a curious series of papers (fn. 72) detailing the sums paid by the receiver of the Court of Wards for the maintenance, education, and other expenses of several young noblemen and gentlemen who were wards of the Crown, viz., Thos. Grey and Wm. Carr of Northumberland, James Baron Dunboyne; Edward Earl of Rutland; Edward Earl of Oxford; and Edward Lord Zouch. The following may serve as a specimen:—

"At Hampton Court, 1569.

The other books mentioned in these accounts are for the Earl of Rutland, a Geneva Bible and law books, not particularized; for the Earl of Oxford, a Geneva Bible, Chaucer, Plutarch's works in French, Tully's and Plato's works in folio, and other books not specified; for Lord Zouch, Tully's works in folio, a Geneva Bible, and Cæsar's Commentaries; and for Thos. Gray, a book called the "Well-spring of Science," price, 12d.

Amongst the miscellaneous papers occur subjects of very wide range; a few may be noted.

An order for Wm. Seres to have the sole printing for 10 years of all books of private prayers, to secure in private prayer that uniformity which the large number of primers and prayer books printed by any that chose throughout the realm had disturbed. (fn. 73)

An important record, calendared in a tabular form, on pp. 309–315, containing a full account of all payments made by Government, from October 1569 to July 1570, for Flanders, Ireland, Berwick, the Great Wardrobe, the Household, Ordnance, Ships, Office of Works, diet of prisoners in the Tower, fees, pensions, and annuities, garrisons, expenses of the Queen of Scots, repairs of castles, &c.

Under date May 1574, occur instructions, given to Henry Earl of Huntingdon, as President of the Council of the North, detailing in 45 articles the position and duties of the several officers, the fees to be allowed them, the fees of the Court, and the nature and extent of its jurisdiction. (fn. 74)

The wills in this volume are not numerous, but one is that of Wm. Roswell, Solicitor General; (fn. 75) the others of Hugh Pickering, of Cheshire, (fn. 76) of Edw. Browne, husbandman of Worcestershire, amusing in the details of articles of insignificant value, (fn. 77) and of a citizen of London, (fn. 78) Wm. Halthson.

There are three papers relating to mines; one to the alum and copperas mines in Kent (?) owned by Lord Mountjoy, in the working of which he details his long and grievous troubles, especially his being obliged to remove from Tunford to Brooke, to be nearer to them, but declares that if the Queen would take them into her own hands, she would relieve him from his miseries, find them worth 4,000l. a year, and be able to supply the realm with alum at four-fifths of the present price, to its benefit, and the annoyance of the Pope. (fn. 79) Also further papers,—many of a similar character being calendared in Mr. Lemon's first volume,—relative to the copper mines at Newlands, Cumberland, and their working by the Germans, under the auspices of Thos. Thurland, Master of the Savoy. (fn. 80)

A Frenchman records his erection by the Queen's permission, of two houses in Sussex, for manufacture of Normandy and Lorraine glass, and of one for crystal glass in London, by leave of the Lord Mayor and aldermen, using soda from Spain, that of London not being good. (fn. 81)

Among legal papers may be noted a device for enforcement of the penal statutes relating to usury, tillage, apparel, engrossers of corn, unlawful retainers, non-residence and pluralities, unlawful games, horses, &c. (fn. 82) and also a suggested Act for repression of common promoters. (fn. 83)

A curious paper, (fn. 84) written in 1569, contains detailed and minute suggestions for reviving the use of arquebuses as weapons; for their provision, safe keeping, for learning the use of them, and for constant practice therewith; excellence to be rewarded by prizes, &c., and the use of prohibited games guarded against, in favour of exercise of the arquebus and long bow.

For further notices, reference must be made to the index of the Calendar. The concluding volume of this series, already in press, will bring the Addenda down to 1625, the end of the reign of James I.

100, Gower Street, M.A.E.G.

May 18, 1871.