Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 1, 1558-1559. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1863.
This premium content was digitised by double rekeying and sponsored by the Arts and Humanities Research Council. All rights reserved.
Febuary 1559, 11-20
B.M. Harl. 169. 30.
|314. Proceedings of Privy Council.|
|Westminster 11 Feb. 1558.—Present: the Lord Keeper of the Seal; the Lords Treasurer and Steward; the Earls of Bedford and Pembroke; Mr. Treasurer, Mr. Vice-Chamberlain, Mr. Secretary; Mr. Cave, Mr. Peeter, and Mr. Mason.|
|A letter to the Lord Treasurer to give order to the customers, comptrollers, and searchers of the port of London that whereas a hulk of Rostock laden with Rochell wines, belonging to the merchants of the Stillyard is, as it is alleged, of very necessity to amend her leak, lately arrived within the river of Thames, that the said officers should permit and suffer the merchants, owners of the said hulk, without any their disturbance to unlade the said wines, or any part thereof, into lighters (so it be waterborne), and the said hulk being repaired, to permit also the said owners without any let or demand of any duty to pass with the same hulk and her said lading out of this realm again.|
R. O. 27 V. 78.
315. Another copy of the above.
|316. The Earl of Northumberland to the Queen.|
|1. On the 6th instant he received her letters signifying how he should proceed for an abstinence of wars between the realms of England and Scotland, if an overture should be made by the Dowager of Scotland or the ministers there from France, and that he had advertised Lord Dacre and also his brother [Sir Henry Percy] of their contents, charging them to impart the same to Sir James Croftes.|
|2. On the 10th instant one William Kirkcaldie, a Scotchman, came to his brother to Norham, and entered into communication for abstinence of wars, to the intent that peace might follow, whereupon his brother, better to understand his meaning in order to inform the Earl, sent for Sir James Croftes, to whom Kirkcaldie declared his former communication. When he was demanded whether the Dowager of Scotland or the Lieutenant for France desired it, he answered that princes always stood too much upon their reputation to crave it, but by meaner personages such things have their beginning; "wherefore," said he, "it shall be well done that the matter be motioned, for thus much I am sure that the young Laird of Lethington, who is Secretary to the State, (and by whom all the weightiest affairs of Scotland be in a manner directed,) hath procured me to enter into this matter, which I know he would not have done without the consent of both the Dowager of Scotland and the Lieutenant for the French King. And therefore," saith he, "bring it to the effect that some men might meet to commune of an abstinence, and I doubt not but the said Laird of Lethington will desire to go to the Court of England to procure a further treaty for the peace;" of which things the writer's brother and Sir James Croftes said they would advertise him. And further he said that if it may be brought to a meeting and that the Earl would appoint his brother and Croftes to be Commissioners, he [Kirkcaldie] would procure that the Laird of Lethington and M. Sarlaboies shall also be Commissioners; and so shall it appear that both the authority of Scotland and the ministers for France are desirous of the abstinence.|
|3. He [Kirkaldy] also said that if the Earl would be present at the communication, he would procure that Lord Bothwell, Lieutenant for Scotland, would meet him. All this intelligence Sir H. Percy and Sir James Croft promised to make known to the writer.|
|4. Kirkcaldy also said he would ride to Edinburgh to proceed further with the affair, and would return on the 15th or 16th inst.|
|Feb. 11.||5. The Earl considers that when the Secretary for the State of Scotland and the French Lieutenant of all the French bands under the Lieutenant-General shall not only be Commissioners, but also that the said Secretary desires access to the Queen or her Privy Council in order to treat of peace, it should seem a direct meaning, or rather a manifest declaration of the desire they have to treat of peace.|
|6. Asks the Queen to inform him whether he may not only treat of an abstinence but also license the Laird of Lethingtone to repair to the Court, since against the 15th or 16th inst. he determines to give answer, taking with him his brother and Sir James Croftes to the other Commissioners, and if they will proceed to such an abstinence as has been motioned by Kirkaldy he will consent. But that he may receive her answer he will defer the day of his meeting to the 21st inst.— Warkworth, 11 Feb. 1558.|
|P.S.—His brother and Sir James Croftes were present at the writing of this letter. Signed.|
|Orig. Add. Endd. Pp. 4.|
|317. Gresham to Cecil.|
|Incloses letters received from his factor at Antwerp of the 5th inst., showing what provision he has already made in munition and armour, and that things are not be had there at the prices mentioned in the Queen's instructions. He has paid for saltpetre and powder more by 3s. 4d. in the hundred than his commission allows. The writer would have waited upon Cecil, but his late sickness will not suffer him; proposes, however, on Monday or Tuesday to visit him to know the Queen's pleasure in the premises. Also encloses a letter from Christopher Monte.|
|P.S.—Is paying the 5,000l. to Mr. Alforde as fast as he can receive it. As his servant is very long and tedious in his writing, sends him a short "breviate" of all his doings; and has sent into Germany for the rest. Assures him that considering the times, the prices are moderate, and that it is bought for Flemish money, which will not make so much sterling by 2s. in the pound.—London, 11 Feb. 1558. Signed: Thomas Gresham, mercer.|
|Orig. Add. Endd. Pp. 2.|
|318. Provision for the North.|
|"xj. Feb. 1558. A supplement appointed to the store remaining in the north parts, to be reformed by the Council," intended to be sent from the Tower of London to Newcastle.|
|End.: Provision for Berwick, and, Berwick, the store and supplement. Pp. 7.|
|319. The Council of Bâle to the Queen.|
Remind her of the services by them rendered to the exiles
from England, who had settled among them for the sake of
the evangelical religion, and whom they had assisted out
of their Christian compassion. Since, however, things have
now undergone a change, the writers (after wishing her a
long and prosperous reign) inform her that those English
are about to return home, with hearts full of gratitude for
the kindnesses which they have received in the land of
their exile. They are recommended to her by the Statholder, the Corporation and Council of Bâle, as persons who
have studied all modesty and conducted themselves orderly
and well, and she is prayed to receive and accept them as a
good people hitherto unjustly afflicted. The writers express
their good will towards the Queen and wish her a long and
happy reign.—Saturday, 11 Feb. 1559. Signed.
Orig. Add. with seal. Endd. German. Pp. 3.
|320. Lord W. Howard to Cecil.|
|Has thought it to small purpose to write of their proceedings here with the French Commissioners, knowing that he reads all their advertisements to the Queen; but, in few words, he never saw more dissimulation nor craft used than they have seen on the French side, nor more plain and true dealing than they have found on the King of Spain's Commissioners' part. Sends hearty commendations to my Lord Keeper of the Great Seal and to Cecil's good wife.—Cambresey, 12 Feb.|
|Orig. Hol. Add. End.: 12 Feb., my Lord Chamberlain to Mr. Secretary, 1559. Pp. 2.|
|321. Negociations at Cateau Cambresis.|
|Proposals submitted by the Spanish Deputies to the consideration of the English; viz.,|
|1. That a marriage shall take place between the eldest daughter of the King and Queen Dauphin and the eldest son of the Queen of England, with Calais in dower. The eldest daughter of the Queen of England shall marry the eldest son of the King and Queen Dauphin, having in dower all demands for arrears, &c., made upon the French.|
|2. If this be unsatisfactory the French shall retain Calais for eight years, as they have done Boulogne, upon certain conditions.|
|Endd. by Cecil: Brought 20 Feb., 1558.—Le summe de la negociacion du 12 Fev. 1558. Fr. P. 1.|
322. Another copy of the above.
|323. The Consults and Senate of Hamburg to the Queen.|
|They forward and recommend the petition of their fellowcitizen Henry Tamme. (See 10 Feb.)|
|Endd.: Idus Feb. 1559. Orig. Add. Lat. Pp. 2.|
R. O. Forbes, 1. 40.
|324. The English Commissioners to the Queen.|
|1. The suspension of arms being prolonged until the 10th inst., and the 5th being appointed for all Commissioners for peace to meet here, the King of Spain's Commissioners came hither on that day. But the ways being bad, the French sent to say they could not be here until the next day; wherefore the Bishop of Ely and the Dean of Canterbury, thinking it enough to prevent the French here, came hither the 6th inst. The Duchess of Lorraine, the Spanish and French Commissioners, are lodged without the gate of the town in the house of the Bishop of Cambray, who is lord of the town, but very straitly. There is no lodging within the town for themselves; there is an old house of the said Bishop within the town appointed for them. The same day they received a letter from Lord Howard, Lord Chamberlain, saying that he intended to lie at Arras that night, and the next day at Cambray, and from thence would come hither as soon as possible.|
|2. The 7th inst. the Bishop of Ely and Dean of Canterbury sent to the Duke of Alva and other his colleagues to declare their arrival the day before, and required to understand whether they were occupied with the French Commissioners for their own matters, or whether they [the writers] should require to have their matters debated with the French. But before they had answer, the Duke of Alva sent to require that they all should meet together. Whereupon they, the said Bishop and Dean, rode to the Duke's lodging, where they found him, the Prince of Orange, Count of Meliti (othewise called Ruy Gomez) and the Bishop of Arras, who said that the day before, they, the King of Spain's Commissioners, met those of France at the Duchess of Lorraine's lodging, when they agreed to prolong the suspension of arms all the time they should be assembled here and six days after its dissolution. That agreed upon, they began to talk of the treaty of peace, and (as the Spanish Commissioners told them) the French said that forasmuch as they and the Spaniards were agreed for their own matters and had prorogued their assembly until now only for the causes of England, they thought it best to begin now first with these, and see if they could agree, and so conclude all the matters together. Whereunto the Duke of Alva (as they told us) answered that they misliked not this motion, and that therefore they had required to meet with those of England to declare this to them.|
|3. Hearing this, they, the said Bishop and Dean, required that this prorogation of arms might be so penned that the English Commissioners and their train might be comprised by name therein, as this town is neutral, and so it was done. Also they said that although they had a new commission to enter into treaty for the continuation of the communication began at Cercamp, yet as the Queen had sent hither Lord Howard specially to be at this treaty, and as he was so near, they thought it best to tarry till he came, knowing not whether he brought any other instructions with him. This answer they did not mislike, but reported it to the French Commissioners; and the Bishop of Arras said merrily that no time should be lost thereby, for "this day," quoth he, "being Shrove Tuesday, is a day to make good cheer, and to-morrow a day to do penance for the same," and thus they departed. The said Commissioners told them that they were commanded by the King to treat them in all her affairs as they had done in the late Queen's days.|
|4. Although he, the Lord Chamberlain, might have been here on the 8th inst., yet being certified that in the lodging appointed for him was nothing in the world but bare walls, (having been destroyed by the wars) he tarried one day at Cambray to provide things necessary for the furniture of his lodging, whereby it was Thursday the 9th inst. ere he came hither. That self afternoon the Duke of Alva and his colleagues came to welcome him, and required to talk with them apart. When the chamber was voided they said that the French had sent to them that day to know whether he [the Lord Chamberlain] had come, and therefore they would be glad to understand whether they [the English] would meet the French, and also would be glad to understand after what sort they intended to proceed with them, wherein they would be ready to counsel the English as best they could. They replied that they would meet the French next day at 2 in the afternoon at the Duchess of Lorraine's lodging, where all meetings have been, as well at Cercamp as here, (she having procured this assembly by her labour and travail) she being a princess not subject either to Spain or France; they use her therefore as indifferent betwixt all parties, and she is continually present at all such common meetings. As for their proceedings with the French, the Lord Chamberlain said he had not yet commenced with his colleagues, but that they would talk of it, and the next day before going to the French would declare their minds.|
|5. The Duke of Alva and his colleagues were satisfied, and declared that the King retained still the same good will towards England as when Queen Mary his wife lived; and that they might be assured he would make no peace with the French unless the Queen were first satisfied. This matter they set forth with very earnest words.|
|6. The Lord Chamberlain replied that the Queen considered that the King had shown himself so steadfast that she could not but take it in very good part; that she had determined to make no treaty with the French that would tend to the prejudice of the treaties betwixt her and the King of Spain, what offer soever the King of France might make; and that she had commanded him to declare this. With this they were well contented, and so departed.|
|7. Next day, Friday 8th inst., they went to the Duke of Alva and his colleagues, and declared to them that the Queen had considered the instructions of the late Queen Mary to the Earl of Arundel and them, the Bishop of Ely and Dean of Canterbury, and did not mislike them; and had therefore given them very like instructions, so that they intended to proceed as they had done before at Cercamp, viz., to redemand Calais, without which, it could not stand with her honour to agree to any peace; and then to demand what other things they had before demanded. And this way they said they liked well. While they were thus talking with the Duke of Alva and his colleagues, came in M. de Mombardon, steward to the Duchess of Lorraine, who declared to the Duke and his colleagues that the French had sent to the Duchess to require her to declare to the said Duke and his colleagues that the French Commissioners required to speak with them before the said French should meet with the English. The Duke and his colleagues mused much at it, nor could think why it was done, but only to make the English think there was some secret intelligence between the Duke and the French Commissioners, and so to make them conceive some suspicion. Some of the Duke's colleagues thought they should plainly refuse to speak to the French at that time, others thought the contrary. Whereupon they required advice of the English, who answered that the Spanish Commissioners knew best; but that if the French did it to make them (the English) suspicious of the Spaniards, they should be deceived therein; for they did not mistrust them of acting contrary to their former promises. They replied they might be well assured thereof, and that they would not fail to declare faithfully what the French said.|
|8. Whereupon they went to the Duchess of Lorraine and met the French, and after a long while returned and told the English that the French had said that while they were at Cercamp they had divers times said that by no means the King would forego Calais; and therefore they looked that the Duke of Alva and his colleagues should have so informed the Queen of the said King's mind here, in order that she should have now sent commission to agree as to the restitution of Calais; for if they [the French] had thought that the English would persist in the demand of Calais, they would not have returned hither, knowing the King's determination not to redeliver it. They also said they did not intend to debate matters further with the English, all things having been sufficiently discussed at Cercamp. Marry, if the English would not redemand Calais, then they would talk with them, and come to reasonable terms.|
|9. This, so told by Alva and his colleagues, seemed very strange, as though the French should prescribe to the English what they should demand, and what they should not demand. And having talked with the said Alva, they determined to go to the Duchess of Lorraine to salute her, and in case the French were yet there, to see if they would speak to them of it; but the French were already gone. The Lord Chamberlain give her the Queen's recommendations, and having talked a "pratye" while of the Queen and other matters they departed. And because the Prince of Orange and Ruy Gomez had accompanied them, on leaving them the English said they would consider the matter among themselves, and next morning send the Duke word; and so returned home.|
|10. Having there considered among themselves, sent next day to the Duchess to require that she would send word to the French that the Queen had sent them thither to continue the communication of peace begun with them at Cercamp, and if the French intended to do the like, they would confer with them that afternoon in the Duchess's lodging. Accordingly, the Bishop of Ely on the Saturday morning went to the Duke of Alva to declare to him what they further determined to do, which the Duke and the Bishop of Arras liked well. The Duchess of Lorraine promised to know the French Commissioners' minds, and to send them [the English] word; accordingly she sent Mombardon to declare to them that the French would meet them at her lodging at one o'clock. Hereupon they went to the Duke of Alva first, who with his colleagues accompanied them to the Duchess and were present all the time. There, after salutation betwixt them and the French, the Duchess sat down at the board's end, and on the one side the French Commissioners and the English on the other, the Duke of Alva and his colleagues sitting together beneath.|
|11. The Lord Chamberlain began to declare the great desire the Queen had for a good peace, and had sent him hither with commission directed to them all three to continue the communication begun at Cercamp, assuring them she would condescend to any reasonable and honourable conditions of peace. Because of the words which the French Commissioners had spoken the day before to the Duke, the Lord Chamberlain spoke as stoutly again in that matter as they had done; and therefore, he said that, whereas some controversy had been for the restitution of Calais, wherein they were earnestly bent not to redeliver it, considering it is the common use in all treaties of peace to redeliver all places taken in the last wars, and that the French could not show any reasonable cause why Calais should not be restored, therefore the Queen's honour could not make peace without its restitution, specially as it was not lost by her, nor had she begun the war; and therefore, having well debated the matter with the Council, she had determined to agree to no peace without the restitution of Calais. And because it seemed to him, the Lord Chamberlain, that they went about to cast a bone between England and the Spanish Commissioners, he thought it meet to speak plainly to them, the French, that the Queen, finding the treaties made by her ancestors and the house of Burgundy to be necessary for the security of both parties, and to have hitherto been well observed, had likewise determined to keep them; and therefore to do nothing in this treaty against the league with the said house of Burgundy, nor to conclude anything unless the King of Spain were satisfied.|
|12. The French, having consulted together, answered that Calais, being of the ancient patrimony of France, and forcibly taken away and now by like force recovered, there was no cause to restore it again. And as the Queen's Council had well examined the matter, so the King of France had purposely done what had not been done in France for a long time, viz., he had called together the Three Estates of the Realm, who, finding reason and law on their side, had decided that Calais by no means ought to be restored. Whereupon the King had fully determined not to agree to its restitution. As the English had great consideration for the Queen's honour, so they required that they should have like consideration for the King's, which would be greatly touched if Calais should be redelivered.|
|13. The English, after consultation, said that by the common custom of such treaties Calais ought to be redelivered, considering specially what good right England had to it, and the French King none at all for 200 years. If the French would declare the reasoning of their Three Estates, they doubted not they would answer them.|
|14. The French said they had commission not to debate any more that matter.|
|15. "There are," said the English, "but two means to proceed, either by reason or by will; if the King will only use will, then we must let come of it what shall."|
|16. The French again consulted, and said that their King was a prince of honour, and knew he had to do with a King and Queen of like degree and would not use the way of will only, but had always use dreason, now and at Cercamp; and there they repeated some of the reasons they had made before, whereunto the English made like answers. Having thus spent some time, the French said their own reasons were good; and so said the English also, who affirmed the contrary. "Well," quoth the French, "it rests now to see Quis erit judex?" The English thought there needed no judge, the French thought yes, and said they had done more than they ought to have done; and wishing no dispute, would no more reason, but plainly declared they had no commission to talk on Calais, as the King had fully determined not to part with it. The English said that they likewise could not conclude a peace without they would redeliver Calais, the French replied "Things must thus remain." "The fault shall not be ours," quoth the English. Whereupon they sat still for a while and none spoke.|
|17. At last the Constable said, "Let us devise some good means for coming to peace; either leave the matter of Calais and agree for the rest, or else make truce for three or four years."|
|18. But the English said they had no commission to agree to either of these ways, but proposed they should both write home of what had passed between them. Whereupon they made some difficulty, saying that if the English persisted in the demand of Calais it were but labour lost. Finally they agreed, and all rose up and began to talk apart, some with the Duchess, the Cardinal of Lorraine with the Bishop of Ely and the Dean of Canterbury, but of no matters of importance.|
|19. The Lord Chamberlain drew apart with the Constable, and having talked awhile of old acquaintance at last appointed to meet the next day, being Sunday, in the church, there to talk at further leisure of the treaty.|
|20. Meeting the next day in the church, the Constable and the Lord Chamberlain talked apart, and first the Constable declared the goodwill of the King to the Queen, and what offers he made her in her trouble and how he desired peace. As for Calais, as it was recovered from the Queen, her sister, who sent to defy him in his own realm, he would not hear of it, but would agree to any reasonable conditions.|
|21. The Chamberlain replied that the Queen was desirous of the King's amity, but could by no means agree to the retention of Calais; and wondered why the King, who made restitution of so many places to the King of Spain, would not agree to her reasonable demands.|
|22. The Constable said that the marriages agreed upon between the children of the Kings of France and Spain, and that of the Duke of Savoy, were the cause of this, whereas no such consideration could have place between him and the Queen, who being unmarried, might marry either in Spain or Almain, and one who would be an enemy; so giving up Calais would be like giving his sword to his enemy to be killed therewith. Then he laid his hand on his breast and swore by the faith of a gentleman that the King would never give over Calais.|
|23. Hereupon the Lord Chamberlain called the Bishop of Ely and Dean of Canterbury, and the Constable having called the Bishops of Orleans and Limoges declared most earnestly that the day before they had acted contrary to their instructions in debating the matter of Calais, for the King would give ear to no treaty of peace unless Calais remained to him.|
|24. The English said that if the King would hear indifferently the reasons on either side they thought he would change his mind. They also thought the French would have come to this assembly with far other instructions than it seemed they had. They would tell him the very truth, viz., that they, by their instructions, by no means might conclude any peace with France unless Calais were redelivered. Things being far other than the Queen thought, they would speedily let her know, and in the mean season agree about the other matters.|
|25. But the Constable answered plainly that they could enter into none other matter until they were first assured that Calais should not be redemanded, and asked when they should have answer. Then the English said they could not assure him how soon, because of the passage of the sea. The Constable said they could not tarry for it, it was time for the King to be prepared for the wars if he was not assured of the peace; they would make no promise to tarry for the answer, but would talk with the Cardinal of Lorraine and send word what they intended to do.|
|26. In this talk the Constable used colours and reasons that the English should not trust to the King of Spain, who had required to have Calais as a "sequestre or depository;" and if so, the English would never have it again, nor should they trust to the league with him, knowing how the Emperor had used them when he made his peace at Crespy without them. "No, no," said he, "they will surely forsake you and leave you in the war as they have done;" and proposed to make some truce, or else that some other place should be appointed for a meeting, where these men should not hinder them in making peace.|
|27. The English Commissioners said they had hitherto found such faith in the King of Spain that they could not mistrust him, and moreover they had no commission to make a truce or appoint a place of meeting. This is the communication between the Constable and the English on Sunday, 12th inst.|
|28. Seeing by the premises that the French will not redeliver Calais, they would fain in the meantime have discussed other matters; but the French made them a plain answer that they would enter into no talk unless it were first resolved that Calais shall not be redemanded of them. Neither do they know whether the French will stay till the Queen's answer arrives, so they are at a point till they hear her pleasure.|
|29. Because the Spanish Commissioners saw the Chamberlain talk with the Constable at the Duchess of Lorraine's lodging, and the talk in the church was in the sight of the world, to avoid suspicion the Bishop of Ely has been to the Duke of Alva and made report to him of it, for which he thanked him heartily. And they [the Spaniards] told the said Bishop that the Constable, immediately after his talk in the church, called two of the Duke of Savoy's gentlemen (the one there present called the Count of Strapiano) and willed them to tarry in the church that he might speak to them; and after the departure of the English he said, "You have seen we have talked with these English, but we marvel greatly what the King of Spain's Commissioners mean to be so earnest that they will not go through with our matters without them. Mind they to let that your master the Duke shall not be restored to his country, for whose restitution we have agreed?" He also said, "Do they not consider how Christian religion is troubled and endangered, and cannot be holpen without a peace? Did not the Emperor at Crespy in his peace only comprehend them generally? and why might they not do so now, unless they desire the war? We will protest that the English are the cause of all the hurts and evils, if they will not make peace." The Duke of Alva then said that as the French labour to dissever the English from the Spaniards, so they try to dissever the Spaniards from the English, "but assure yourselves the King will not leave you for any of their practices; and even now have they required the Duchess of Lorraine to send for us that they may speak with us apart, and whatsoever they shall say to us we shall truly advertise you."|
|30. This talk of the Spaniards was so readily told that it seemed not to the Bishop of Ely to be any feigned tale. And to tell the Queen plainly what they think, they verily believe the greatest thing the French seek is to disjoin her from Spain; and in that matter their fetches be fine and set out with gay and sweet words.|
|31. On the 12th inst., about 8 o'clock at night, the Duke of Alva sent to tell the Lord Chamberlain that they had been in conference with the French until dark, and that they would come to-morrow to advertise them of their doings with the French. They advised the English Commissioners not to send a messenger to England.|
|32. On the 13th inst., the Duke of Alva came in the afternoon, and the Prince of Orange, the Count of Melyte, the Bishop of Arras and the Secretary Courteville, and said that in the long communication they had had the day before with the French in the Duchess of Lorraine's lodging, the French told them the effect of that morning's communication in the church with the Constable and the Bishops of Orleans and Limoges. And because they had said they would conclude no peace without the restitution of Calais, which the King, their master, would not do (which answer the English looked not for), on the Queen's answer they would show them her pleasure; and that as the English could not fix the time for the return of the answer, the French had made a great matter of the loss of time, and said they had not been sufficiently instructed on the principal point; that the matters which they had to debate with them were many and intricate, and would occupy a long time; and, therefore, they would have had the Spaniards go through with their matters; and that either a peace or truce should be made with them [the English], during which all controversies betwixt France and England might be arranged at leisure.|
|33. Hereupon the Spaniards said that they answeredthat the English could not appoint the time of the return of the answer from England, as the sea is so uncertain, and it seemed that they were instructed sufficiently upon the principal point, which was to make no peace without the restitution of Calais, and that they had agreed and settled more things than the English and French would have to arrange; therefore, it were vain to speak of any conclusion of their matters, unless the English were agreed withal likewise, for without them the Spaniards would conclude no peace. The fault of the wars could not be laid to their charge, for the King of Spain had for the peace of Christendom agreed to many things prejudicial to himself; so no fault would be in them should the war continue.|
Conference at Cateau Cambresis.
|34. The French, seeing they could not persuade the Spanish Commissioners to conclude a peace unless England were first satisfied, said they would propose certain overtures of peace to them for England, which were these:—|
|(1.) That the Dauphin and the Queen of Scots being already married, and the Queen not like to remain long unmarried, they all being of that age that it is likely all shall have issue shortly; therefore, agreement be even now made for the marriage of these children, viz., that the Dauphin's eldest daughter shall marry the Queen's eldest son, and with her have Calais, when the Dauphin and Queen of Scots shall renounce all pretended right they may claim to have against England; and the Queen's eldest daughter shall marry their eldest son, whereby, for her dowry the King of France shall be acquitted of all debts and arrears owing to the Queen, and the pensions to her "extincted," as well as all other claims which the Kings of England pretend against the crown of France, that by these marriages all controversies shall be ended.|
|(2.) If it be not thought good thus to pacify all controversies, that then this way be taken for Calais. That a peace being made, the French retaining Calais for eight years (as by the treaty between Henry VIII. and Francis, Boulogne should have remained to the said King Henry for eight years), within that time the claims of both parties be determined by arbiters chosen by the King of Spain, being such as the King of France would not refuse; and whether the causes of refusing the arbiters shall be reasonable or not, shall be judged by the Duke of Alva and his colleagues.|
|35. These are the overtures which the French required Alva and his colleagues to declare to them [the English]; but the Duke told the French he thought they would not be received by the Queen; "Marry," quoth they, "What assurance may there be of these things to be performed in time to come?"|
|36. The French replied there is no surer bond than a prince's word, which has been given. Then they made pretence of being in great haste to depart thence; and for having a more speedy answer to these offers from England, offered to the English a safe conduct to their messenger through Calais. They also required the Duke, when he had talked these matters with the English, to meet them [the French] at the Duchess of Lorraine's lodging, and this he promised to do. Such they said was the effect of the long communication with the French on the day before.|
|37. The English thanked the Duke for his labour, and the good will they showed the Queen, assuring them that they would find her as faithful to the King of Spain. As for the overtures of the French, they said that although there was much to be said against them, yet they would leave it to the Queen to decide, and would not fail to use diligence to receive a speedy answer; but on consideration thought it meet not to send by Calais. The Duke put the overtures in writing, which the French had only declared by mouth, and sent them to the French, who said they were the same; a copy written by Secretary Courteville is herewith sent to the Queen.|
|38. After the Duke had declared the communication of the French, he told them that now there were three ways to consider for recovering Calais; one, by marriage, another by arbiters; both offered now by the French; and the third by war. The first could not take effect for sixteen or seventeen years, and the second for eight. As for the last, they must consider how they could maintain the war, which takes great sums of money. What a great army the King of Spain had last year (which the Duke of Alva said was the greatest he ever saw), and what a great navy also, and what charges he was at for it; also what a great navy they [the English] had, and what great charges they were at for its maintenance, and yet how little all this great army and navy joined together annoyed the enemy; and the French being provided for defence as they were last year, albeit two such armies were set up again (which is not easy to do), they would most likely do no more than last year. We must consider also whether we were able to maintain a war at such cost to so little profit; but if we were able to maintain one for six or seven years, no doubt the common enemy would then be brought so low that he must yield. The Duke also said that it is to be considered whether it will be expedient for the Queen, first coming to the throne, to continue the war, or rather to seek for peace until she have established her realm in good order; and if she decide for peace, to consider whether these offers of the French are to her honour sufficiently; or if any other means be devised whereby her honour be not touched, although Calais be not now redelivered. These things, said the Spaniards, should be considered.|
|39. By these communications, it seemed to the English Commissioners that these men are much desirous of peace, or else that they doubt whether the Queen could sustain the war, which should be greater than it has been. They also said that the King, their master, has kept in wages all the winter, and yet keeps great bands of Almaines, footmen, swartruyters and other horsemen, and of Spaniards; and that he is desirous speedily to know if the Queen is inclined for peace, that he may discharge these. They also prayed her to give them a speedy answer. This is the communication the Spanish Commissioners had with the English at that time.|
|40. Departing, the Spanish Commissioners went straight to the Duchess of Lorraine's lodging, to meet the French, saying they would certify the English of all that passed there, which indeed they did. For soon after, the Secretary Courteville came to tell them that the French asked them if they had declared the conditions they had offered, and how the English liked them? They replied that though they did not like them they had been content to send them to the Queen, to be accepted or rejected as it pleased her. The French again pressed haste, saying they had spent already a long time in this assembly, and they must bring the answer speedily to the King that he might be in readiness, should there be a war. "As for us," quoth they, "we come so fully resolved of the King our master's mind, that we never need to lose one hour in sending back to him." The Duke of Alva said they were too, on their side; and should any difficulty arise, could in one day advertise the King and have his answer again; and that the English had promised to use all haste. Such was the errand done to them from Alva by Courteville.|
|41. The English think that unless the Queen send back speedily full and perfect instructions on every point that may fall in question, they will hereafter have no time to send to England, to know her pleasure; therefore the whole matter might chance to be broken off without any good effect of this long meeting. They therefore pray her to consider this matter well and they will do their best to perform it. "We cannot perceive hitherto but that the King of Spain's Commissioners use themselves friendly and faithfully towards Your Majesty's matters, in all their conferences with the French, and still persist in one tale, that they will conclude nothing but that Your Highness be first satisfied."|
|42. Finally, would be glad to know what they shall do when this assembly will break up, which will probably be in a few days, after her answer arrives.—Casteau in Cambresis, 14 Feb. 1558. Signed.|
|Orig. Add.: W. Howard, Thomas Ely, N. Wotton. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 23.|
B.M. Galba C. 1. 1.
325. Another copy of the preceding.
Draft, with a few corrections. Left imperfect in this MS. and completed by Cotton's scribe. Injured by fire. Pp. 24.
B. M. Sloane, 4134. 135 & 151.
326. Another copy of the above
|327. Munt to Cecil.|
|Is yet at Argentin against his will, as the Diet at Augusta has not begun, nor have any of the Princes come thither, except Bavere, who is a neighbour to Augusta, and certain bishops dwelling thereabouts, as Frisingensis, Passoviensis, and Ratisbonensis. Last Sunday the Emperor has holden "funeralia" for his brother and sister at Augusta.|
|The Princes are unwilling to come to the Diet, nevertheless wishes they should be more obedient to observe and honour the Emperor, as his honour is their glory. The commissaries of this city shall depart about Saturday, this week, with whom he intends to go to Augusta. The French Ambassador is departed hence on 4 Feb. for the Diet, and it is supposed to face and colour the detentation of Metz, Lorraine, and other parts occupied from the empire with glorious and vain promises to restore them. The Pope refuses to confirm Ferdinand to be Emperor, "and that by the instigation of the French King to Ferdinand this and that hie kepe Ferdinand to attempt nothing against him in the empire, feeding him with fair words to obtain the confirmation for him of the Pope." If Ferdinand were so earnest in prohibiting men of war to go into France as Carolus has been, he should have less horsemen and footmen. This amity with the Emperor and the French King shall bring great detriment to Germany, as long as the French King ceases not to enlarge his dominions under this pretensed amity. The young King of Denmark shall marry the Emperor's daughter, which seems to be practised by Augustus the Elector of Saxony, who has married this King's sister. For all that the French King will not be pleased with this marriage, but it will not be unmeet for Denmark, for the establishment of the realm to this King and his posterity, and the exclusion of Christiern's daughters.— Argentin, 14 Feb. 1559.|
|Orig. Hol., with seal of arms. Endd.: 14 Februarii 1558. Pp. 3.|
B.M. Sloane, 4142. 21 b.
328. Another copy of the above.
Galba, B. xi. 193.
|329. Vitus Polantus to Sir Henry Killigrew.|
|[Burnt.] On the 12th inst., between 12 and 1 o'clock in the day, died Otto Henry, Count Palatine of the Rhine, the writer's dear master and Mecænas.|
|Replies to Killigrew's letters written at Argentina, and which he received on 27 January. His admonition was unnecessary. Here he is where he promised to be. Immediately after Killigrew's departure he had offered himself and all that he possesses to the Queen and the progress of the true religion. Had reduced to writing, at the command of his deceased master, what Killigrew had told him, with which that Prince was much pleased, and communicated it to one of his kinsmen, no less good and brave than himself. Had he lived he intended to have sent the writer to other princes to treat of this subject. This, however, will be done by his kinsman and successor in the electorate, Frederic, Count Palatine of the Rhine and Duke of Bavaria, a lover of the true religion.|
|Advises that the Queen should send here Christopher Munt, who was lately here as Ambassador, to congratulate the new Elector on his accession, and to repeat what he had already stated to the Elector deceased. The matters mentioned by Killigrew to the writer may be discussed with him privately by Munt, who shall ask the writer to communicate them secretly to Frederic, so as to afford an opportunity of speaking thereupon. In this matter the new Elector will most probably yield to the Queen's wishes, to whom he can be of much service.|
|Feb. 15.||The Elector has two brothers, the Duke George, whose wife is the mother of Wolfgang, Count Palatine, Duke of Bipont. The second Duke, Richard, is a good and excellent Prince, about 30 years old, unmarried, whom if the Queen would pension she would much please his brother, the recent successor to the dignity, and all the princes who adhere to the true religion. [Burnt.] [He] would levy and head the troops of Germany. If the plan be approved the writer can manage to arrange it quietly, by causing the application for Richard to be made by Frederic. Let this be conveyed to the Queen and an answer be speedily returned. Will be happy himself to serve the Queen.|
|One of Killigrew's fellow countrymen had lately asked the writer whether the League of the Protestants ("you know what I mean") should still continue? Could give him no direct answer, but might have said that the treaty between the Emperor Charles and the Protestants made in 1546 is dissolved, and that now each one has to defend his own faith with the sword. The matter may be done by legates, as the Prince, lately deceased, would have attempted to do. It might be done yet, were people earnest in religion. Will he write speedily on these matters? [Burnt.] Desires to congratulate the Queen, and recommends himself to the councillors whose names Killigrew had mentioned. Is much grieved at the death of the Prince. Let him write quickly, that the business may proceed. They expect a successor to the deceased Elector will be here within ten days, and who will rule in the Upper Palatinate. The mission of Mont, or some other, is desired. Will not disregard the affairs of England. Salutes his old friend Ascam, who was with them in the Diet of Augsburg in 1550, along with Morysin.—Heidelberg, after the funeral of his dearly beloved master, the Prince Elector, Otto Henry, 15 Feb. 1559. Signed: Vitus Polantus, J.U.D.|
|Orig. Hol. Endd. by Cecil: 15 Feb. 1558. Add.: To H. Killigrew, or in his absence to be opened by Cecil. Encloses (fol. 192) a pedigree of the Counts Palatine of the Rhine, from Robert, who died in 1410. Lat. Pp. 3.|
B. M. Sloane, 4142. 27 b.
|330. Another copy of the above. Forbes' transcript.|
Hatfield House. Haynes, 245.
|331. Sir E. Carne to the Queen.|
|Since his letter of the 11th inst., addressed to her by the post of Venice, has nothing to write of any importance. As now goes a post to the Court of Flanders sends the effect of all that he sent by the ordinary of Flanders by the 9th and the post of Venice of the 11th inst., viz.—|
|The French here can obtain nothing of the Pope against her; he has such respect to herself and her realm that he will attempt nothing against either, unless occasion be given first "therhence." One of the Cardinals, greatest with his Holiness, told him [Carne] that he and others mind to cause the Pope to send his Nuncio to her, but stay till she sends hither first to him. The Pope continues sending away his kinsfolk "herehence." Some of his nieces having been left out of the decree of banishment of his kinsfolk, he made a new decree for them, so that all his kinsfolk, men and women, are gone "herehence," and he will have no man intreat for them.|
|From France the late advice is that there is a sure hope of the peace, and that King Philip will marry the French King's daughter; and yet is informed (by Philip's Ambassador, who is here for the erection of certain bishoprics in Flanders and Brabant) that Philip has an army ready, of horsemen and footmen, that he has taken up 4,000 horsemen of black harness, called swartrowters, and that the French King prepares an army likewise.|
|It is reported in the Court here that the Pope waxes very weak and cannot sleep. The Spaniards here are the gladdest men in the world upon late advertisements that she will marry King Philip, which is liked far better here than the French King's daughter for him.|
|Since his said letters there has been no alteration. Yesterday was kept here a consistory wherein the bishopric of Brescia was given to the Potestate of Brescia, as the Venetians desire; whereby Seignor Prioly, that was there with the late Cardinal, is excluded from the right that he pretended to it. Also the pope made a bull to the effect that all Cardinals inquired upon of heresy in the Inquisition should be deprived of their votes in the election of any Pope, so as neither to give any vote for any other, nor be able themselves to be chosen. The bull was read in the consistory and the Pope subscribed it, but the Dean of the College, who should next subscribe, refused, saying that the honestest man might have an enemy who might give wrong information, and therefore unless a Cardinal were convicted, he should not be deprived of his right. Of this opinion were all the Cardinals present, and so the bull could not pass.|
|Should any other occurrences happen between this and Saturday, will then advertise, as he does every. week.—Rome, 16 Feb. 1559. Signed.|
|Orig. Sig. Add.|
B.M. Cal. E. V. 70.
332. Copy of a portion of the above.
Much damaged by fire.
B.M. Calig. B. ix. 208.
|333. Abstract of the above.|
|"A Nuncio intended for England, but stayeth until the Queen first sendeth to the Pope, according to the message he had delivered by the Queen's directions by her letters, 20 Dec."|
|334. James of Bassantyne, to . . . .|
"His Honour" knows the chance of the writer's voyage
towards the north in the ship called the Mignon. Is anxious
to do his duty to his good master. Is in the town of Hull
yet, where repair some merchants of Scottis that have lately
"cummed" from Scotland; has heard by them "the fashion of
the country"; and thinking that his Honour should be secretly
advertised thereof, proposes to write all secret matters by the
"alphabet," or cypher, which he sends under written.—
Hull, 17 Feb. Signed: James of Bassantyne, Scottisman.
Orig. Hol. Endd. Pp. 2.
R.O. Forbes, 1. 59.
|335. The Queen to the English Commissioners at ChateauCambresis.|
|"Instructions given by the Queen, 19 Feb., 1 Eliz., to William Lord Howard of Effingham, and Chamberlain, Thomas Bishop of Ely, and Dr. Wotton, her Commissioners beyond the seas."|
|1. Although they have wisely followed their instructions touching the principal point, the restitution of Calais, yet nothing available has ensued by reason of the Frenchmen's peremptoriness. She now enlarges their authority therein in reply to their letters of the 14th inst.|
|2. If the Duke of Alva shall not depart from telling the French Commissioners that rather than abandon Calais he is willing to continue the war, "we would the French should be once attempted again, and perceive that ye are as peremptory to demand it as they are to deny it." If they find the Duke not ready to animate them herein, they shall point out to him how dangerous the retention of Calais by the French is to the safety of Flanders and the Low Countries. She has such trust in them by their proceedings hitherto, and specially in the King their master and her good brother, that herein she has willed the English Commissioners to use their advice.|
|3. The English Commissioners, if they cannot succeed herein, shall show the Duke of Alva that the Queen will yield some part of her just desire; and shall ask if the Duke can devise any convenient mediation to appease the inconvenience of this matter of Calais between her and the French? If he has no plan, they shall suggest that it might be devised for her to have the town and port of Calais, with such grants and territories as are within the main river from Newnham Bridge eastward towards Flanders, the French to have the whole county of Guisnes without that river, and all the high country from Newnham Bridge westward towards France. Good might thus enure to all three; to herself the possession of the haven; to Philip a separation from his ancient enemy; to the French by the inundation of the low country about Newnham Bridge and the stopping of all passage a forbearing of all invasions to be made hereafter by the English upon him. "This device must be circumspectly both opened and ordered, that it may seem to come of the King of Spain's ministers only, and to be moved indifferently both to you and the French Commissioners as a thing to be as much at the first misliked of you as of the French."|
|4. If this be considered not meet to be furthered by the English Commissioners ("as indeed it is but an hard choice, and yet better than none,") or if it be rejected by the French, then the Duke of Alva may propose that they shall accord to permit Calais to remain in the hands of the French for five, six, seven, or eight years, with special provision for restitution at the end of these years, upon such recompences as shall be appointed by the arbitrators to be named by the King of Spain, according to the precedent of 1546 in regard to Boulogne; a copy of which is sent herewith. The pensions and arrears are to be referred to the said arbitrators.|
|5. All their labour shall be spent in vain with the French (and so they shall declare at the first to the Duke of Alva) if they do not also conclude a peace for England with Scotland, "for certain it is as you all three know, that the greatest burden of these our wars resteth upon Scotland, and be daily like (if they continue) to be greater and greater." She does not perceive by any of their writings, either at this time or heretofore, whether there is any authority in the French to conclude for Scotland like as they have special commission for the same. They may therefore conclude a peace with the French in which Scotland shall be included, according to their former commission, within one month or two, with such terms as that thereby the port of Aymouth be rased.|
|6. " Because we see the French very peremptory, both for their tarrying and their treaty, we do refer the consideration of all other occurrences, and the utterance and order of these our articles of charge, to your discretions and wisdoms, who being in this case our most inward councillors, and not ignorant of the state of our realm, having been much weakened of late with sickness, death, and loss by wars, can very well consider how unmeet it is for us to continue in these manner of wars, if we may be otherwise provided of a peace like to continue; and how fit it is and necessary to have peace, whereof we do make you and shall account you our principal ministers; praying you to bend your whole industry thereunto, and specially to preserve the good amity between us and our said good brother the King of Spain, from whom you may assure his ministers no policy nor subtilty of the French shall dissever us."|
|7. If they shall perceive, after having done their best, that either the French will not agree to leave Calais at the end of a specified time, or will not accord to the rasing of Aymouth, but will utterly break off, "we do give you authority, at the very last end, being as loath thereunto as may be devised, rather than to continue these wars, to make the peace as you best and most honourably may, and as the difficulty of the time may serve, so that we may have certainly peace with Scotland, with reservations of our claims as well to Calais as to all other our titles, pensions, and arrearages heretofore due by France."|
|8. If it be necessary to make this last concession, and they see no other device for the obtaining of peace, they shall endeavour by means of the Duke of Alva, to induce the French to stay the treaty until they despatch a courier to obtain the Queen's last resolution hereto, which (they may say) "seemeth necessary to be imparted to the nobility and other estates assembled now in Parliament, whose contentations is very requisite herein, because of the satisfaction of the whole realm, that liveth in expectation of the recovery of the same town. And if ye find it not possible to stay the French by no manner of means in this behalf, then, rather than to make a full breach and a continuance of these wars, you may do as we have authorized you before, using as many good provisions and reservations of our rights and title, namely to Calais, for opinion's sake, and also to all other things usually provided and reserved in such like treaties as you may possibly."|
|9. If the treaty of peace with Scotland cannot now be perfectly concluded at this present, and they are compelled to make provision that it be done shortly after, then they shall require hostages, but in this point they have authority "for the obtaining of any at all or none at all." Herein she will accept their doings in good part.|
|10. "Touching the device of the imagined marriages between Scotland and us, we think the same scant worth the uttering of the French or the hearing of us." Yet, if they require an answer, "ye may say that hereafter upon God's goodness, showed in giving such fruit of children as the said devices do presume, the same may then serve for good purpose of corroboration of amities."|
|" And thus you have, as the briefness of the time might serve, a resolute answer to your last letters, being considered by the advice of the whole Privy Council."|
B.M. Galba. C. 1. 22.
|336. Another copy, signed by the Queen at the top, and at the end (fol. 26.) by the following Lords of the Council.—Bacon, Cust. Sigill. Winchester; F. Shrewsbury; F. Bedford; Penbroke; E. Clynton; Ab. Cave; E. Rogers; F. Knollys; W. Cecil; William Petre; John Mason; Ry. Sakevyle.|
|Orig. Add. Endd.|
B.M. Sloane, 4134. 177.
337. Another copy of the above.
R. O. Forbes, 1. 65.
|338. The King of France to the Queen.|
|Is happy to receive the expression of her desire for peace between the two kingdoms, which he reciprocates. Sends back to her Sir Guido [Cavalcanti], from whom he had received her letter, who will express his great regret at changing his first deliberation touching the manner in which the negociation was to have been settled, but that it has not altered in the slightest degree the affection he bears her.— St. Fiacre, 19 Feb. 1558. Signed.|
|Orig. Add. Endd by Cecil: R. Gall. ad Reginam, per Cavalcant. Fr. P. 1.|
B.M. Sloane, 4134. 187.
339. Another copy.
|340. Treaty of Cateau Cambresis.|
|Report by Guido Cavalcanti of his mission into France. "Monday morning. M. de Guise. Present Bourdin." He [Guise] wished to know the substance of the writer's despatch; and when he understood that he had come again about Cambrasi he appeared to be greatly astonished, and said he was quite sure that the King would never have it so, and that this new negociation would end in nothing. Wished to see the writer's instructions, and when he saw the last item; he said, "This will perhaps save much time to us and trouble to you; because if you do not get this point, it would be as though you had not carried one point against so many propositions made by the King." He began to devise means, and asked if the writer knew the Queen's intentions, and whether he had private instructions to assent to any place? Cavalcanti answered that he had no other charge than Cambrasi, and that he asked for this, and then he advanced all the reasons mentioned to him here, and some other besides. Seeing that none prevailed, he added that although the King would not have Cambrasi, yet he hoped that in the end the Queen would not refuse some other convenient place, and that if the King [of France] would send there secretly or publicly it would be taken in good part, and that whoever came would be treated with discretion and regarded with favour.|
|He [Guise] answered that it would be impossible to do anything in secret which would be worth the doing, or which would not soon come to light and be made public. Moreover, it would be a place very inconvenient as far as regarded the despatches which it would be necessary to send off daily. Nevertheless he would mention it to the King.|
|Then he [Guise] asked the writer if Lord William had passed, and what he was going to do? Cavalcanti replied that he did not know, but that it had been arranged before this negociation was begun that his Lordship should pass, and that as the King of Spain's people had pressed so much that he should pass, the writer thought that the Queen would not do less for fear of increasing suspicion as to this negociation, and that there was no doubt that all plans and designs would fail; but that he [the writer] fully believed that everything would be suspended until the subject of this negociation should be brought about.|
|"Monday evening; the King; present the King Dauphin, and M. de Guise." Cavalcanti presented the letter, which he [the King] read with the usual thanks, and asked if the Queen were well. The writer made apology for her not having sent a "toccano" corresponding to the King's, and told him what was the custom of England, and that in due season the Queen would show her good disposition towards him in a much greater matter. He replied that no interchange was needed, and that her good will was sufficient. He asked who was there for the King of Spain? Cavalcanti told him, and that moreover another was expected, and one from the Emperor, and that doubtless their party would not sleep, and that he had information that they were moving in important matters, things that were never proposed to the late Queen; and that if the steady inclination of the Queen towards the King did not withhold her, they would be very acceptable to her. He asked if the writer really thought there would be a marriage with the King of Spain, or his cousin? He said that he was not sure, but that the King firmly believed it, and as he saw that it would not be for himself, he would try for his cousin.|
|He then entered on the negociation and said that the coming to a conference pleased him, but that he wondered that Cambrasi was again proposed, and he prayed the Queen not to insist upon it further, because in some way he would come to speak there of a matter which she desired, and that it would not look like treating with a free princess as she said she was; and that if rough words were given to the deputies at Cambrasi, they were not to wonder thereat, but were to understand that they were meant for the Imperialists, and not for the Queen. Cavalcanti answered, that his charge was to pray His Majesty to consent; and that if the Queen would not observe secresy it might be just the same at another place. The King admitted that this was true, but that other places were not so suitable to the design of Monseigneur of Arras, of whom he appeared to be suspicious. He then began to propose other places, and asked if Cavalcanti had commission to accept any, who answered him as he had answered M. de Guise. He asked who, in the writer's opinion, would be the deputies? Cavalcanti answered that he thought the Queen would appoint personages similar in rank to those nominated by His Majesty, and that the greatness of this kingdom and of the negociation required that worthy and noble persons should be selected. The King said "true," and took time to meditate, and said that the next day the Vidame should go to the Constable with all despatch. Cavalcanti showed him the portrait, and he was much pleased; he thought her very beautiful, and said that she was like her father, the great King Henry of famous memory. The writer said that she resembled him also in her deeds, and that she was not so much to be valued for her external beauty as for the inner virtues and excellencies of her spirit. The King wished Cavalcanti to leave it that it might be copied, and he did so.|
|"Wednesday; M. de Guise. Present, Bourdin." He again wondered that the Queen should propose Cambrai, and stated that the King was very suspicious on this head. The writer showed him the reasons which moved her, but they did not satisfy him; and he said that the King would not add anything more of importance on that particular. He again began to devise means, saying that Boulogne would be very suitable, as being a place situated between the two Courts and convenient for both sides to send despatches, and that it appeared that the King's mind was fixed on that place. The writer said that if they wished to negociate there, they should propose some place thereabouts, Nid (?) or some place on this side, to go thither, in case the Queen would not be willing for good reasons to go thither, and that if the King would use this courtesy it would be appreciated, and that he trusted she would not allow herself to be outdone in courtesy. M. de Guise said it would be difficult thus to content the King, and the more so because he desired that he [Guise] should be one of the deputies if he would go so far off, nevertheless he would speak about it. He appeared to be much pleased to be one of the deputies, and hoped that some good would come of treating in this manner. He then asked whether the Queen would consent to such a meeting, because it was thought that if she would make any difficulty about it, they would not propose it, having already on this side made sufficient advances. Not to leave the business imperfect, the writer said that he considered that such was his intention, adding that if she would do so he thought she would do well, because if she did not do so quickly, it would be seen that the Spaniards would not omit to transact all their business, thought and deed, by themselves, excepting matters of form, and that if the King would be a little generous to the Queen, it would be better to do so here than at Cambrasi. Moreover that the treaty between themselves would be a sign of greater liberty and greatness.|
|He [Guise] asked what the Parliament was doing, and the writer answered that it was only just beginning when he left, that he thought they would proceed to give money to the Queen, and that such was their goodwill towards her that they would give whatever she asked.|
|The interview being ended, on the same night the Vidame was sent to the Constable with all despatch, and the writer added such things, by way of note, as seemed to him useful in the cause, and particularly about bringing about the matter of Nid (?). The said Signor [Vidame] returned on Sunday evening. The writer's entire despatch was finished, which contained about the coming to a conference at Boulogne, to which the King would send M. de Guise, the Vidame, M. de Mourtier, and there only remained for the writer the audience with the King for his dismissal, when there came a courier from the Constable telling him not to leave until he had heard further from him. This letter detained him eight days, and set aside the whole despatch which he had prepared, for the reasons which the gentleman of the King's chamber, sent with his friend, will declare.|
|"Last audience of the King, Sunday, 19th, at St. Fiacre, touching my departure." The King kept the writer téte-á-téte, about an hour, and told him what deputies he had chosen, that he had settled his first despatch, and that he [Cavalcanti] had much pleased him, hoping that by this method a good conclusion might be more easily arrived at; but that his intentions had been much impeded by Lord William's mode of negociating, which was contrary to all expectation and opposed to what the Queen had intimated about her being a free princess; that he had protested against Cambrasi, thinking that she had joined with the King of Spain, and resolved to run the same course; and that the deputies of the King of Spain had intimated the same thing. Moreover Lord William had said that he knew all the business done here, as well by Lord Grey as by the writer, ("and that the whole affair was smoke,") to whom the Queen had intrusted her real instructions, and that he [Lord William] had said many other things which made him [the King] much wonder, and that he knew that the Spaniards by means of his Lordship had notice of everything, and that Mgr. of Arras had dropped some words which intimated no less. If, however, the Queen was satisfied with the matter, they were contented with what pleased her, and that the good understanding should not be diminished in consequence. The King said he had made great efforts to show his good intentions, without the intervention of anyone.|
|The writer replied that if in the matter of Cambrasi the Queen's ministers, from too great a desire to serve her, had run counter to his [the King's] pleasure, she would much regret it, and then asked him if in case she wished to come to the conference planned by His Majesty, he would be pleased. He answered, "When we have information on that head we will think about it."|
|He then said, lastly, that the writer must not fail to use all the good offices that he could to help his [the King's] servant in everything, and that he had instructed him always to do the same; that although the affair had not succeeded, yet he hoped that at last everything would be accommodated and that the negociation would not be broken off, and that he [Cavalcanti] should be always turning and looking in that direction. Finally, he desired that his hearty respects should be presented to the Queen.|
|"The same night, at M. de Guise's, on my departure." He lamented, even more than the King, Lord William's negociation, and that he should have thus interrupted the good inclination which the King at first had, from which every favourable result might have been anticipated. He made use of a phrase to the effect that no wonder that the end should correspond with the beginning, and that the King perceived .........great regret, yet that at the end he would be satisfied with what pleased the Queen.|
|Orig. Cavalcanti's hol. Ital. Pp. 6.|
|341. Cavalcanti's Negociations. (fn. 1)|
|"The King of France writes that he is sending this gentleman of his, in order to give a better account of the negociation of Cambrasi; but this explanation does not serve for the answer, which I am as ready to take there [to England] as he. In giving the answer to me he may use this argument that since the King writes he is satisfied with me, as is the Queen, in consequence she does not desire to have any change made in conducting the negociation. If the answer be so brief that it can only be given to this courier, in that case this answer may be given to the letter which the King writes by me, and he may be told that the Queen thinks I should repass over thither, as she has heard that the King has commanded me to do; and in order that I may be near Her Majesty, that I may send over news of anything that occurs. And if there be no occasion to re-despatch me, that she desires him to send me secretly to Cambrasi, where I can be among the deputies to do such offices as in similar cases other mediators have done; and in that case it will be necessary to write to the deputies. Finally, in maintaining me in this negociation, if the course here recommended be adopted, whatever may befall, no one can doubt this, that the Queen can well believe she will be better served by me than a Frenchman. I shall always be able to send more news thence than a Frenchman. By being at Cambray I can occasionally give advertisements which will do no harm (?)"|
|Orig. Cavalcanti's hol. Endd.: Memoria sopra il despaccio che sà da fare al re di F. Ital. Pp. 2.|
|342. The Vidame to the Queen.|
|Laments the sudden accident which has suspended this negociation. It has occasioned much dissatisfaction to the King, his master, as she will be more fully informed by the bearer. Assures her of his own desire to serve her.—Paris, 20 Feb. 1558. Unsigned.|
|Orig. Hol. Endd. by Cecil: 20 Feb. 1558, the Vidame to the Queen, by Cavalcanti. Fr. Pp. 2.|
B.M. Harl. 353. 151 b.
|343. Proceedings of Privy Council.|
|Westminster, Feb. 20, 1558.—Present: the Lords Great Seal and Treasurer; the Earls of Shrewsbury, Bedford, and Pembroke; the Lord Admiral; Mr. Treasurer, Mr. Comptroller, Mr. Vice-Chamberlain, Mr. Secretary; Mr. Cave, Mr. Peetere, Mr. Mason, Mr. Sackevill.|
|A letter to Sir James Crofts that, whereas the Lords are certified by Richard Asheton, receiver, that he has made payment lately to the Treasurer of Berwick of so much money as will make the full pay for the old ordinary garrison at Berwick, and for that is due the 14th of this present, they thought good to signify the same unto him, to the end he may take order with the Treasurer for the paying over of the same in due time accordingly.|
|A letter to the said Sir James, in answer of his of the 14th of this present, to whom it is written that the Lords have taken order for the sending of grain and fish to Berwick with speed and the safe wafting thereof thither.|
R. O. 27 V. 82.
344. Another copy of the above.
R. O. 27 VI. 28.
|345. Another copy of the above.|
B. M. Cal. B. V. 325 b.
|346. Claim to the English Crown.|
|Mary, Queen of Scotland, England, and Ireland, certifying that master Patric Vaus, parson of Vigtone, being her almoner and personal attendant, is entitled to certain advantages incident to this office.—Villiers, 20 Feb. 1558. Marie,— Pagrantrie.|