Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 1, 1558-1559. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1863.
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June 1559, 21-25
|864. Mundt to the Queen.|
|The longer the Diet sits the greater become the disputes about religion. The keenest advocate on the side of the Papists is now the Emperor, who both accuses and condemns. In proof of this, the Protestants having demanded that if any of the clergy should embrace their religion, he should not on that account be deprived of his benefices (as Mundt had written to her on 17th May) the Emperor in reply has issued his decision, which is now sent. The Protestants also complained of many grievances endured by them through the Judge of the Chamber, and asked the Emperor to secure them against such unjust sentences as had been decided by the treaties of Passau and Ratisbon. To this the Emperor answered that there could be no more fitting tribunal than the Imperial Chamber for the decision of questions of religion.|
|Sees no prospect of an agreement in religious matters at this Diet. The Papists carry themselves more insolently than ever, and how can there be any public peace among so much disputation and bitterness? The imperial cities, which in the time of the wars of the Emperor Charles were associated with the Princes, now refuse to enter into a similar confederation, remembering the issue of that war and its cost.|
|Here at Augsburg and in almost all the other cities the religion continues, and although it is not probable that this Emperor will try to do that in which Charles failed, yet the fury of the Pope and the Papists will leave nothing unattempted.|
Is surely informed that the Orator of the King of France
is at this time with the Duke of Wirtemburg urging him
not to refuse the mission into France, for the French King
much desires to see him and the Duke of Bavaria; and further
that they should procure from the Estates of the Empire the
confirmation to France of the city of Metz and the bishoprics
of Toul and Verdun, which he [the King of France] will hold
as fees of the Empire, and bear all the burdens of the Empire
as a faithful beneficiency should do. If he succeeds in this,
he will easily obtain the imperial crown. No republic will
be free from his bribery, and he has already too many friends
in Germany. The King of France also asks the Duke to
explain to the Estates of the Confession of Augsburg that
whereas it has been stated that he has been acting along
with the King of Spain in procuring a Council at which the
Pope shall be president and judge, in truth no such project
had been contemplated by him. In the Council for which he
is labouring, all disputes shall be decided by the Word of God,
and according to the precedent of the primitive church. Fair
words! but let the French King obtain what he wants from
the Empire, and he will act as he has always done.—21 June
Orig. Hol. Endd. by Cecil. Lat. Pp. 3.
|865. The resolution of the Emperor, in answer to the demands addressed to him by the States who have embraced the Confession of Augsburg, in which they ask indemnity for such clerks as might accept that Confession.|
|Munt's hol. Lat. Pp. 4.|
|866. Diet of Augsburg.|
The reply of the Estates of the Confession of Augsburg to
the exception taken by the Emperor against their claim of
indemnity for such of their clerks as might come to the Diet
Munt's hol. Lat. Pp. 2.
|867. Mundt to Cecil.|
|Has determined to leave this place at the end of the present month, as he had written to Cecil on the last of May, and to Coke, as he perceives that nothing will be done at this Diet respecting the dispute about religion and the mode and form of summoning a Council. The only matter seriously considered is how to get the States to agree to make a contribution. However, as he preparing to start, he received letters from M. Alen, the Queen's chaplain, from Antwerp, written on the 9th inst. requesting him to remain where he was until his [Alen's] arrival. This he does.|
Reports have reached them that Scotland embraces the
Gospel. It should be seen that the King of France does not
aim at some design under the pretext of stopping this
doctrine, for the Queen of Scotland sets up some feigned
claim to the realm of England. Knows for certain that the
King of France lately sent Rifenberg 20,000 crowns, but
cannot learn for whose use.—Augusta, 21 June 1559.
Orig. Hol., with armorial seal. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Lat. Pp. 2.
B. M. Cal. E.V. 79 b. Forbes, 1. 138.
|868. Throckmorton to the Lords of the Council.|
|On the 16th received their letters dated 13th by Francis, the courier. Sent to ask the Constable the time and place to speak with him; was answered that the writer should be at the Court next day at dinner in his chamber. Went there on the 17th, and after waiting for him in the company of Lamerque, at his coming to his chamber Throkmorton said that this visit was to tell him that if he, the writer, heard of anything contrary to the peace, he thought it his duty to inform him [the Constable] thereof, so that redress and order might be taken. Within the last few days some of the writer's gentlemen had happened to see certain scutcheons, wherein were contained the King and Queen Dauphins' arms and the arms of England quartered together, and certain others having the arms of England in the midst by themselves, unquartered and whole. Having them both ready drawn and set forth in colours he delivered them into the Constable's hands, adding, that knowing how strange the Queen will think this, he could not but inform him, the Constable, thereof, and try to see the matter amended; trusting that the King's pleasure was not that his painters should use these vain inventions and set them forth abroad, being so notoriously prejudicial to the Queen and contrary to the amity.|
|The Constable answered that when the marriage was made he was in prison, what they have done he knew not, and that he had not to do in those matters. Throckmorton said he trusted to the Constable's good disposition not to suffer, now that all the world comes together to see these triumphs, that the Queen be touched in her honour. He beheld the arms and seemed to take upon him not to know them to be the King and Queen Dauphins' arms, for there are no crowns on them. Throckmorton said that was but the oversight of the painter, and though he had not set forth the crowns yet there are the arms as they are drawn and portrayed; and the crown is set over them both in the palace and many other places in Paris where they are to be seen. The Constable said that as the Queen of England bears the arms of France, so it will be said it is lawful for the Queen of Scotland, being of the house of England, so near the crown as she is, to give the arms of England. Throckmorton replied not so, and that he no doubt the Constable knew ere this what business there has already been about that and to what extremities it has grown. Further, if the meaning hereof be to breed dishonour to the Queen and realm, she shall have cause to think herself much touched. Wherein the writer, as a private person, thought good to say this much to the Constable, praying him that order may be taken herein. The Constable replied, that this was a matter he has nothing to do with, but that he would break it to the Council, and stay what may touch the Queen's honour. So bidding Throkmorton not to trouble himself in the matter, that all would be well, they sat down to dinner, whereat was the Duke of Guise, the Cardinal Chastillon, Montmorency, the Prince of Roussillon, M. de Vadamont, and others of reputation.|
|2. After dinner took occasion to remind the Constable of his promise. He said he would not forget it, and also said that the Lord Chamberlain when there had told him of it. Replied he did not know that. The Constable asked if he [Throckmorton] would be present at the ratification between the King and the King Catholic, which would be next day. Replied that he would be ready to do the King's pleasure; and so the Constable bid him farewell.|
|3. Neither the Constable nor any one else has said anything to him touching the imposts. On consideration of that part of their last letter touching the imposts, remembers that of ancient time our English merchants have enjoyed certain privileges in Normandy and certain other places on the coast of France, which are now clean altered, and the taxes greatly increased. And though suit has been made for the restitution of their ancient privileges, yet no redress has been granted. Thinks it well that if the French Ambassador knew the matter, he shall be reminded of this, so as part of the imposts be remitted on that side. The French may cause the English merchants to be restored to the privileges they have already had.|
|4. On the 15th La Marque came to his lodging and showed him the passport given by the Queen to Betoncourt, the Scotch Queen's Master of the Household, and said that the King and the Constable found it strange that Betoncourt being a Frenchman should require such a passport, finding great fault that it was so conditional as to appoint what money he should carry over, which was 200 crowns; and also what servants he should have, but especially of his stay at the Court four days, whereat the King conceived some grief. Whereunto he [Throkmorton] replied that he, knowing well the law of England on this point, thought that the Queen (because her officers are often scrupulous in letting things pass against the law, and might perhaps have staid Betoncourt longer than he would) had of her special favour granted him the passport for his more speedy despatch. He also said it was not lawful for any stranger to convey money out of the land without passport.|
|5. The said La Marque also declared that he had to say from the King and the Constable, that whereas he [Throkmorton] had sent the requests of certain London merchants touching restitution of a ship taken at Jersey on the 3rd of last April (which was the next day after the date of the treaty); they desired to know after what sort he desired the restoration of it; whether by ancient treaty, or by the ancient privileges of the Isle of Jersey, or else by special favour showed to the Queen by the King. He [Throkmorton] made answer to each of these points, and La Marque replied that the King would decide shortly.|
|6. The same day the Duke of Alva arrived in Paris, and the Prince of Orange and Count d'Egmont, accompanied by the Count Swartzenburg, and a great company of gentlemen, well beseen in their apparel and horses. There were first sent to meet them, the Cardinal of Lorraine, M. de Montmorency, the Marquis d'Albœuf, and others, as far as S. Denys. Within half a mile of Paris the Duke of Lorraine, the Prince of Ferrara, and the Prince of Mantua, with Danvile, Meru, two of the Constable's sons, with the Rhinegrave and many other noblemen and gentlemen; and nearer the town, the Duke of Nemures with divers of the Privy Chamber. So they were conducted to Court and taken to the King's presence, with whom was the King Dauphin; next they visited the Queen Dauphin and the rest of the King's children, and then were conducted to their lodgings.|
|7. On the 17th rode to the Tournelles and saw the French King, the Duke of Guise, and forty in armour on horseback; who, to do the Duke of Alva pleasure, made many courses. Some ran well, some evil, but in his judgment, none exceeded much the rest.|
|8. According to the Constable's desire on the 18th was at Nôtre Dame and saw the ceremonies of the ratification despatched, where were the French Queen, the King and Queen Dauphins, and the French King's children, the Cardinals of Lorraine, Sens, Chastillon and Strozzi; of the Ambassadors, the Pope's Nuncio, the Bishop of Fermo, and the Ambassadors of Venice, Ferrara, and Mantua. The King and his Court were as brave as ever he saw any; the Burgundians were not far inferior. After the solemnities past, the King dined in the Bishop's palace; on his right were the Duke of Alva, the Prince of Orange and the Count d'Egmont; on his left, the King Dauphin, the Duke of Lorraine, the Cardinal of Lorraine, and Prince of Ferrara. The Constable had in another house by, another table, where M. de Guise, the rest of the Cardinals, and divers of the Duke of Alva's company dined. M. de Montmorency had another table, where dined the young noblemen and gentlemen, in which house (though not at one table) dined all the Ambassadors. The Ambassador of Portugal was absent from all these ceremonies.|
|9. The Cardinal Trivultio, the Pope's Legate, departed hence on the 19th, and the Bishop of Fermo, the Pope's Nuncio, will follow him in eight days; in whose place another shall be resident at this Court.|
|10. The Duke of Alva and Prince of Orange remain here till the towns agreed upon by the treaty are restored. The Duke is supposed to stay longer, for he carries into Spain King Philip's wife, who shall be affianced on the 21st and married on the 22nd by a procurer, viz., the said Duke.|
|11. The Duke of Savoy is expected on the 22nd or 23rd, being at Cambray on the 17th; and sometime next week he shall be married.|
|12. Whereas it was thought here that the King of Spain would go into Spain about August, for certain matters of importance he minds to call the State of his Low Countries together, and also proposes before his departure to keep the feast of the Toison (whereof the Duke of Urbyn is named to be one), wherefore it is supposed that he will not depart so soon as was thought.|
|13. The cause of the stay of the French Ambassador with the Turk, is because he told the Turk that the French King would not conclude a peace without his [the Turk's] knowledge; which, being come to pass, contrary to his expectation, has caused him to stay him as he does: still some think he is again liberated.|
|14. Instead of the Cardinal of Augusta and the Duke of Wirtemburg, said to be coming from the Emperor to that Court, the Dukes of Bavaria and Meckelburg, are reported to come. The Count Waldecke, arrived from Italy by post, says the Duke of Wirtemburg comes thither still.|
|15. When at Notre Dame on the 18th moved from his place to talk with L'Aubespine, the Secretary, upon the merchants' suit for the restitution of the ship taken at Jersey. He also said that although the Vidame of Amiens (the fourth hostage instead of Nantoillet) has made suit to come to Court, he is appointed to pass directly into England.|
|16. The Queen Dauphin that same day at church was very evil at ease, and to keep her from sounding [swooning] they were fain to bring her wine from the Altar. Never saw her look so ill, and the French and Scots fear she cannot long continue. The King has granted a very urgent commission to M. de Lansack, M. de Lyde, and Munpesat to seek the Earl of Arran, who it is thought, seeks to rid himself hence; their charge is to bring him quick or dead; whereupon some murmur at Court.|
|17. Is also informed that a practice is in hand between the Bishop of Rome, the French King, the King of Spain, and the Duke of Savoy; and that the said Duke with the Duke of Guise will make war with the Genoese; whereupon the Bernois arm themselves as fast as they can.|
|18. Is advertised by the Earl of Glencairn's brother that those sent to take the Earl of Arran are returned, having been to Chatelleraut in Poictou and other places, but cannot hear of him, and suppose he is escaped, none know whither; whereupon there is great marvellous discoursing and turmoil here. The Scotlandmen, who have hitherto had marvellous good countenance, are but meanly regarded; wherewith they are so offended that they openly declare they are desirous to be out of France. They verily think the amity so long continued between France and Scotland is now like to break. Learns the ..... suspects that he has escaped into ......... Understands the French King, supposing he is lurking in some place, sends the said Commissioners out again to find him out.|
|19. On the 20th, after dinner, came a gentleman from the King to desire him [Throkmorton] to wait on him about 8, at the Bishop's Hall near Notre Dame, on the 22nd, to be at the marriage of Madame Elizabeth, his daughter, to the King Catholic. Assures their Lordships that the Duke of Saxe, which is at the Court, is not he that was at St. Quentin, but a much properer man.|
|20. Henry Dudley has sent every day to Throkmorton for three days past to speak with him for the Queen's service. On the 19th, at 11 at night, went to meet him in the fields, as secretly as could be. Declared to him that having no such commission, he was loath to have to do with him but for the Queen's service, for which he had come to know what he had to say. Dudley said that the Marquis d'Elbuif had been with him and told him he minded ere long to pass through England, and thought the French King would send the said Dudley into Scotland; whereupon Dudley asked him [D'Elbeuf] of the time of his sending, who said he could not tell, but as soon as things here were despatched the French King would send into Scotland when he heard how those broils went forward.|
|21. Dudley further declared that the Count Rockendolph was with him and offered to do the Queen service, and said he was better known in Hamburgh, Lubeck, and other maritime ports that way than here. He also said that certain of the Privy Chamber had told him [Dudley] that John Rybald was sent for some enterprise upon the ports, and to go and consider the Isle of Wight, he thought for some great matter, and named the conveying of men into Scotland, which should be six ensigns; adding that the French King, when these triumphs and marriages were passed, minded to prosecute the Queen Dauphin's title to England. Dudley also said that the Lord d'Albany, brother to the Earl of Lennox, was in hand with him touching those matters, and said the Queen had not so much right to England as the Queen Dauphin; and if this title was not good there was another nearer than the Queen, which Dudley said he spoke as if affectioned to the matter. Knows not whether he said this much of honest meaning, or perhaps mistrusting that the same was known some other way, and so thought good to break thus far with the writer. Indeed the Tremaynes and Cornwall spoke of the same matters generally, before Throkmorton had spoken with Dudley, that the King meant, as soon as he saw time, to be busy with us.|
22. In the afternoon of the 20th, Lady Stafford came to
his lodging to declare how she had received a determination
in her matter touching the law, being in great lamentation
and asking his counsel. He suffered her to declare the matter
largely, but then told her he could give no counsel, as he
could not meddle in the matter. Then she desired, as soon as
she was despatched in her suit, to return to England. Told
her she knew best her own case, and could best tell whether
she might return or not. Begged him to signify her desire to
their Lordships, which he does.—Paris, 21 June 1559.
Orig. Injured by fire. Portions in cipher, deciphered. Pp. 13.
B. M. Sloane, 4134. 317.
869. Another copy of the above.
R. O. Forbes, 1. 135.
|870. Throkmorton to Cecil.|
|1. Received his letter on the 16th by Francis, in the beginning whereof, as he mentioned the want of date in Throkmorton's letter sent by Mr. Hinde, so in the end Cecil himself had committed the same error.|
|2. On the 19th Lord Creky came to him and desired his letters for Wm. Lord Hey of Ester, (who shall marry his daughter) for his better passage through England into Scotland, which he has granted. Had heretofore mentioned how dangerous a man the Lord of Creky was, but now having understood that he is cousin germain removed to the Earl of Arran, who esteems him and takes him for his friend and kinsman, and that he has a daughter in the Queen Dauphin's Privy Chamber, in great favour and credit with her, has for these causes granted his request. The said Lord Ester is to be mistrusted, and is indeed for his time a great Papist; and the said Lord Creky is nephew to the Cardinal that was slain.|
|3. Has signified to the Queen that an overture was made to him for an offer of marriage between herself and the Duke of Nemours, and that by persons of good reputation, and understands that now the said Duke has moved the matter to the Constable, who answered that this matter was not meet for him, adding "What, do you not know that the Queen Dauphin hath right and title to England?" Certain personages had also declared unto him "that they here looked but for occasion, and when they see time, said they, Have at you."|
|4. Thomas Randal should be warned, (if he be not despatched before the receipt of this,) upon his arrival in France to take upon him to be a merchant; for his better despatch he should come in post hither, and his passage should be as secretly as may be.|
|5. The Earl of Glencarne's brother asked a passport for Robert Cunningham, a Scottishman, who was banished Scotland and France, and was sent over as one recommended by the Earl of Lennox's brother, M. d'Albany, to the said Earl. "The Queen Dauphin sounded [swooned] again this day." On 13 inst. despatched Mr. Randal to Cecil, who he supposes took shipping at Dieppe.|
|6. The French Queen and the Queen Dauphin, upon talk had of the Earl of Arran, have said that before this Ambassador of England came over, he said he would come if he were made able; whereupon he desired to have liberty to cut his wood in Poictou, to make money of. Now, since the Ambassador of England's coming, as soon as he was sent for he refused to come, and now has conveyed himself out of the way. May perceive by this that he [Throgmorton] already begins to be greatly suspected here. Begs him to consider the same, and to appoint some meet man in his stead before he receives any disgrace.|
|Lady Stafford has three times declared to him out of the mouths of the Queen Dauphin, the Marshal St. André, and De l'Aubespine, that Sir James Crofts' secretary at Berwick is entertained by the Queen Dowager of Scotland, and advertises as much thither as he can get knowledge of. Believes that Sir James Crofts himself is utterly void of all suspicion, but what his secretary may be, God knoweth. Leaves him to consider whether the report be uttered bonâ fide, or to discredit Mr. Crofts, who is taken among them here to be a good servant for the Queen. Lady Stafford further told him that St. André, as she was a suitor to him in her own cause, asked her whether the Ambassador would not speak and do for her; and upon answering, No, he said, the Ambassador had promised to do all he could for Dudley, and will he not do as much for her? The talk that he [Throkmorton] had with Dudley was so late at night and so secretly, that unless the latter did but practise with the former to hear what he would say, marvels how it should come to the Marshal's knowledge.|
Recommends Sander Whitlo, a Scotchman, heretofore
pensioner in England in King Edward's time, (attending
upon the Duke of Somerset, and afterwards upon the Duke
of Northumberland,) whom the Earl of Huntly caused to
forfeit all his lands in Scotland, being a very honest, sober,
and godly man, and the most truly affectionate to England
of any Scotchman he knows; has been with him and given
him divers advertisements of things which are true. Supposes he will be content with what he had before in England.
Refers Cecil to his letters to the Council.—Paris, 21 June
Orig. Partly in cipher, deciphered. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 4.
B.M. Sloane, 4134. 308.
871. Another copy of the above.
|872. The Emperor Ferdinand to the Queen.|
|Her letters of the 5th inst., and the report of Caspar Preyner, Baron in Rabenstain. give him to understand her reception of his embassy. After recapitulating the import of her letter, (for the kind sentiments expressed in which he thanks her,) as also for her embassy sent to him at Augsburg a few months previously, he repeats his conviction that the Archduke Charles would have been a faithful husband to her, would have helped her to bear the cares, the labours, and fatigues of her Government, and given successors to the realm. Circumstances may occur in which his aid may be valuable; if so, she may rely upon it. Will send an Ambassador to reside permanently in her Court, until the arrival of whom the said Caspar Preyner will continue there.—Augusta Vendelicorum, 22 June 1559.—Signed: Ferdinandus,—V.Seld,—M. Singkhmoser.|
|Orig. Add., with Royal seal of England. Endd. by Cecil. Lat. Pp. 8.|
Nero, B. ix. 91.
873. Another copy of the above.
Transcribed from original.
Sloane, 4142. 7 b.
874. Another copy of the above.
R. O. 171 B.
875. Another copy of the above.
|876. The Marquis of Winchester to Cecil.|
|The Duke of Florence and the Seignory became bound to the King for Sir Anthony Guydote's debt of 15,000l., to be paid in fifteen years after 500l. a year, whereof 4,000l. is paid, the rest unpaid since the war began between the said Duke and the Duke of Ferrara at the suit of the Duke of Florence for the war time. Peace has been between the said Dukes these two years, yet no payment offered since, nor answer made to such letters as Bartholomew Compayne, Florentine, wrote to the Duke for the receiving of the payment. The Queen's letters should be written to him.|
|Provision for payment of Ireland should be considered. Also payment for the North, and payment of the Queen's debts. Sends two warrants for the payment of his debt in the Isle of Wight.—22 June 1559. Signed.|
|Orig. Add., with armorial seal. P. 1.|
B. M. Sloane, 4734. 172 b.
|877. Knox to Anna Lock.|
|1. "The last enemy, Death, shall be abolished." She hungers, he doubts not, to know the success of Christ's Evangel, the things that have come to pass since his arrival and his expectation in this enterprise, dangerous, indeed, and very strange to worldly men.|
|2. Wishes her to understand the proceedings of their brethren, the true professors of Jesus Christ, since they declared themselves enemies to Antichrist, and the requests made to the Queen Dowager by the nobility, barons, and commonalty. After many fair promises made by her nothing was meant but craft. The whole brethren consented that idolatry should be repressed where the most part of the people should admit reformation; and so was the kirk of Dundee reformed before his arrival, and public prayers were in other places. This so stirred the adversaries that the preachers were summoned to answer as criminals before a civil judge. The day of their appearance was 10th May 1559, being the 8th day after his arrival. He, being moved in conscience to give confession along with his brethren, after the rest of one day in Edinburgh, prepared to repair towards them, and on the third day after came to Dundee, where a great assembly of brethren was for consultation. The conclusion was that the whole company should accompany their preachers and give confession of their faith with them. And so from Dundee they departed to Saint Johnston, which late before had received the order of Common Prayers. But to avoid suspicion of resistance and rebellion against authority, one of the most grave and wise Barons was directed to the Queen Regent with declaration of their minds. She and her Council required that the multitude should not come to Stirling, where the preachers were appointed to compeir, and so should no extremity be used, but the summons should be continued till further advisement. This being gladly granted by the preachers, some of the brethren returned to their dwelling places; but the Queen and her Council, nothing mindful of their promises, called the preachers, and for lack of appearance did put them to the horn.|
|3. The brethren sought the next remedy. After appellation from such a doubtful sentence, they put to their hands for reformation in Saint Johnston, where the places of idolatry of grey and black friars and of Charterhouse monks were made equal with the ground; all monuments of idolatry that could be apprehended consumed with fire, and priests commanded under pain of death to desist from their blasphemous Mass. This did so enrage the venom of the serpent's seed that a sentence of death was pronounced against man, woman, and child, indwellers there, or that would assist them; and their city was threatened to be utterly destroyed, burnt, and rased, for the execution of which a great army of French and Scotsmen, with much ordnance, was prepared. The Queen and the priests had many favourers at the first, for they made the preachers odious in the ears of the people, alleging their assemblies to be a tumult, and that they pretended not religion but the subversion of authority, and that for that purpose they intended to fortify the town. This wicked bruit procured the preachers many enemies, who understanding their innocence were more favourable. They did all diligence to make their cause known as well to Frenchmen as to others, as diverse writings by them [the preachers] set forth do witness. In the end, men of discretion began to weigh their reasons and petitions, and thereupon persuaded the Queen to assav if they meant truly in their writings. Their offers were as yet they are, to serve the authority among them established in all things not plainly repugnant to God, to His commandment and glory. They asked that the Evangel might have free passage, and that their consciences should not be bound to men's traditions. Their reasons he cannot now recite. Hereupon messengers were sent to the preachers while the two armies were within three miles. Their number exceeded not 5,000 men, for their whole congregation was not assembled. Their adversaries were about 8,000, yet they sought the appointment, which was thus concluded, that the Congregation should leave the town of Saint Johnston free, in sign of their obedience to the Queen, that they should depart to their own houses, and should show no sign of rebellion against the authority. The Queen and her Council promised that no person within Saint Johnston, nor of those who assisted them, should be troubled for anything done, either in religion or downcasting of places, till the Estates in Parliament had decided the controversy; and that no bands of French soldiers should be left behind the Queen and Council in that town, and that no idolatry should be erected nor alteration made within the town.|
|4. But after she had obtained her desire all godly promises were forgotten; for the Sunday next after her entry Masses were said upon "a dyting table," (for all altars were profaned,) the poor professors were oppressed; when children were slain she did but smile, excusing the fact by the chance of fortune, and at her departure she left 400 soldiers (Scottishmen, but paid by France,) to "dantone" the town; she changed the provost, and exiled all godly men. This cruelty displeased many, who before assisted her with their presence and counsel. Among others, the Earl of Argyll and the Prior St. Andrew's left and joined themselves to the Congregation openly, which as it is displeasing to her and the shavelings, so was most comfortable and joyful to the preachers, for by their presence the hearts of many were erected from desperation.|
|5. At their commandment the writer repaired to them to Saint Andrew's, where it was concluded that Christ Jesus should there be openly preached, and that the places and monuments of idolatry should be removed, and that superstitions should be changed. This reformation there was begun 14th June. In the meantime came the Bishop of Saint Andrew's, accompanied with a great band of warriors, and commanded that no preaching should be made by Knox, who was both burnt and horned; "assuring the Lords that if they suffered me to preach, that twelve harquebutts should light upon my nose at once. O burning charity of a bloody Bishop!" But as that boast did little affray him, so did it more incense and inflame with courage the hearts of the godly, who proclaimed that Christ Jesus should be preached in despite of Satan. That Sunday and three days after the writer occupied that public place in the midst of the doctors, who to this day are dumb, even as dumb as their idols, who were burnt in their presence.|
|6. The Bishop departed to the Queen, frustrate of his intent, for he had promised to bring Knox to her, either living or dead. Incontinent was a new army assembled, and forward they marched against Saint Andrew's. It was not thought expedient that the Congregation should abide them lurking in a town, and so they passed to the fields and met them at Cowper, where lodging was appointed for their camps. But the Congregation prevented them, and remained upon their coming till the next day. When both armies were within shot of cannon and looked for nothing but the extremity of battle, (not that the Congregation intended to pursue, but only to stand in camp, where their field was pitched for defence of themselves,) there came from their adversaries an ambassador, desiring communing of the Lords, which gladly was granted. After long reasoning the Queen offered a free remission for all crimes bypast, so that they would no further proceed against friars and abbeys, and that no more preaching should be used publicly. But the Lords and the whole brethren refused such appointment, declaring that the fear of no mortal creature should cause them to betray the verity known and professed, neither yet to suffer idolatry to be maintained in the bounds committed to their charge.|
|7. The adversaries (perceiving that neither threatening, flattery, nor deceit could break the bold constancy and godly purpose of the Lords, barons, gentlemen, and commons, who were there assembled to the number of 3,000 in one day's warning,) were content to take assurance for eight days, permitting freedom of religion in the meantime, in which the abbey of Lundores (a place of black monks, distant from Saint Andrew's twelve miles) was reformed, their idols, vestments of idolatry and massbooks were burnt in their own presence, and they were commanded to cast away their monkish [habits]. Diverse canons of Saint Andrew's have given notable confessions, and have declared themselves manifest enemies to the Pope, to the Mass, and to all superstition. Thus far has God advanced the glory of His dear Son amongst them. "Oh! that my heart could be thankful for the superexcellent benefit of my God. The long thirst of my wretched heart is satisfied in abundance, that is, above my expectation, for now forty days and more hath my God used my tongue in my native country to the manifestation of His glory. Whatsoever shall now follow as touching my own carcase, His Holy Name be praised."|
|8. The thirst of the poor people as well as of the nobility here is wondrous great, which puts him in comfort that Christ Jesus shall triumph for a space here in the north and extreme parts of the earth. They fear that the tyranny of France, under the cloak of religion, shall seek a plain conquest of them; but potent is God to confound their councils and to break their force. God move the hearts of such as profess Christ Jesus with them to have respect to their jeopardy, and open their eyes to see that the ruin of the Congregation shall be their destruction. Asks her to communicate the contents hereof (which he writes to her lest that by diverse rumours she should be troubled and they slandered,) with all faithful, but especially with the afflicted of that little flock now dispersed and destitute of those pleasant pastures in which sometime they fed abundantly. If any remain at Geneva, asks that this same, or the double of it, be sent unto them, and likewise to his dear brother, Mr. Gudman, "whose presence I more thirst than she that is my own flesh." Wills him, therefore, in the name of the Lord Jesus, (all delay and excuse set apart,) to visit him, the writer, for the necessity is great here. If he come by sea, let him be addressed unto Dundee, and let him ask for George Levell, for George Rolloke, or for William Carmichael. If he come to Leith, let him repair to Edinburgh and inquire for James Baron, Edward Hope, Adam Fullerton, or for John Johnstoun, writer, by whom he will get knowledge of Knox. If Knox's mother and his wife come by her [Lock], let her will them to make the expedition that godly they can to visit him, or at the least to come to the north parts, where they shall know his mind, which now he cannot write, being oppressed with hourly cares. The bearer is a poor man, unknown in the country, to whom he asks her to show reasonable favour and kindness touching his merchandise and the just selling thereof.—Saint Andrew's, 23 June 1559.|
|878. Kirkaldy to Cecil|
|The natural love which he bears to his native realm, and the unfeigned desire which long he has borne that the inhabitants of this isle may be united in perpetual amity, compel him to declare their present estate, and to require of him counsel and comfort in this their danger. Religion is here in that furtherance that open defiance is given to all maintainers of idolatry. Twice have the professors of God's Word shown their faces for defence of their brethren, whose blood was sought for the cause of religion. Instantly they are upon the fields for the deliverance of St. Johnston, which the Queen, under promise, has taken and put in the keeping of soldiers, They fear not the party presently within the realm, for the most part of the nobility and commonalty have given open defiance to the Pope; but the craft of the Queen and the Papists is to bring in an army of French. In this case all godly men desire to know what support they may look for from England, with whom now they seek to be one in religion and friendship. Their number is great here and daily appears to increase if they be not overthrown by a foreign nation, which if he [Cecil] suffers, he will prepare a way for his own destruction. If he will advisedly and friendly look upon this, doubts not to find the means that Scotland will be as faithful to England to defend the liberty of the same, as he [the writer] is now to require support if they be assaulted by the French King's power. It will much advance the common peace of both realms if the Queen's marriage be not hasty; for such respects, as upon the knowledge of Cecil's mind concerning the premises, the writer will signify to his wisdom. Asks for an answer with expedition. If he lose this occasion he may perchance "thruste" for it and yet not find it so favourable to both parties. Prays that God may move his heart to be fervent and stout in this case, and the hearts of the Council and realm. Trusts he will keep this letter from the hands of such as may do him harm.—Grange, 23 June 1559. Signed.|
|Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 2.|
|879. The Council to the English Commissioners in the North.|
|Look daily for advertisement of their conclusion with the Scottish Commissioners. Remind them that the rasing of Ayemouth by special words mentioned in the treaty, must be a clean overthrow of the building, so as no wall remains, but is to be made even with the ground. Pray them to take heed that this be done and not to fail to press the Commissioners or any other Scottish Ministers as they shall think meetest. May use the express commandment of the Council for so doing if they see cause.|
|Draft. Cecil's hol. Add.: To the Earl of Northumberland, the Bishop of Durham, Dacres, and Croft. Endd.: 24 June 1559. Pp. 2.|
|880. Kirkcaldy to Sir Henry Percy.|
|Cannot wonder enough that he has never received answer, wherefore now desires him to let him know his mind in all things, as also to look upon this other letter and thereafter close it and send it with all haste to Mr. Cecil, "whomof" he shall require answer with all diligence.|
|At this present there are past to the taking of Saint Johnston the Earls of Argyll, Glencarne, Rothes, Monteyth, and the Prior of St. Andrew's, the Lords Reven, Ochiltre, Boyd, Drummond, and Ogilvie, with a great number of barons and gentlemen, so that they will be 10,000 men upon the fields at this present time. Many nobles and gentlemen who have not stirred at this present have sworn to do so if needful. (fn. 1) The Queen minds not to resist, because she may not; but purposes with the Frenchmen to keep Edinburgh, which he trusts shall be hard for her to do. She is like to grant the other party all they desire, which in part she has offered already.—The Grange, 25 June.|
|Orig. Hol. Add. Pp. 2.|