Preface

PREFACE.

One series of letters in the present volume demands a special notice. It is the correspondence of Thos. Ross or Rowe, consisting chiefly of letters addressed by him to Sec. Nicholas. The earlier letters make an allusion to a cypher to be arranged between the two (pp. 69, 79). The following letters use this cypher more or less, and not only are many words in cypher, but the general tone of the letters is a disguise, and they are made to resemble as nearly as possible letters on business matters. The names of political persons and parties are veiled under names of gentlemen, and the important persons generally have three or more pseudonyms, thus:—

Charles II. is Cannon, Creeke, Mrs. Brogden, Hall, or Valentine.

Cromwell,—Dobson, Jackson, Norton, or Pope.

Adm. Blake,—Gourden.

Council of State,—Mrs. Moody.

Levellers,—silkmen or farmers.

The army,—Mrs. Mattersey.

Arms,—lutestrings.

Foot,—dowlas.

Horses,—stuffs, boxes of marmalade, or pairs of shoes.

The fleet,—Sugden.

London,—Layton.

Gloucester,—Westminster.

Chepstow Castle,—Uxbridge.

Defensive arms,—pots of Jesmin.

A declaration,—a lease of ejection.

Hundreds of pounds,—grains of musk.

Letters,—stockings.

To levy men,—to fell timber.

Men,—pounds or tuns of wine.

A port,—a deed of gift.

A pound,—men or pigs of lead.

Presbyterians,—clothiers or dyers.

Royalists,—registers or retailers.

On account of this form of cypher, some of the letters, when decyphered, hardly read intelligibly (pp. 166, 196, 237, 244, 263, 339, 372, 394). We require to keep in mind continually that the commercial phraseology is but a veil for political intelligence. This remark applies still more to the letters addressed to Ross by his correspondents in England; these were more carefully worded as being more liable to interception than his own, which are usually dated from Paris.

In some cases these letters have been wholly or partially decyphered by Nicholas, in others not at all; but a key to the cypher fortunately exists in the collection of cypher keys in the Public Record Office, vol. vi. p. 42. It is not entirely complete, but the blanks are supplied by Nicholas' decyphers, and by the remarks upon the cypher in the letters themselves.

Another set of cypher letters is the correspondence between Sec. Nicholas and his son-in-law, Jos. Jane, at the Hague. This is a case of ordinary figure cypher. No key to it is known to exist, but the letters have been for the most part decyphered by means of a key formed from the interlineations of Jane in some of the letters. Occasionally a name occurs which has not been interlined in any letter, and therefore has to be left to conjecture. The plan of the cypher being quite regular, it is always possible to know what the initial of the missing word is likely to be (p. 159).

It is from these and other letters addressed to Sec. Nicholas that most of our information relative to the Royalists is gathered, as well as much relative to the foreign and domestic proceedings of Cromwell.

The Protector's home policy was gradually becoming more and more stringent. His chief counsellors were St. John, Thurloe, who had formerly been St. John's secretary; Lawrence, president of the Council; and Fiennes, who was brought in by him (p. 80). An ordinance lately passed prohibiting ejected ministers from acting as chaplains or schoolmasters in families, or from preaching anywhere, was felt as a peculiar hardship (p. 28).

Cromwell was keenly alive to his own unpopularity, and took precautions accordingly. He had a system of intelligence both at home and abroad so perfect that the Royalists were in consternation, time after time, to find that their most secret designs were known. To counteract the plots continually hatching against his life, he increased his life guard. That appointed for him in February 1656 was at a total cost of 14,089l. a-year, being well nigh double the previous charge (pp. 18, 192), and the pay assigned alike to officers and soldiers was enormous, considering that money was about 4½ times its present value. The captain had 28s. a-day, other officers in proportion, and each of the 160 soldiers 4s. a-day (p. 203). To meet this charge, without increasing the cost of the army establishment, the troops in the horse regiments were reduced from 50 to 48 (pp. 249, 326). The soldiers of the guard were exempt from ordinary jurisdiction. A bailiff who had arrested one of them was himself taken into custody by order of Council (pp. 317, 337, 582), and a citizen of London who arrested another, was required to give an account of his conduct to Strickland, who was captain of the guard (p. 370).

A Royalist officer, writing on January 10, 1656, says:—

"I hear from England that, while others enjoyed their Christmas with mirth and freedom, Cromwell doubled his guards of horse and foot, on either real or pretended fears of the Anabaptists, who have been active and bold in feeling the pulse of several officers of the army. Some say, (but it is thought a fable), that they have lately tampered with his barber to make short work with him, but they certainly hope to destroy him by prayer, which (as they say) was the way they raised him. Simpson, with one or two other fierce Levites and a cornet of Harrison's regiment, are made prisoners on this account.

"Ludlow, after his close imprisonment at Beaumaris, was brought before Council on the charge of not acknowledging the present power; he refuses to give bond to be faithful to it, yet he is set at liberty, and has leave to go about the country, to ensnare him (as is believed). When Cromwell, lest he should disturb him during his absence in Scotland, made him Lieutenant-General of the Irish horse, a friend called to congratulate him, when his reply was that 'he must needs go whom the devil drives;' so you see the jealousy between them.

"The poor orthodox clergy have passed a Sunday in silence; the old Bishop of Armagh has been with Cromwell, but to little purpose, though he had some court holy-water, a dinner, and a confirmation of church leases in Ireland" (p. 109).

The majority of the army officers however still remained faithful to the Protector, and held a meeting at Whitehall, at which the idea of an hereditary Protectorate was broached and met with approval. This and other points of legislation were discussed and virtually settled, and then it was proposed to call a Parliament for the sake of formal approval of what was already done (p. 209). Such was Parliamentary rule under the so-called Commonwealth!

The King's party in England suffered severely under the decimation tax, and "panic fear" "entered the most generous breasts." The oath to be imposed would destroy them, it was said, like a massacre. The authorities were very severe in exacting the tenths, "and every gentleman must give in the number of his servants and security for their deportment, so that all show of liberty is lost. I pray," adds the writer, "that the sense and memory of it be not lost too, if they be long used to the burden" (p. 69).

Another Royalist writer says: "I hope our friends in England, being now under the lash, are so sensible of the smart that they will do their duty" (p. 79). On the other hand, one of the instruments of these decimation proceedings, Col. Rowland Dawkins, writing to the Protector from Swansea, says: "The effects of our work are very observable; our enemies are much terrified, our friends encouraged, peace secured, and wickedness suppressed. Though the dealing is severe, the people of this country think it necessary; just indulgence has but hardened them in their malignity, and but for our proceedings, the good interest had been overtopped by the royal and worldly" (p. 265).

About the same time Sec. Nicholas writes:—

"We hear of 3 more gentlemen imprisoned in England, on some intelligence from the miscreant Manning. Cromwell finds opposition in the counties in settling taxes for raising money to maintain forces, for the peace of the country, as he pretends. Sir John Mounson, at a late meeting in Lincoln thereon, told Whalley, major-general of that shire, that he had compounded formerly at a dear rate, that the Act of Oblivion freed him, and that having ever since his composition submitted to the Government, he conceives it very unjust to demand anything from him, and that he would pay no more taxes. Thereupon he rose, and the rest of the gentlemen followed, but a troop of horse was sent after Mounson, and he was carried prisoner to his own house.

"The deputies or majors in all counties proceed with rigour in assessing all compounders, and others not actually in Cromwell's service or favour" (p. 303).

"Several persons are now sequestrated for being in the late King's garrisons in time of war, though they only lived there because their estates were there, and never acted; but nothing will satisfy the Majors General, whose wills are laws in the country. I am very sorry for the sufferings of these neuters" (p. 210).

And again, a few months later,—

"There are great distempers now among the great ones that rule in England, and Cromwell is more full of jealousies than ever. Lambert is the army's darling and the only person courted; he has acted more these three weeks than in all his time before. He is daily in Council, and carries all before him; he has chosen all the new life-guard, who are absolutely his creatures. Col. Lockier [Wm. Lockhart] who married a kinsman of Cromwell, goes ambassador to France, but with him Lambert sends his secretary, a subtle villain. The rebels are still in great want of money, and Cromwell intends, by his Majors General, to make the rich citizens pay him good sums. Many gentlemen are leaving London, choosing rather to fall into the hands of the country Majors-General than into those appointed for London and Middlesex. People that never thought of going beyond seas are now meditating how to get out of England speedily" (p. 236).

His correspondent, replying from Paris, writes thus:—

"I cannot tell what to say as to your writing that Lambert is the darling of the army. It is true that he is the only active person in England, and the man used by the Protector formerly to cajole the army, so that I hear that the army are not well pleased with him" (p. 265).

The Royalists who were driven out of their country retired for the most part to Flanders, where a plot was hatched, including amongst its favourers several discontented Parliamentarians, who craved the King's distinct approbation of their scheme, and the assurance that the past would be forgiven in favour of their present loyalty (pp. 133, 155). The leading features of the plot were to surprise Gloucester and Bristol, and then effect a rising, to start which 6,000 men were promised (pp. 329, 344).

It was hoped that Charles II. would receive an invitation to remove to Flanders; Antwerp was at first spoken of (p. 196), but the invitation was tardy in its arrival. Sec. Nicholas writes from Cologne, on 23 November 1665,—

"Many of our friends would have the King go to Flanders without invitation, and negotiate his own business with the Archduke and the King of Spain's ministers. Some are so earnest that they would not have him wait till he knows that his presence there would not be unacceptable, which is a strange precipitation, and might beget distrust in a people that love to walk with a slow pace in affairs of consequence. If the King hastens into Flanders before he is expected, it may so disorder the ministers that they may advise him to withdraw, or it may make Cromwell the sooner patch up a peace with Spain, with the same conditions for excluding the King and his family out of all his dominions as the King of France has consented to, and what then would become of his Majesty? Keep all this to yourself, and let me have your opinion on it" (p. 31).

The following February he writes, still from Cologne:—

"We expect by the next post an invitation from Flanders for the King's going thither, and Hyde is so full of belief of it as he is earnest with me that I should prepare to go with him on Monday next from here; but till I see that the King is invited, I shall not be so hasty; if the King shall command me to [go] when the first company doth, I shall leave my wife and family here till I see where the King will settle, and Ned, who is lame with the gout, shall stay with his mother. If the King when in Flanders makes a conjunction with Spain, and settles in those parts, consider whether you had not best remove thither" (p. 191; the italics are in cypher).

The hopes of the English Royalists were concentrating upon a breach between Cromwell and Spain (p. 32); this might lead to an alliance between Spain and Charles II., which would unite their efforts against the common foe. Charles offered great service to Spain by sea and land, if that King would allow him the free use of Dunkirk and Ostend. Charles expected much from the loyalty of the English fleet, if only they had ports to which they could securely resort, and from those ports troops could be conveniently landed in England. The Admiral of Ostend promised the King 3 ships, and Charles proposed to live near Dunkirk (p. 32).

If Royalist authorities are to be credited, the discontent was general in the English fleet. In a confidential letter written 4 March, 1655–6, Sec. Nicholas says:—

"The fleet in the Downs is very mutinous. Blake and Montague were sent by Cromwell to pacify the seamen, who are angry because Lawson is not Vice-admiral. Cromwell took his commission from him, suspecting him to have had a hand in last year's mutiny. Badiley takes his place, but is not so well beloved as the other. The discontent among seamen is so general that, if they had known they would have security in the King of Spain's ports, by his having made a fast conjunction with our King, many, nay most of the fleet would have abandoned Cromwell, who is said to be most odious among the seamen" (p. 209).

The Royalists took means to foster this discontent (p. 237). One outcome of it was great reluctance on the part of seamen to accept service in the fleet. The agents employed to press them are constantly reporting the extreme difficulty they find to obtain men (pp. 160).

From Plymouth, Yarmouth, Aldborough, and Southwold, came complaints not only that the men ran away from the press, but that the bailiffs, constables, &c., refused to give the press-masters vigorous assistance, and practically connived at the escape of sailors (pp. 157–8, 163, 169, 173, 215).

Major Burton writes from Yarmouth:—

"Southwold was beset by Col. Brewster's troop, but the officers of the town were so base that they could not get a man; as fast as our people searched one part of the town, they got into the other, although they searched with candles. I am sending warrants to the constables in the hundreds to apprehend the seamen who were pressed, and have run away with the State's money, as also to impress others, but the seamen are so afraid of being sent to the West Indies that they say they would as soon be hanged. I never saw men so hard to be obtained in my life" (p. 160).

Another reason of the unpopularity of sea service was the prevalence of piracy, and the frequency of captures of ships.

The unsettled state of affairs between England and Spain was productive of very disastrous results at sea. An order was given for seizure of all Spanish ships in English harbours, and letters of marque were frequently issued to sufferers from the Spaniards (pp. 17, 250, 301, 388). Some time elapsed before a formal order was issued to seize English ships in Flanders (pp. 31, 50, &c.), yet the Dunkirkers and Ostenders were cruising about in all directions at sea. Not only these, but ships set out by privateers, with commissions from Charles II., and James Duke of York, as Lord Admiral, manned partially at least by Englishmen, inflicted great damage on all vessels that were heedless enough to venture without convoy (pp. 281, 298, 304, 343–4, &c.). A proclamation was issued ordering that no quarter be given to Englishmen taken on board such vessels, as they had already been summoned to return home (p. 293).

Petitions for the grant of convoys, and complaints of the mischiefs accruing from their paucity and the difficulty of obtaining them, are very frequent (pp. 203, 210–1, 229, 239–40, 264, &c.)

Whether there would actually be a declaration of war between England and Spain was for some time matter of doubt. In November 1655, it was said that Spain still hankered after an accommodation, and that an envoy from Cromwell had arrived at Madrid, but that the King held back, in hopes that the Levellers would fulfil the promise they had made to kill the obnoxious Protector, and then "he would easily make peace with England, though it were a Republic, as probably it would be if that monster were in his grave" (p. 31). In December it was still surmised that Cromwell would "patch up a trade-peace" (p. 68). Things took a turn, however, with the new year, and on 1 February we are told that the King of Spain is resolved to arm all he can against Cromwell. The point on which conciliation had become impossible was that Cromwell demanded free trade in the West Indies, and some ports there to secure that commerce "which the King of Spain will rather hazard his crown than yield to" (pp. 159–60).

His apprehensions of Cromwell's designs were strengthened by an evidence of design to plant West Indian colonies, as 2,000 young women were sent over thither. "An excellent expedient," writes Nicholas,

"to pay the godly women for their silver thimbles and bodkins, lent the rebellious State at the beginning of the rebellion, for in those Indies, they may have wedges and ingots of silver, to make thimbles and bodkins for all the holy sisters in England" (p. 210).

The previous volume of this Calendar notes Cromwell's capture of Jamaica, and the preparation of another fleet for the West Indies. This volume records the preparation of two fleets; one was to be under Vice-Admiral Lawson, who was to command the "Resolution," but he was superseded; either he refused to go because he was required to act under sealed orders for greater secrecy, and was not allowed to know the object of the expedition (pp. 135, 141, 197), or Cromwell took his commission from him. Both statements are made by Royalist authorities (p. 209). Vice-Admiral Rich. Badiley was appointed in his place, but was not nearly so popular among the seamen.

The other fleet was to be under Generals Blake and Montague, to go to the Straits (p. 110). Its equipment and manning were strenuously cared for, and an embargo was laid on other ships, at the time of its departure, that sailors might be obtained with less difficulty (pp. 187, 191, 195). On 29 February 1656, we hear that "our terrible fleet of 40 ships is nearly ready, but wants men, and money will not be had on any condition" (p. 206). The lack of men was supplied by putting soldiers on board, in the proportion of one to five of the seamen (pp. 65, 119), and in March the ships were fairly started, sailing from Torbay (p. 513). On April 2 three provision ships were sent after them to Lisbon, and on 9 April their arrival at the Southward Cape is recorded.

Their first object seems to have been to intercept the Spanish West India ships. In this they were only partially successful, as they record the arrival of 4 West India ships in Spain, and the departure of 28 Spanish sail, whereof 3 were men of war, to the West Indies (pp. 529, 534).

Their second object was to bring the King of Portugal to a decision as to the part that he would take in the impending contest between England and Spain. The articles first tendered to him were liberty of religion to English merchants there resident; leave to victual in his ports; and the payment of 20,000l. which was promised for damages done by the Portuguese to English merchants. These requests were at first flatly refused. Cromwell, in his anxiety to secure access to the ports of Portugal, in his approaching contest with Spain, consented to waive the article about religion, and early in March, sent Phil. Meadows over as envoy (p. 236, 503, 504). A more powerful argument than any that Meadows could use however was the arrival, in the neighbourhood, of the English fleet. In May we hear that Blake is ordered to attend the return of the Portugal fleet from Brazil, and threaten the intercepting of it and the appropriating of its treasures (p. 333). A correspondent on one of the ships writes thus:

"Those in the fleet regret being idle. When we left England we expected to have done great things, and should have done but for slackness and false intelligence. The Spaniard keeps his fleet in, is strengthening his garrisons, and does not intend making any attempts upon us, but merely try to weary us out, and we, with our present strength, are not able to molest him. We are too self-conceited and selfish. Men are troubled for want of prizes, but not that the work of God does not go on, and that we do no service against our enemy, one of the main supporters of the whore of Babylon. England's glory must be performed by England's self-denial.

"The Portugal begins to be very jealous of us, and is afraid of his Brazil fleet, which is expected home in six weeks. He has denied the building of an English church in Lisbon, as the Pope and Jesuits will not consent, and no men are allowed to go further on shore than the watering place. The fleet is in good condition, and men healthy. We are expecting ships from Holland, laden with munition, and 2 great Holland merchantmen are stayed on suspicion.

"The English fleet is much troubled by 3 gallies that come out of Cadiz every morning in calm weather, and as they keep beyond the guns' range, there has been a great waste of powder and shot on them, without anything being done" (p. 313).

On June 16, the same correspondent writes from Cascaes Roads:

"The fleet arrived here on the 5th inst., and forced a conclusion of the 5 years' work already spent, which would have taken 5 more in shuffling, had we not come and lain between the Brazils fleet and home. The Colchester went to Lisbon, and received the 50,000l. ordered to be paid on the agreement, and it has since been shipped in the Sapphire and Phœnix for England. The Rear-Admiral with his squadron were also sent for from Cadiz here. The Spanish business does not look handsomely, but I conceive our designs will take effect, and be greatly for the honour of the nation. We hear 4 Hollanders got into Cadiz with anchors, cables, powder, and shot, while the Rear-Admiral was watering at Tanzy [Tangiers?]. I think Cadiz, with the Spanish Armada lying unrigged, is worth the sending over 8,000 or 10,000 men, as, if Cadiz should not be taken, yet the beleaguring of it, while we are destroying the Armada, would save a deal of charge, by keeping less ships upon that coast, and the Spaniard would be wholly undone, and we should thus be able, with less danger, to possess and keep any place we have a mind to for the future upon his sea coast.

"P.S.—The Generals, hearing that the man-of-war which took the Cullen was gone into Vigo with her prize, have sent the Fairfax with 5 others, either to bring her away or burn her" (p. 373).

This ends the information on the subject afforded in the present volume.

Several points of home legislation deserve notice. Col. Edm. Harvey, one of the Commissioners of Customs, and Capt. Langham, their cashier general, being suspected of fraud in the discharge of their important duties, were suspended and committed, Harvey to the Tower, and Langham to the custody of the Serjeant-at-Arms (pp. 8, 9). A committee appointed to examine the whole accounts reported that the smallness of the cashier's salary—only 100l. a year—had subjected him to undue temptation (pp. 16, 19).

Harvey fell ill under the strain of his confinement and its attendant anxieties; physicians were sent to the Tower to examine him and, on their report, he was allowed in December to go to his house at Fulham for a month, on security to the Lieutenant of the Tower to give himself up to custody at the month's end (p. 76). This security was first fixed at the enormous sum of 20,000l., equal to more than 80,000l. of our present money (p. 78), but it was afterwards reduced to 10,000l. (p. 92). Process was issued from the Exchequer on his estate, both real and personal, for payment of the moneys due for Customs (pp. 119, 137), and on that account he was allowed the liberty needed to pursue his affairs (p. 129). Shortly after, his leave of absence from the Tower was renewed, and he finally obtained his discharge (p. 169).

As it was found necessary that Langham, being cashier, should from time to time be present at the examination of the accounts, he was liberated on bail, in such sums as the Committee for Preservation of Customs should decide upon (pp. 242–3).

In spite of the repeated requests of Harvey and of Judith his wife, for dispatch, the enquiries were long and tedious (pp. 55, 71, 99, 164). The issue was that the Commissioners, viz., Harvey, Ald. Rob. Tichborne, Mark Hildesley, and the late Dan. Taylor, were brought in debtors to the amount of nearly 50,000l., and this sum was rigorously demanded (pp. 38, 273). They pleaded for delay, and revision, the accounts being long, and complicated by the cashier, and obtained first a week, and then a fortnight's delay (pp. 286, 295).

Meantime the Navy Treasurer, Hutchinson, requested the appointment of a committee to enquire into an unjust demand of Harvey for sums that were never paid to Hutchinson, that the guilty might be proceeded against; the case was referred to the Committee on Public Money (p. 292), and the Customs' Commissioners were finally brought in debtors only to the amount of 23,000l. Of this part fell to the share of the estate of the late Dan. Taylor, one of the Commissioners, whose heir being under age, there was difficulty in raising his proportion. They were prepared to pay in 13,000l., but they begged a respite for the remaining 10,000l., on the plea of the improvement of Customs whilst in their hands— the interception of trade with Holland and Portugal, and the prohibition of French commodities notwithstanding— and also of the obligation laid on them to make good all losses sustained through the collectors of out-ports, which had been allowed to their predecessors (p. 328). Finally an arrangement by which they proposed to pay 22,000l. within 18 months was accepted, but reducing the time to 12 months (pp. 352–3).

A fresh contract was entered into with other Commissioners for the management of the Customs, but the particulars of it transpire only partially (p. 232). Cromwell himself guarded the provisoes, so as to make not only the superior officers, but the inferior, dependent on himself for their appointments and retention in office (p. 241, 245).

The proceeds of the Excise and Customs having been set apart for the use of the navy, it was ordered that the Commissioners should pay them weekly to the Navy Treasurer, drawing up weekly accounts. Many of these are still preserved, and will appear in a series in the calendar for December 1656 (pp. 259, 282).

An offer was made by three merchants, whose long trading had given them experience in matters relating to Customs, to take the supervision of this branch of the revenue, which they expected to raise 100,000l. a year, and their demand was only 2s. a pound on any advance above 50,000l. It was deemed expedient that they should have the oversight of the subordinate officers, for discovery of fraud or neglect in the management of exports and imports, and a patent was granted them accordingly (pp. 41-2, 64).

Another point of interest in home legislation was the treatment of the Jews, relative to their free admission to trade in England. Manasseh Ben-Israel published a book, which he presented to Council, in favour of the legality of their admission. Their requests were for personal security, freedom of worship, private cemeteries, permission to trade freely, appointment of an officer to whom they should take the oath of fidelity, and leave to reconcile their own differences among themselves, without appeal to civil law. Also a general revocation of former edicts against Jews.

These proposals met with strong opposition; it was urged that they would seduce the English to Judaism, would injure trade, and that the Jews would set a bad example by their practices in regard to marriage and divorce, and their laxity as to the observance of oaths to Christians. It was represented that they ought not to be allowed to speak, act, or write, to the disparagement of Christianity, to keep Christian servants, or to hold any office of trust, and that severe penalties should be inflicted on any persons apostatizing to Judaism (pp. 15-6).

A large committee of 28 persons, representing the interests of religion, law, and trade, was appointed to meet with the Committee of Council to which the petition of the Jews had been referred (p. 23), to consult as to granting them some concessions, but the strong religious prejudices of the people took alarm at the idea of the proposed toleration. A captain and Navy Commissioner writes: "I observe the great business of the Jews is under consideration. I hope the Lord will direct in a matter of such concernment. If the first question should be passed in the affirmative—whether a Jewish nation shall be admitted to live in this Commonwealth— I hope the next will be whether a nation shall be suffered by a law to live amongst us to blaspheme Christ" (p. 51). A few days later he thanks his correspondent for his large letter about the Jews, "by which I perceive there are workings of the heart to know God's mind in a business of such consequence. I hope it is in truth, and that the Lord will appear, so as that their table may not prove our snare. I see cause to fall in with Mr. Peters again, especially with the latter part of his discourse, for there may be just grounds to question whether they be Jews, and it may be observed that some of them have made but little conscience of their own principles" (p. 58).

This was in December 1655. By the following March, though far from having obtained all their requests, they had made some progress. They had obtained leave to meet in their private houses for devotion, and by the agency of Manasseh Ben Israel, they renewed their desire for a written protection, and for licence to have their own cemetery out of town (p. 237).

An incidental notice of Ben Israel occurs in reference to a polyglot edition of the Bible, concerning which there are several letters addressed to Williamson, who was one of the subscribers (pp. 286, 339, 366).

H. Thorndike writes that the late Lord Primate, Archbishop Laud, made him consult Ben Israel about the original of the Masora, "which (as he had read) contained the bulk of a Bible, carefully prepared in some of their synagogues, and he offered to pay for it, if it could be procured, so as to ascertain the reading of their Bible; but either skill or will to pleasure Christians was wanting, for I could not persuade him to comply. If it had been obtained, it could not have come into this edition, but somewhat might have been found about the value of the original" (p. 366).

The letters addressed to Williamson, afterwards secretary to Charles II., give us some insight into the literary life of the times. Williamson was a fellow of Queen's College, Oxford, and a collector of books, and therefore in his correspondence we have a sprinkling of college news and gossip about books. Moreover Williamson became travelling tutor to four youths, sons of Mr. Brome Whorwood, of Sandwell, co. Stafford, of Sir Fras. Norris, of Sir John Lowther, and of Lady Lowther by a former marriage. In the fond anxieties of the parents, and the erratic tendencies of the sons, we have a specimen of the "old and young England" of the 17th century. Sir Francis Norris writes to Williamson, then at Saumur in France:

"I hope Ned will make the best use of his time. Let him not want for anything fit for him. My wife sends her service. Our blessing to Ned" (p. 188).

"I hope Ned's good disposition continues, gentle dealing does best with him. There has been a sad accident by quarrels among friends. The place where you are is very dangerous; Ned should have some money in his purse, beside the 50l. that I shall send him. I hope he will give himself to reading, and learn to understand French" (p. 281).

Again, he writes:

"I send 60l.; 10l. is for Ned's own purse. I see your influence over him continues, and I hope there is no difference. I wish he were more in love with your reading to him. Mr. Whorwood speaks of his son's coming home if mine does, but we must understand each other's intentions.

"Do you discover an aptness in my son to the language? I should like him to write and read it. I enclose a letter to him from his mother; he will notice her motherly counsel; he is very dear to her. There must be clothes bought" (p. 298).

On June 18 he writes further:

"Mr. Whorwood only said he would send for his son when I sent for mine, but only that I love Ned's company, I think he is as well there; if he wishes to go further, I will not hinder. The route you speak of for Italy is somewhat dangerous, both by sea and land. Tell me what Ned desires; he will be much bettered by this going abroad. Do not let him have too much disputation about religion.

"We have hot weather. Ned should avoid violent excursions and strong wine. God preserve him from infection. Tell him his colt is a very fine one" (p. 378).

Sir John Lowther writes:

"I find from my son that my letters to him are missing; they commended improvement in his style and matter, and reproved some excess in expense; he must not exceed the allowance of a younger brother, but I find by cousin Northleigh that he is too much given to tennis. Tell me his faults that I may use my authority to cross them. Be circumspect of his carriage, and remove occasions of folly from him. I will send the salary, and if the fruits answer our hopes, I will be mindful of you. Can you receive a youth of 17, son of a special friend of mine, who is to be sent to France, and if so, at what allowance?" (p. 333).

And again:

"I suppose my wife's son has arrived with you. Have an eye over their actions, and prevent their errors. My son Richard cannot stay long, as I intend him for the common law, but he should get the language by reading authors and conversing. We go north to-day; write me of their progress in study" (p. 387).

Mr. Whorwood, sen., writes:

"I am troubled that you do not get my letters and remittances for Brome. I will consult with Sir Fras. Norris about your intended motion with your charge, which I like. I am sorry they make so slow progress with their French, but better creep than stand still; do all you can to promote it. Tell Brome I am sorry he is such a blockhead, pleasing himself rather than me" (p. 372).

Several entries occur in this volume relating to the foundation of a college in the city of Durham. It originated in a petition of the mayor, aldermen, and inhabitants of the city, and of the justices, sheriffs, grand jury, and gentlemen of the county, for the foundation of a college for religious education, the houses of the late dean and prebends to be settled on trustees, and the funds given to the college, as also the rental of Wickham and Gateside manors, formerly belonging to the bishop (pp. 140, 156).

A committee of 5 members of Council was appointed to consider of persons fit to draw up regulations for it (p. 213), and they returned a list of 26 persons, 9 of whom were members of Council, 3 law officers, several ministers, and others gentlemen of Durham and Newcastle, who were to meet at Whitehall for the purpose (pp. 218, 288, 297, 325). To forward the undertaking, letters were addressed by Council to 14 gentlemen of Durham, Darlington, Newcastle, and York, requesting their subscriptions in its behalf, "considering the advantage to the gentry round of its speedy erection" (p. 262).

We find several notices of the seizure of books, both on moral and political grounds, e.g.:

"Sportive Wit; or, the Muses' Merriment," as being scurrilous and profane (pp. 288, 298).

" Choice Drollery, Songs and Sonnets," on the same ground, delivered to the Sheriffs of London to be burnt (p. 314). Likewise Ex otio negotium; or, Martial's Epigrams translated, as tending to the corruption of manners (p. 325).

Certain books not named were also seized as "reflexive upon the present Government" (p. 308).

We have an account of the performance, in May 1656, of Sir Wm. Davenant's opera, afterwards printed under the title of "An Entertainment at Rutland House," but here called "The Entertainment by Music and Declarations, after the Manner of the Ancients" (p. 396).

Also notice of a Council order, granted at request of Gen. Montague, that the "monument money at Westminster should be appropriated in reversion to the maintenance of 5 masters of music" (p. 204). One of these, Thos. Ball, a Royalist, was allowed to remain in London and Westminster, and teach music, the late Proclamation notwithstanding (p. 63).

The period embraced by the present volume is only eight months, owing to the number of original papers preserved, which are more abundant in 1656 than in the years immediately before or afterwards.

M. A. E. G.

100, Gower-street, 17th November 1882.