Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 1, 1558-1559. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1863.
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|A.D. 1558. Nov. 17.||1. Cecil's Memoranda.|
|R. O. Strype's Annals, 1.5.||"Memorial" of matters to be considered, among which occur the following, with reference to foreign affairs:—|
|1. "To make a stay of passages to all the ports until a certain day, and to consider the safety of all places dangerous in this realm towards France and Scotland, specially in this change."|
|2. "To send special messengers to the Pope, Emperor, the Kings of Spain, Denmark. To Venice.|
3. "To send new commissions to the Earl of Arundel and
Bishop of Ely."
Cecil's hol. Endd. by him: Memorial, 17 Nov. anno primo Elizabethæ, 1558. Pp. 2.
B.M. Titus C. x. 77 b.
|2. Another copy of the above. "The first paper or memorial of Sir Wm. Cecil, 1 Eliz., out of the original in Mr. Secretary Cecil's hand, 17 Nov. 1558."|
|[Nov. 17.]||3. Cecil's Memoranda.|
|B.M. Cal. E. V. 49 c.||
Memoranda of business to be transacted upon various
matters, domestic and foreign; "to send messengers to the
Emperor, Sir William Pickering, Sir (blank) Wotton; to the
King of Spain, Sir Peter Carew, Lord Robert Dudley; to
the King of Denmark, Sir Thomas Ch . . .; to send
new commissions to the Earl of Arundel and Bishop of Ely;
to make a continuance of the term with new Commissioners.
Cecil's hol., damaged by fire, p. 1.
|Nov. 17.||4. The English Commissioners to King Philip.|
|R. O.||On the 12th instant, at 2 o'clock p.m., the Bishop of Ely being at Cercamp, received letters from the Council, which he communicated to his colleagues. These he now forwards to the King. The delay which has attended their transmission arises from the wish of the Commissioners to discuss the matter before writing to him, which they could not do before the 16th instant. Have already informed his coun cillors at some length of the occurrences which have taken place, but add the particulars following:—|
|The French orators will not consent to the restitution of Calais, and one of them has boasted in private that sooner than do so the King of France would lose his crown. The Commissioners believe that in this matter the French are in earnest, and consequently submit to His Majesty's consideration certain disadvantages which would result to England and Flanders if this were permitted, the more especially as the war in which Calais was lost was undertaken for his advantage. To this they ask a precise reply; until the arrival of which they will refrain from bringing the subject before the consideration of Parliament.|
They intended having gone to Brussels to discuss this
question with him, but they have now abandoned this idea,
in consequence of the delay which it would occasion The
Bishop of Ely will return to Cercamp, but the other Commissioners will remain at Arras.—Arras, 17 Nov. 1558.
Copy. Endd.: M. 17 Nov. 1558. The Lords Commissioners letter to the King. Lat., pp. 3.
|Nov. 18.||5. Cecil's Memoranda.|
|R. O.||Memorial of things to be done:—|
|"Matters public, private."|
|1. "The commission for treaty in France; Earl of Arundel, Bishop of Ely."|
|2. "The borders of Scotland."|
|3. "Lord Cobham; King of Spain." (fn. 1)|
|4. "Thomas Gresham's matters. Bonds."|
|5. "Garter. Removing of the King to Ferdinando's room. To send to the Emperor. To the King of Denmark and Sweden."|
|6. "Mr. Challoner's despatch."|
|7. "Mr. Challoner's patent to princes."|
8. "Alonzo de Corduva, passport, Lord Admiral, Conte
Cecil's hol. Endd. by him: Memorial, 18 Nov. 1558, at the entry of the Queen to the crown.
|Nov. 18.||6. The English Commissioners to the Privy Council.|
|R. O.||By Francisco Thomas, the post, have received their letters of the 29th ult. and 4th inst., with others directed to the King, upon the receipt of which they met together and determined to open to the King the matters whereof their Lordships had written to them. The King is at Brussels. Forward the copy of their letters to him.|
|The French Commissioners in their conference with them and with the King's Commissioners have ever refused to consent to the restitution of Calais, and have declared to one of the King's Commissioners "that the French King for to hazard his crown will not forego Calais." Though the writers somewhat mistrusted this, yet in their previous letters they did not affirm it to be so; no, nor did they utterly despair but that the French would at the length relent. The writers have been ever of opinion that if the French perceive the King not so earnest for the restitution of Calais, that will make them the bolder and to stand the more earnestly to their refusal; they have therefore not used any kind of words to the King to make him think that the Queen of this realm would be content to conclude a peace without restitution of Calais. The King having ever said that he would conclude nothing without the Queen be first satisfied, it seemed to them that if she and the Council stood earnestly in the restitution of Calais, the French must either forsake it or the peace. "And in case this occasion to redemand Calais be now forslowne, God knoweth whenever England shall have the like again."|
|That all others should have restitution of their own and poor England, that began not the fray, bear the burthen and the loss for the rest, and specially of such a jewel as Calais is, will seem very hard and strange to all the realm. They think not only that the loss of Calais would not purchase a sure peace to all Christendom, but rather that its retention would show that the French intend no peace to continue, specially with England. The Council right well understands what advantage the French have to annoy them by Scotland, which now is ruled much by France; wherein if peace be made, they shall have good leisure so to establish their matters, that it shall be every whit as much at their commandment as France is. What the French pretend by the marriage of the Dauphin with the Queen of Scots is not unknown. If Calais remain in the hands of the French, then shall England neither have the commodity to offend their enemies nor to succour their friends, nor to receive succour from them at their need; and shall thus in a manner be excluded from knowledge of all things done, both by their enemies and their friends. Calais lies commodiously to be a scourge for England, as it was before Edward III. took it. If now they leave it in the hands of the French, having likewise Scotland on the other side, how dangerous this shall be to England is easy to be considered.|
|Leaving Calais to the French, England will receive a piece of parchment sealed with a little wax, but that they mean any continuance of peace the writers cannot be persuaded. The King is at war with France as well as England is, but if peace be made, the French will soon fall out with England again, and it may chance that Spain will not think it necessary to recommence war with France, whereas the King neither can honourably nor intends (as he has assured the writers) to make any peace without England. They think therefore, that Christendom shall not be restored to a good peace though we forsake Calais, but that we shall be more oppressed with war than before. And in case we must have war, as good it seems to continue in it yet for a while, being joined with the King, who bears the chief burden and charges of it, than to have all the burden lie on our necks.|
|The Bishop of Ely returned to Cercamp, according to the King's appointment, where he has continued till now that he has come hither to consult on these matters with his colleagues. As yet nothing has been done for England, nor have they yet agreed upon the matters of Piedmont, Corsica, nor Sienna. The French begin now to call the matters of Navarre in question, and to ask restitution thereof, in so much that some begin to think that all shall depart re infecta.|
Having written thus far, the Earl of Arundel received a
letter from the Bishop of Arras of the 17th inst. in which he
writes that the Bishop of Ely will have told him in what
state they were at his departure from that purgatory.
Yesterday the French told them that they would agree to
anything rather than to the restitution of Calais, and that
they [the Commissioners of Philip] had replied that unless
the realm of England were satisfied they would not treat
with them; whereupon there was greater appearance of
breaking off than of conclusion. Whether this be for Calais
only the writers much doubt.—Arras, 18 Nov. 1558.
Orig. Signed: Arundell, Thomas Ely, N. Wotton. Add. with armorial seal. Pp. 6.
|Nov. 18.||7. Dr. Wotton to Dean Boxall.|
|R. O.||Men now begin somewhat to doubt if this assembly at Cercamp is like to agree upon some peace. Calais is not now taken to be the only cause. The French being so earnest to retain it, who can think that they intend thereby nothing else but the keeping of it? Their unquiet and ambitious mind has continually encroached by hook and by crook upon their neighbours. Its situation lies commodiously not only to annoy and grieve England, but much more the Low Country. The French are content to part with Milan and Piedmont to keep Calais. Yet their ambition is such that they cannot but still think, hac non successit, alia aggrediamur via. Which way, then, shall they begin? On the side of Spain? They are not so mad. It is not likely that they will enterprise war against the Empire. What rests then but England and the Low Country? If they are content to leave Piedmont and what they hold in the Siennois and renounce Milan to keep Calais, who can doubt what their meaning is? It is not Calais but England and the Low Country which may countervail Savoy and Piedmont. Peradventure they think that the next [nighest] way to get Italy is to begin with England. The old hatred printed in the hearts of the Frenchmen against them whom they ever call "noz anciens ennemyz," and the new occasion and pretence given them by the marriage with Scotland, may declare the likelihood of a continued peace between England and them, and, therefore, how dangerous it will be to suffer Calais to continue in their hands. Yet if the occasion which this common war of England and the King's other dominions against France ministers for the recovery of Calais be once neglected, long it will be ere the like shall be given again. Therefore, concludes that to agree to a peace without restitution of Calais will not bring England to such quietness as at first might seem to some.|
The forty days first and the other twenty days for which
he has received his diets expire this day; prays that he may
have more paid. Things are very dear here.—Arras, Nov. 18,
Orig. Add.: To the Right Hon. Mr. Boxall, Principal Secretary to the Queen's Majesty. Endd. Pp. 3.
|Nov. 18.||8. [Thomas Randolph (fn. 2)] to Lord Clynton.|
|R. O.||Since his last letters, dated 21 October, nothing of importance had occurred. Saw letters on 17th inst, written to this town by "Mons. de Shambray a Lorainoys," who at that time being with the Landgrave, found Ferenberge, the Frenchman there, entreating the Landgrave for more men for the King of France, who has already 1,000 horsemen more than before prepared for him in Saxony. Hence men gather the unlikelihood of peace. "This Richenbrege" was thought to be the accuser of Mons. de Brye, who lately was poisoned in prison, or hanged himself, as some report, being a prisoner in Bois de Vincennes. His wife remains there, always suitor; her eldest brother has long been in this town, scarcely well favoured with the governors. The writer will be made acquainted with him on the return of Richenbrege.|
|Mons. Shambraye is the greatest, either of name or substance, of the French Church in this town; his suit is to the Count Palatine, the Landgrave, the Duke Frederic of Seymer, and others, princes of this country, for their letters to the French King in favour of certain gentlemen prisoners at Metz for opinions. He hopes also to obtain leave for the Protestants in that town to have the Gospel preached.|
William, the Landgrave's eldest son, is gone into Denmark
to marry the King's daughter. The Council is appointed at
Augsburg on Jan. 1, at which the Count Palatine intends
to be present, though he is very old "and marvellous gross."
His chief abode is at Ethelberge [Heidelberg], his court
honourable, and the opinions of men in him for virtue and
justice far passing the rest. About Oct. 20 last, there was
with him the Earl of Zorne, ambassador from the Emperor,
to entreat for aid against the Turk; his entertainment was
honourable, and he departed well contented. Of the taking of
Mount Calve from the French, and how little these men desire
the end of the wars, has written to his Lordship on October 21.
The Vidame has lost much honour in the repulse at St. Omers.
The long abode of him whom they sent to his Lordship causes
both the writer and his friend to muse; they also find that
their charges considerably surmount what they have received.
They are grieved at the continual report of his sickness. The
suspicion that men have of those who remain long in this
town causes him to intend to proceed to Augusta as soon as
his Lordship's pleasure is known, where, in consequence of the
Emperor's presence at the Diet, much more is to be seen and
known. From. (fn. 3) . . . . Nov. 18, 1558.—With a postscript in cypher.
Hol. Add. Signed: Virtus pro divitiis. Endd.: To my Lord Admiral. Pp. 3.
|Nov. 19.||9. Dean Boxall to Cecil.|
Sends by the bearer, according to the Queen's command
and Cecil's desire, the commission made to the Lords now
beyond the sea, with their instructions, and all such letters
as have been written by the late Queen and the Lords of the
Council, as also from their Lordships hither. Will receive
also Gresham's doings touching borrowing of money for the
use of the realm and of the late Queen, in two packets. The
two bands whereof the writer spoke to Cecil cannot be found;
they were left in the bedchamber of the late Queen to be
signed by her, and at the cering of the corpse (as Clarentius
says) were converted to that use. Specifies the letters and
papers which he thinks most material in these two packets.
—St. James's, Nov. 19, 1558.
Orig. Signed, Add., and endd.: Delivered at St. James's at 9 of the clock at night, Nov. 19, 1558. Pp. 2.
|Nov. 20.||10 Sir John Mason to Cecil.|
|R. O.||Cecil doubtless has few idle hours, but the beginning of all things is more than half way, and thereof will the world straight begin to judge what is like to follow, as they did of the Pope, whose first act was to make Caraffa cardinal. The first and principal point is to think upon the peace, which in making a new commission to our ambassadors doubts not will be well thought upon. Their instructions are hitherto to stick upon Calais, &c., as though we had the Frenchmen at commandment; but a better way, where all is weighed, shall be to conclude a peace si non optimis conditionibus, neither of such agreement as we desire, yet by mediocribus, and by such as we can get. Plainness must be used with the King [of] S[pain], who seeing us so greedy of Calais pretends that he abstains from agreeing with the French in respect thereof, which is altogether false, but must be told that our state can no longer bear these wars. The peace being so necessary may be concluded generally without any mention of Calais.|
|The Queen will have daily suitors for remission of debts, fines, amercements, &c.|
The guard in the late Queen's time has been out of reason in
number, the charges amounting yearly to 10,000l. Henry VII.
had never but 50, no more had Henry VIII. till the latter
end of his time. Would wish at the least they might be
brought from 400 to 100, and that out of hand.—"From my
poor house, 20 Nov."
Hol. Add. Endd.: 20 Nov. 1558. Pp. 3.
|Nov. 20.||11. Gresham's Transactions in Flanders.|
Proceedings in the King's court of Valladolid in the
name of Thomas Gresham, agent for the Queen of England
and Edward Hogan, his factor, for the purpose of recovering
350,000 ducats by bills of exchange from certain merchants
resident in Flanders, directed unto certain merchants resident
in Spain. With notarial attestations. Inrolled in the Memoranda of the Exchequer, 1 Eliz.
Copy. Span., pp. 40.
12. A translation into English of the above proceedings. Enrolled in the Memoranda of the Exchequer, 1 Eliz.
Copy. Pp. 34.
|Nov. 20.||13. Proceedings of Privy Council.|
|B. M. Harl. 169, 1.||Hatfield, 20 Nov. 1558.—Present: the Earl of Pembroke, the Lord Admiral, the Lord Chamberlain; Sir Thomas Parrye, Sir Wm. Cecyll, Sir Ambrose Cave, Sir Ralph Sadler, and Sir Richard Sackevylle.|
|A letter to the Earl of Northumberland in answer to his letters touching Tyndale men, &c., according to the minute remaining in the Council chest.|
R. O. 27. V. 1.
14. Another copy of the above.
|[Nov. 20.]||15. Reformation in Scotland. (fn. 4)|
|B.M. Sloane, 4734, 150.||"The first oration and petition of the Protestants of Scotland to the Queen Regent."|
|Knox's Hist., 1.302||Of very conscience and by the fear of their God they are compelled to crave remedy against the tyranny of the estate ecclesiastical, who so usurp empire above the conscience of men that whatsoever they command must be obeyed, and whatsoever they forbid must be avoided, or else there abides nothing for the petitioners but fire, faggot, and sword. For the quieting of this intestine dissension a public reformation, as well in the religion as the temporal government, were most necessary; in the performance of which (as they are informed) she has exhorted as well the clergy as the nobility to employ their diligence, study, and care. Consequently as their silence now would be prejudicial to them in time to come, they ask her help, against those who accuse them as heretics and schismatics, that she would grant the following petitions.|
|1. That, as they have by the laws of the realm obtained leave to read the Old and New Testaments in the common tongue, so it may be lawful for them to convene, publicly or privately, for common prayers in the same their vulgar tongue.|
|2. That it may be lawful to any qualified persons in knowledge to interpret and open up any hard place of Scripture which may be used in the said conventions. They are content that the said interpretation shall underly the judgment of the most godly within the realm.|
|3. That the holy sacrament of baptism may be used in the vulgar tongue, and that the church there assembled may be instructed of their duties according to the promise made to God when they were received into His household by spiritual regeneration.|
|4. That the holy sacrament of the Lord's Supper, and His most blessed Body and Blood, may likewise be ministered in the vulgar tongue, and in both kinds.|
|5. That the wicked life of prelates and of the state ecclesiastical may be reformed. They are content not only that the rules and precepts of the New Testament, but also the writings of the ancient fathers and the godly approved laws of Justinian the Emperor decide the controversy between the parties.|
B.M. Sloane, 4737, 85, b.
16. Another copy of the above.
|Nov. 21.||17. Philip, King of Spain, to the English Commissioners.|
Has received their letter of the 17th inst., and observes
with concern their report as to the determination of the French
to retain Calais. In reply to their request that he would state
his opinion on this point, he tells them he always has thought,
and still thinks, that no peace or treaty ought to be made
with the French or English; and that as the demand by the
English for the possession of Calais is the sole hindrance to
the peace (for which the French profess to be anxious), the
English ought to make preparations for the effectual carrying
on of the war against the common enemy, since it is for their
advantage that this peace is not concluded. He will never
desert the English, but will assist them in everything. They
have done well in deciding that they will not depart. Thanks
them for their diligence at the monastery of Gruniendal.—21
Nov. 1558. Signed: Philippus. G. Peresius.
Copy. Endd.: The copy of the King's letter whereof mention is made in our letters to the Queen. Lat., p. 1.
18. Another copy of the same letter. Signed: Philippus. G.
Lat., p. 1.
|Nov. 21.||19. Conferences at Cercamp.|
Commission to Wm. Lord Howard, Baron of Effingham,
K.G., and Chamberlain of the Household, Thomas, Bishop of
Ely, and Nicolas Wotton, to treat with the King and Queen
of Scots respecting a treaty of offensive and defensive
alliance.—Hatfield Manor, 21 Nov. 1, Eliz.
Copy, with Cecil's corrections, adapting it to the form in which it now stands (fn. 5). Lat., pp. 2.
|Nov. 21.||20. Proceedings of Privy Council.|
|B. M. Harl. 169, 6.||Hatfield, 21 Nov. 1558.—Present: the Earl of Bedford and others, as on 20th inst.|
|A letter to the Lord Ever to go forward with the fortifications begun at Berwick as the season of the year will suffer it, so that at the least there be as much done as should have been done if the late Queen had lived.|
|A letter to Malyne, Vice-Admiral on the narrow seas, to equip the ships in his charge to the seas to keep the passage, and to let as much as he may the victualling of Calais, and to see good wafting of such as shall come from the Commissioners, and to set none over except he have passport from hence.|
R. O. 27, V. 2.
21. Another copy of the above.
|Nov. 23.||22. The Queen to the English Commissioners.|
|R. O.||Informs them of the death of Queen Mary on the 17th inst., which she would have signified to them ere this time, but that she has been forced to continue hitherto here in the country, distant from her city of London. Has been occupied in giving order in those things that were thought meetest to be first considered for the good order and inward stay of this her realm. They are to continue to treat as herefore with the French for peace, according to the commission and instructions forwarded herewith.|
Has despatched Lord Cobham to the King of Spain, as well
to declare to him the death of Queen Mary, as also to give
him to understand the good will and affection that she, the
writer, has towards the continuance of the old and good
amity and neighbourhood that hitherto has been between King
Henry VIII., King Edward, and her late sister and the
House of Burgundy and the Low Countries.
Draft, corrected and endd. by Cecil. Pp. 3.
|Nov. 23.||23. Instructions to the English Commissioners.|
|R. O. Forbes, 1. 1.||Instructions given by the Queen to the Earl of Arundel, the Bishop of Ely, and Dr. Wotton, lately addressed as Commissioners from the late Queen into the parts beyond seas, for the effect of the matters ensuing:—|
|1. They are continued in the commission as heretofore.|
|2. They shall demand the restitution of Calais, the marches and pieces of the same, with the stores, &c., contained therein at the time of their capture by the French.|
|If the French affirm that these are part of their territory, the answer is, that they have long been in the possession of the English, and have been secured to them by treaty.|
|3. If the previous demand be granted, the bounds and limits shall be carefully set out, if possible, as heretofore.|
|4. They shall demand the payment of the arrears and debts due by the French, according to the treaties of 1525, 1527, and 1546, amounting to 2,000,000 crowns, of which very little has been paid; as also of a debt of 500,000 crowns, as appears by a bill of Francis I. If the French will not pay these, the matter is to be referred to a subsequent treaty.|
|5. The possession of the isle of Alderney and the other Channel islands is to be reserved unto the Queen.|
|6. The demands made by the French for the fortification of Calais are to be met by a statement of the loss incurred by the English in consequence of being deprived of that town, and the expenses to which they have been put in endeavouring to regain possession. They are authorized, if necessary, to remit the whole of the debts and arrears in order to obtain Calais.|
|7. If the French desire that Scotland be included in the treaty, they shall be reminded that they had fortified Eymouth, and shall be required not only to rase this fortification but also to provide that henceforth they shall fortify neither it nor Roxburgh.|
|8. It shall be provided that the inhabitants of the out isles of Scotland shall neither invade Ireland, nor send help to the disordered wild Irish and subjects thereof.|
|9. A special article shall pass in this treaty reserving all former treaties between England and the House of Burgundy.|
|10. If they cannot communicate with the Queen and are pressed for time, they may exercise their own discretion in other matters provided they obtain Calais and the marches and the ordnance that was taken in the same, and that the bounds be indifferently limited.|
|In reference to the letters dated 18th inst., brought to the Council by Mr. Coplye, the Queen, perceiving some comfort towards the purpose of the treaty, if the King shall stand firm with them on her behalf to make no peace with the French without the delivery of Calais, directs that Dr. Wotton shall repair, together with Lord Cobham, to the said King to persuade him to rest firmly upon that point, that no peace be made with the French without the delivery of Calais.|
|Draft, corrected by Cecil and endd. by him: 23 Nov. Pp. 11.|
B.M. Cal. E.V., 42.
|24. Another copy of the above.|
|Much damaged by fire. Pp. 11.|
B.M. Sloane, 4134, 78 and 82.
|25. Two copies of the above.|
R. O. 171. B. 1.
|26. Another copy of the above.|
|27. Embassy to Philip, King of Spain.|
|Instructions given by the Queen to the Lord Cobham, presently sent to the King of Spain for the purposes hereafter ensuing.|
|1. To repair to Flanders to the King of Spain and declare the departure to God of the Queen his late wife and the desire of the present Queen to continue the old and perfect amity maintained by both their progenitors, dilating her good will with meet and friendly words.|
|2. On landing in Flanders, and before going to the said King, he shall repair to the Earl of Arundel and the other Commissioners there, to declare to them her present state and the proceedings here of her affairs, and to receive their instructions for the better doing of her message.|
|3. Any one of the Commissioners may accompany him on his mission to the King, who is to be reminded how the loss of Calais affects the interest and safety of his Low Countries, so as "in no wise to let the French, upon any other conditions, to have either peace or any rest than to deliver Calais."|
|Draft, endd.: Nov. 23, 1558. Pp. 4.|
B.M. Galba C. 1. 28.
|28. Another copy of the above.|
|29. The English Commissioners to the Queen.|
|After congratulating the Queen on her accession, "by the universal agreement and quiet consent of the realm," they request information as to whether it were her pleasure to revoke them home or to send them a new commission to act in reference to the prosecution of the treaty of peace with France and Scotland, proposed by the late Queen. They will await her reply.—Arras, Nov. 24, 1558.|
|Endd.: Copy of our letters to the Queen, sent by the Earl of Arundel. Pp. 2.|
B.M. Harl. 169, 2 b. Strype's Annals, 1. 6.
|30. Proceedings of Privy Council.|
|Charterhouse, in London, Nov. 24, 1558.—Present: the Archbishop of York; the Earls of Shrewsbury, Derby, Bedford, and Pembroke; the Lord Admiral and the Lord Chamberlain; the Treasurer, Comptroller, Vice-Chamberlain, and Secretary; Mr. Peetere, Mr. Masone, Mr. Cave.|
|Ordered: That the Lord Admiral take order that fishermen and other coastmen be suffered to go to the seas about their own occupation, but not to carry out anything of the commodities of the realm, or any persons not having licence, and that all said persons as shall be found suspicious shall be stayed. He shall also give order for the wafting of such ordnance and ammunition as was presently to be sent to Berwick.|
R.O. 27, V. 5.
|31. Another copy of the above.|
B. M. Reg. 13 B. 1, f. 1.
|32. Elizabeth to Maximilian, King of Bohemia.|
|Having recently succeeded to the throne by the death of her sister Queen Mary, she intimates the fact to him. For an account of her sister's death, the state of affairs, and her own desire not only to preserve but to augment the friendship which has so long existed between the houses of England and Austria, she refers him to the bearer, her ambassador, Thomas Challoner, Knight, for whom she requests credit.— London, 26 Nov. 1558.|
|Copybook. Lat., p. 1.|
B.M. Sloane, 4144, 1.
|33. Another copy of the above.|
B.M. Sloane, 4144, 1.
|34. The Queen to the Emperor Ferdinand.|
|Announces her sister's death and her own accession. Desires the continuance of the Emperor's friendship, and asks him to give credit to Sir T. Challoner.—Lond., 26 Nov. 1558.|
|Lat. Forbes' transcript.|
B. M. Reg. 13 B. 1, 1. b.
|35. Safe-conduct for Sir Thomas Challoner.|
|The Queen etc. having sent to the Emperor her orator, Thomas Chalon[er], Knt. recommends him to the protection and good offices of all persons to whom these letters patent may be presented.—London, 26 Nov. 1588, 1 Eliz.|
|Copybook. Lat., pp. 2.|
B. M. Galba. B. 11, 186.
|36. Another copy of the above.|
|Lat., p. 1.|
B.M. Sloane, 4144, f. 1.b.
|37. Another copy of the above.|
B.M. Galba, C. 1, 27.
|38. Instructions for Sir T. Challoner.|
|Instructions to Sir T. Challoner, sent to the Emperor. After delivering her letters signifying the death of Queen Mary, he shall desire his condolence, and the continuance of the amity between the two realms. If the Emperor desires further amity she will be glad to give ear thereto.|
B. M. Nero, B. 9, 90.
|39. Another set of instructions for Sir T. Challoner, sent to the Emperor, varying in form, but the same in substance.|
B. M. Harl. 169, 4 b.
|40. Proceedings of Privy Council.|
|Charterhouse, 28 Nov. 1558.—Present: Archbishop of York, Marquis of Winchester, Earls of Shrewsbury, Bedford, and Pembroke, Lord Admiral, Lord Chamberlain, the Treasurer, Controller, Vice Chamberlain, and Secretary; Mr. Petre, Mr. Masone, Mr. Cave, and Mr. Sackeville.|
|A letter to the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council of London for the sealing of certain bonds for the taking up of diverse sums of money at Antwerp for the Queen, by Thomas Gresham, her agent there.|
R. O. 27 V. 1.
|41. Another copy of the above.|
|Bonds for Loans at Antwerp.|
|42. Bond (fn. 6) by Thomas Lee, Mayor, and the Commonalty of the city of London, to Lazarus Tucker, of Antwerp, for the repayment of 45,389 florins (each florin being rated at 20 êcus of the money of Flanders) at Antwerp on 21 Oct. 1559, which sum had been borrowed by Thomas Gresham, Esq., for the use of Queen Elizabeth.|
|Lat., pp. 8.|
|43. Adolph, Duke of Schleswic, to the Queen [Mary].|
|The Queen's letters of 24 July, dated from Richmond, had reached him on 13 cal. Oct. [19 Sept.] at Kiel. Thanks her for the kindness she shows to his subjects in their trade, and had endeavoured to do the like for the merchant who brought the said letters, but the price which he asked for his cloth (though scant in measure and coarse in texture,) was so excessive that he could not dispose of it. Cloth from Antwerp might be procured at a cheaper rate. Though he is desirous to encourage free trade, yet he will not compel his subjects to purchase it on such terms. Had requested his councillors to establish a new port to promote commerce with the countries to the north and east, and had requested them to confer thereupon with the said merchant, but he excused himself under the plea of insufficient powers, and referred all "ad collegium mercatorum Londinensium."—Gottorp, 4 kal. Dec. 1558. Signed: Adolphus hæres Noruagiæ, dux Schlesuici, Holsaiæ, Stormariæ; Thitmarsiæ, Comes in Oldenborch and Delmenhorst.|
|Orig. Endd.: Adolphus, &c., ad Reginam Mariam. Lat. broadside.|
|44. Conferences at Cercamp.|
|Letters of the deputies of the Kings of Spain and France employed in the negociations for peace agreeing to a suspension of arms for two months, so as to enable the meeting to be resumed on 20 January next ensuing, or sooner, should the English be prepared to continue the conference.—Cercamp (blank), Nov. 1558.|
|Endd.: Copy, 28 Nov. 1558. Fr., pp. 3.|
B. M. Sloane, 4734, 153. Knox's Hist. 1. 309.
|45. Reformation in Scotland.|
|Petition addressed to the Queen Dowager and the Lords, Barons, and Burgesses of the Parliament of Scotland by the subjects to the same, in which (after protesting against the damnable idolatry and intolerable abuses of the papistical church) they ask,|
|1. That all such Acts of Parliament as give power to churchmen to execute their tyranny against the petitioners, delated as heretics, be suspended and abrogated until a general Council lawfully assembled have decided all controversies in religion.|
|2. That the prelates and their officers be removed from place of judgment, only granting them the place of accusers before a temporal judge in cases of heresy.|
|3. That all lawful defences be granted to the persons accused.|
|4. That place be granted to the party accused to explain and interpret his own mind and meaning.|
|5. That none be condemned for heretics unless by the manifest word of God they be convicted to have erred from the faith which the Holy Spirit witnesses to be necessary to salvation.|
B. M. Sloane, 4737, 87.
|46. Another copy of the above.|
B. M Calig. B. x. 4. Acts of Parl. Scot. ii. 506. Keith, i. 174.
|47. Parliament at Edinburgh.|
|Edinburgh, 29 Nov. 1558.—"In the Rynnand Parliament" the Lords Commissioners, after the delivery of the letters of the Queen to the Three Estates, and also her special letters directed to several persons of the said Estates, to the effect that she desired to honour her spouse, the King Dauphin, with the crown matrimonial during the marriage, the crown to be sent with two or three of the Lords of her realm; whereupon the Queen Dowager and the foresaid Estates have declared the same reasonable, and have consented thereto during the marriage only, without prejudice to the Queen, the succession of her body, or lawful succession of her blood whatsoever, and liberties of the realm. And they have appointed A.B.C., or such as shall please the Queen to name, to pass with the said crown to the effect aforesaid only.|
|Dated by Cecil: Penult. Novembris, 1558. P. 1.|
|48. William Lord Cobham to Cecil.|
|Arrived yesterday at 3 o'clock in the afternoon at Dunkirk, and hearing that Lord Arundel was at Newport rode immediately to him, and found him ready to return to Dunkirk to take passage into England. Arundel advised him to repair to the rest of the Commissioners, which is far out of his direct way, the more so as he came out of his way to Newport, and is now forced to ride back again.|
For want of post horses for his small train, is compelled to
send them from hence by waggon; he himself departing back
to Dunkirk with three post horses, and so to Saint Omer.
Trusts to be at the King's court within three days. If they
think him slack in this journey prays them to weigh the
occasion of his abode at Dover and this other let in coming
to Lord Arundel.—Newport, 30 Nov. 1558. Signed.
Orig. Add. with seal. Pp. 2.
|49. Munitions for the Borders.|
|"The remain of all such ordnance, gunpowder, shot, and weapons as remaineth in the charge of Thomas Gower, esquire, serving as master of the ordnance in the north parts, 30 Nov. 1 Eliz., over and besides the ordinary ordnance, powder, and weapons in the custody of John Oorde, master of the ordnance of Berwick, 1558," viz., at Berwick, Alnwick, Tynemouth, Hull, Scarborough, Newcastle, Holy Island, Farne Island, Norham, Wark Castle, Carlisle, and Burlington.|
Of brass pieces there are 109, and of iron pieces great and
Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 6.
|[Nov. 30 ?]
|50. Wark Castle.|
Report [by Sir John Brend ?] upon the importance of
Berwick, Norham, and Wark, as places of strength upon the
borders towards Scotland, especially in regard to the last of
Endd. by Cecil: Sir John Brend, Berwick, Wark. Pp. 4.
|51. Sir Edward Hastings and Sir [Thomas] Cornwaleys to Cecil.|
|During the time of the sickness of the late Queen the King of Spain sent hither one Lodovius Nonnius, a physician, a man, as our physicians report him, excellently well learned, and a very diligent and painful man withal, as they did well note that waited upon her here. This day he came to take his leave; and as it appears by his own confession that he had been offered nothing for his payment and charge, they signify the same to Cecil that he may move the Queen that some reward may be bestowed upon him. He lies at Durham Place with Donalduso.—S. James's, 30 Nov. 1558.|
P.S. As he [goes] to-morrow morning, they ask for an
answer before he leaves.
Orig. Signed: Edward Hastings . . . Cornwaleys. Add. with seal. Endd. by Cecil. Slightly torn. Pp. 2.
B. M. Harl. 169, 6.
|52. Proceedings of the Privy Council.|
|Tower of London, last Nov. 1558.—Present: the Archbishop of York, the Marquis of Winchester; the Earls of Shrewsbury, Bedford, and Pembroke; Lord Admiral and Lord Chamberlain; the Controller and Vice-Chamberlain; Mr. Secretary, Mr. Mason, Mr. Cave, Mr. Sackevill.|
|A letter to the Earl of Northumberland requiring him, (for the better meeting with such fraud as is used at the musters, and for that it appears by the report of Sir Henry Percye and otherwise that the numbers appointed to remain on the borders are not full, but diverse wanting of them,) to cause forthwith in secret manner certain discreet gentlemen, not being Northumberland men or borderers, to repair at one instant time to all the several places where any numbers are placed, and to take musters of them, and see how many of them are wanting, and how many of them are Northumberland men, and how many are inland men, how they that remain are appointed, and to signify the same hither, and what other devise he thinks meet for redress thereof.|
|A letter to the Lord Euere to do the like with the garrisons of Berwick at the same instant.|
R.O. 27 V. 12.
|53. Another copy of the above.|