Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 1, 1558-1559. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1863.
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September 1559, 1-5
|1303. Alexander Ales to the Queen.|
|1. Congratulates her upon her accession to the throne by the "senatus consultum" of the realm, and the consent of all orders, she being the true posterity of the families of the White and Red Roses, the sole daughter of Henry VIII., and his lawful and undoubted heir. Although the joy which the intelligence of her accession occasioned to all the English, Scotch, French, and Belgian exiles (driven from their home for the confession of the pure doctrine of the Gospel), has already been made know to her by the churches of Frankfort on the Maine and Strasburg upon their return into Britain, yet he considers that the duty of conveying this intelligence belongs more especially to himself, England having afforded him an asylum at the time when he was summoned to teach in the University of Cambridge during the lifetime of her most pious mother. He is persuaded that all ranks will rejoice at her accession. After referring to various characters and incidents in the Old Testament history as illustrative of his warning, he assures her that he believes that she prayed with Esther when she saw her father's kingdom transferred to strangers, and the Archbishop of Canterbury killed like Abimelech the High Priest, by Doeg. She had been exposed like a second Esther to the dangers of a violent death in her sister's Court, because, like Mardocheus and the Jewish nation, she professed the same religion as the martyrs did, following herein the example of her mother.|
|He then proceeds as follows:|
|2. "I am persuaded that the true and chief cause of the hatred, the treachery, and the false accusations laid to the charge of that most holy Queen, your most pious mother, was this, that she persuaded the King to send an embassy into Germany to the Princes who had embraced the Gospel. If other arguments of the truth of this were wanting, a single one would be sufficient, namely that before the embassy had returned, the Queen had been executed.|
|3. "On account of this embassy, the Emperor Charles, (who formerly had been so hostile to your most serene father, with whom he had a suit before the Pope and the Papal Legate in England, Campegio, on account of his aunt, Queen Catherine, whom the King had divorced, and because he had married your mother, and honoured her with the regal crown,) most grievously threatened the Princes of Germany who were associated in the defence of the Gospel.|
|4. "It was chiefly on account of this embassy that he prepared for hostilities, and invoked the aid of the Pope, King Ferdinand, the nobles of Italy, Spain, Hungary, Bohemia, Lower Germany, and other nations.|
|5. "On account of this embassy all the Bishops who were opposed to the purer doctrine of the Gospel and adhered to the Roman Pontiff, entered into a conspiracy against your mother.|
|6. "And I myself in some sort was the occasion of this embassy, having been the bearer of the 'Loci Theologici' of Philip Melancthon, which that very learned man sent to the most serene King your father, and had, moreover, induced him to dedicate that book to the King's Majesty.|
|7. "I was also asked by the King whether I thought Philip would come into England if His Majesty invited him, and I answered that I had very little doubt as to his inclination so to do, could he obtain the permission of John Frederic, Duke of Saxony.|
|8. "From these reasons it has often occurred to me that it was a duty which I owed the Church, to write the history, or tragedy, of the death of your most holy mother, in order to illustrate the glory of God and to afford consolation to the godly. No one, as far as I know, has as yet published such a work; I have been admonished from heaven by a vision or dream, which I shall presently narrate, to make it known to the world. I will therefore recount, with brevity and simplicity, the events as they occurred, introducing no ornaments of doctrine, as is done by some historical writers thereby to recommend themselves to their readers and to obtain credence for their narrative.|
|9. "Shortly after the Bishop of Hereford [episcopus Erfordensis] had been sent into Germany by the most serene King along with Dr. Nicolas Heath, now Archbishop of York, it happened that Dr. Stephen Gardener [Hortolanus], Bishop of Winchester, then Ambassador with the King of France, (a most violent persecutor of all the godly, on account of the true doctrine of the Gospel, who afterwards caused Dr. Ridley, Bishop of London, Hopper, of Norwich, Latimer, of Worcester, and three others to be put to death,) wrote to those friends whom he had in the Court of the King of England, conspirators like himself, to the effect that certain reports were being circulated in the Court of the King of France, and certain letters had been discovered, according to which the Queen was accused of adultery.|
|10. "These letters were delivered by the steward [perefectus] of the Bishop of Winchester, the King's Secretary, Thomas Wrothisley, who afterwards was created Earl of Southampton [Comes in Hampton], whom Dr. Stephen had placed in the Court to watch over his interests. They were next shown to the Lord Crumwell, the King's ear and mind, to whom he had entrusted the entire government of the kingdom.|
|11. "As Crumwell attended at the Court daily, along with Wrotisley, the affair thus became known to the King himself. He was furious, but, dissembling his wrath, he summoned Crumwell, Wrotisley, and certain others, who, as report says, hated the Queen, because she had sharply rebuked them and threatened to inform the King that under the guise of the Gospel and religion they were advancing their own interests, that they had put everything up for sale and had received bribes to confer ecclesiastical benefices upon unworthy persons, the enemies of the true doctrine, permitting the godly to be oppressed and deprived of their just rewards. To them he intrusted the investigation of the whole business.|
|12. "These spies, (because they greatly feared the Queen) watch her private apartments [cubiculum] night and day. They tempt her porter and serving man with bribes; there is nothing which they do not promise the ladies of her bedchamber. They affirm also that the King hates the Queen, because she has not presented him with an heir to the realm, nor was there any prospect of her so doing.|
|13. "Not long after this the persons returned who had been charged with the investigation of the rumours which had been circulated, everything having been arranged according to their entire satisfaction. They assure the King that the affair is beyond doubt; that they had seen the Queen dancing with the gentlemen of the King's chamber [cum cubiculariis regis], that they can produce witnesses who will vouch to the Queen having kissed her own brother, and that they have in their possession letters in which she informs him that she is pregnant.|
|14. "Thereupon it was decided and concluded that the Queen was an adulteress, and deserved to be burnt alive. The Councillors were summoned to meet at the King's palace at Greenwich, opposite London, on the other side of the river Thames, on April 30.|
|15. "At this time I was in attendance upon Crumwell at the Court, soliciting the payment of a stipend awarded to me by the most serene King. I was known to the Evangelical Bishops, whom your most holy mother had appointed from among those schoolmasters who favoured the purer doctrine of the Gospel, and to whom she had intrusted the care of it. I was also upon intimate terms with the Archbishop of Canterbury and Latimer, to whom your most holy mother was in the habit of confessing when she went to the Lord's Table. He it was for whom she sent when she was in prison and knew that she should shortly die. Although this most holy Queen, your very pious mother, had never spoken with me, nor had I ever received ought from anyone in her name, nor do I ever expect any such thing, (for all royal Courts have hitherto been opposed to me,) yet in consequence of what I had shortly before heard respecting as well her modesty, prudence, and gravity, as her desire to promote the pure doctrine of the Gospel and her kindness to the poor, from the Archbishop of Canterbury, Bishop Latimer, and even from Crumwell himself, I was deeply grieved in my heart at that tragedy about to be enacted by the Emperor, the Pope, and the other enemies of the Gospel, whose intention it was, along with her, to bury true religion in England and thus to restore impiety and idolatry.|
|16. "Never shall I forget the sorrow which I felt when I saw the most serene Queen, your most religious mother, carrying you, still a little baby, in her arms and entreating the most serene King, your father, in Greenwich Palace, from the open window of which he was looking into the courtyard, when she brought you to him.|
|17. "I did not perfectly understand what had been going on, but the faces and gestures of the speakers plainly showed that the King was angry, although he could conceal his anger wonderfully well. Yet from the protracted conference of the Council, (for whom the crowd was waiting until it was quite dark, expecting that they would return to London,) it was most obvious to everyone that some deep and difficult question was being discussed.|
|18. "Nor was this opinion incorrect. Scarcely had we crossed the river Thames and reached London, when the cannon thundered out, by which we understood that some persons of high rank had been committed to prison within the Tower of London. For such is the custom when any of the nobility of the realm are conveyed to that fortress, which is commonly called the Tower of London, there to be imprisoned.|
|19. "Those who were present (of whom, by God's mercy, many are still alive, and have now returned into England from banishment) well know how deep was the grief of all the godly, how loud the joy of the hypocrites, the enemies of the Gospel, when the report spread in the morning that the Queen had been thrown in the Tower. They will remember the tears and lamentations of the faithful who were lamenting over the snare laid for the Queen, and the boastful triumphing of the foes of the true doctrine. I remained a sorrowful man at home, waiting for the result; for it was easy to perceive that in the event of the Queen's death, a change of religion was inevitable.|
|20. "I take to witness Christ, Who shall judge the quick and the dead, that I am about to speak the truth. On the day upon which the Queen was beheaded, at sunrise, between two and three o'clock, there was revealed to me (whether I was asleep or awake I know not) the Queen's neck, after her head had been cut off, and this so plainly that I could count the nerves, the veins, and the arteries.|
|21. "Terrified by this dream, or vision, I immediately arose, and crossing the river Thames I came to Lambeth, (this is the name of the Archbishop of Canterbury's palace,) and I entered the garden in which he was walking.|
|22. "When the Archbishop saw me he inquired why I had come so early, for the clock had not yet struck four. I answered that I had been horrified in my sleep, and I told him the whole occurrence. He continued in silent wonder for awhile, and at length broke out into these words, 'Do not you know what is to happen to-day?' and when I answered that I had remained at home since the date of the Queen's imprisonment and knew nothing of what was going on, the Archbishop then raised his eyes to heaven and said, 'She who has been the Queen of England upon earth will to-day become a Queen in heaven.' So great was his grief that he could say nothing more, and then he burst into tears.|
|23. "Terrified at this announcement I return to London sorrowing. Although my lodging was not far distant from the place of execution, yet I could not become an eye witness of the butchery of such an illustrious lady, and of the exalted personages who were beheaded along with her.|
|24. "Those persons, however, who were present, (one of whom was my landlord,) and others, told me at noon, that the Earl of Wiltshire (the Queen's father) had been commanded to be an assessor along with the judges, in order that his daughter might be the more confounded, and that her grief might be the deeper. Yet she stood undismayed; nor did she ever exhibit any token of impatience, or grief, or cowardice.|
|25. "The Queen was accused of having danced in the bedroom with the gentlemen of the King's chamber [cum cubicu lariis regis] and of having kissed her brother, Lord Rochfort. When she made no answer to these accusations, the King's syndic or proctor, Master Polwarck, produced certain letters and bawled out that she could not deny she had written to her brother, informing him that she was pregnant. Still she continued silent.|
|26. "When the sentence of death was pronounced, the Queen raised her eyes to heaven, nor did she condescend to look at her judges, but went to the place of execution. Kneeling down, she asked that time for prayer should be granted her. When she had ceased praying, she herself arranged her hair, covered her eyes, and commanded the executioner to strike.|
|27. "The Queen exhibited such constancy, patience, and faith towards God that all the spectators, even her enemies, and those persons who previously had rejoiced at her misfortune out of their hatred to the doctrine of the religion which she had introduced into England, testified and proclaimed her innocence and chastity.|
|28. "Without being questioned they themselves answered the accusations brought against the Queen. It is no new thing, said they, that the King's Chamberlains should dance with the ladies in the bedchamber. Nor can any proof of adultery be collected from the fact that the Queen's brother took her by the hand and led her into the dance among the other ladies, or handed her to another, especially if that person was one of the royal chamberlains. For it is a usual custom thoughout the whole of Britain that ladies married and unmarried, even the most coy, kiss not only a brother, but any honourable person, even in public. It is the custom also with young women to write to their near relatives when they have become pregnant, in order to receive their congratulations. The King also was most anxious for an heir, and longed for nothing more than to know that the Queen was pregnant.|
|29. "From such arguments as those which were advanced against the Queen they affirmed that no probable suspicion of adultery could be collected; and that therefore there must have been some other reason which moved the King. Possibly it might be the same as that which induced him to seek for a cause of divorce from his former Queen, namely, the desire of having an heir.|
|30. "He was still further strengthened in his desire for a new marriage by perceiving that all the male children to which the Queen gave birth came into the world dead, and that for some years past she had not conceived. For the King was apprehensive that after his own decease civil wars would break out, and that the crown would again be transferred to the family of the White Rose if he left no heir behind him.|
|31. "And further, the King was angry with the Queen because of the want of success which attended the embassy which, at her instigation, he had despatched into Germany, the Princes of which would not enter into a league with him against the Emperor, unless for the defence of the purer doctrine. They demanded more money than he was willing to give, nor would they permit Philip [Melancthon] to come into England. And the King was exceedingly indignant because the Princes of Germany doubted his faith.|
|32. "Moreover, they said that the Emperor, the Pope, Ferdinand, and the other Princes were banded against the King, and that he was in danger from them on account of the change of religion; nor was there anyone among the Kings and Princes who would render him assistance in the event of the Emperor declaring war against him in consequence of the divorce of his aunt, Queen Catherine, and the substitution of a second wife.|
|33. "How the matter actually stood would, however, they said, speedily be made known; whether he had executed the Queen for having broken her marriage vows, or for fear of the war which was about to break out in consequence of the changes in religion, and the divorce of the Emperor's aunt. For if he executed the Queen only on account of the suspicion of adultery, no change in religion would follow; but if out of fear of the war about religion and the divorce, then Lutheranism would be driven out of England and sent back into Germany, to those Princes who would not make a treaty with the King in the matter of the divorce. If, however, he was already in love with some other woman out of his anxiety for an heir, neither could this long be kept a secret. For so ardent was he when he had begun to form an attachment, that he could give himself no rest; so much so that when he was raving about Queen Anne and some of his friends were dissuading him from the divorce, he said that he preferred the love of the Queen to half his realm. It was in vain that his Councillors, and among the number Thomas More, the Chancellor, opposed this measure; for he sent agents to all the more renowned cities in France, Italy, and Germany, to collect the suffrages of the doctors in the matter of the divorce, not without the expenditure of an immense sum of money, concerning which he also consulted Luther and Philip.|
|34. "While the guests were thus talking at table in my hearing it so happened that a servant of Crumwell's came from the Court and sitting down at the table, asked the landlord to let him have something to eat, for he was exceedingly hungry.|
|35. "In the meantime, while the food was being got ready, the other guests asked him what were his news? Where was the King? What was he doing? Was he sorry for the Queen? He answered by asking why should he be sorry for her? As she had already betrayed him in secresy, (fn. 1) so now was he openly insulting her. For just as she, while the King was oppressed with the heavy cares of state, was enjoying herself with others, so he, when the Queen was being beheaded, was enjoying himself with another woman.|
|36. "While all were astonished and ordered him to hold his tongue, for he was saying what no one would believe, and that he would bring himself into peril if others heard him talking thus, he answered, 'You yourselves will speedily learn from other persons the truth of what I have been saying.'|
|37. "The landlord, who was a servant of Crumwell's, hearing this, said, 'It is not fitting for us to dispute about such affairs. If they are true they will be no secret. And when I go to Court I will inquire carefully into these matters.'|
|38. "The person, however, who had first spoken, answered that he had the King's orders that none but the Councillors and secretaries should be admitted, and that the gate of the country house should be kept shut in which the King had secluded himself.|
|39. "Some days afterwards, when the landlord returned from the Court, before anyone asked him a question he called out with a loud voice, 'I have news to tell you.' The guests anxiously waited to know what he had to say, whereupon he added, that within a few days the King would be betrothed and shortly afterwards would be married, but without any state, in the presence of the Councillors only; for he wished to delay the coronation of his new spouse until he should see whether she would give birth to a boy.|
|40. "The issue of events proved that this was the truth, for the Lady Jane was crowned Queen when she was upon the eve of the confinement in which she died.|
|41. "The birth of a son gave immense satisfaction to the King. But as he was afraid that he himself would not live so long as to see the child grown up, he removed out of the way all those persons of whom he was apprehensive, lest, upon his death, they should seize the crown.|
|42. "Shortly before his own death, conscious of the weakness of his son, he made a will by which he declared legitimate the daughter who had been born to him by the Emperor's aunt, and ordered that she should succeed to the throne in the event of his son dying without heirs. And if she also should have no heirs, that then Your Royal Highness should be acknowledged to be Queen by the kingdom.|
|43. "Although Cardinal Reginald Pole, one of the family of the White Rose, (from his hatred not only to the family of the Red Rose but also to the true doctrine of the Gospel,) accomplished thus much, when he returned into England from banishment, after the death of King Edward, that the realm should be transferred to strangers, still the counsel of God, which had determined to remove other persons out of the way and to give the crown of this realm to Your Majesty, could not be thwarted either by him, by the Pope, nor by the Emperor Charles.|
|44. "She also, who succeeded your mother, and who gave an heir male to the King, died, (as I have before mentioned) in childbirth. As she was near her last breath she was crowned, and with this intention, lest it should be objected to the child, when he grew up and applied for the crown, that his mother had not been a crowned Queen of England.|
|45. "The brother also of this Queen Jane, although he was created Duke of Somerset by the King, and made the tutor of his nephew, the son of his sister, and the Governor of the whole realm, yet shortly after the death of your illustrious father he was beheaded by means of his enemy, John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland, who in his turn was put to death by your sister, Queen Mary; he having attempted to transfer the succession to his own family upon the death of your illustrious brother, the godly King Edward.|
|46. "Although your brother, King Edward, on account of his piety, was worthy of a longer life, (which I am sure Your Royal Highness would not have grudged him, but which you would have wished for him,) nevertheless the fixed decree of God remained unaltered by which you were placed in the room of your most holy mother, whose innocence God has declared by the most indisputable miracles, and proved by the testimonies of all godly men. Of this, her innocence, there can be no more evident proof than this, that whereas she left you, her only child, your father always acknowledged you as legitimate; nor could those letters which were written by your mother to her brother, which were produced as the concluding and conclusive proof that your mother deserved capital punishment, persuade the illustrious King that you were not his daughter.|
|47. "Thus much have I introduced about the tragedy of your most pious mother, in order that this illustrious instance might manifest the glory of God, and that the craft and power of man in vain oppose themselves to Him."|
|48. For this and many of God's mercies the writer hopes that she will be induced to serve Him faithfully, that she will guard herself from the snares of the devil, who was the cause of her mother's death in consequence of her love for the doctrine of the Gospel while it was in its infancy, and afterwards persecuted those persons whom she appointed to watch over the Church, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Latimer, and those other most holy Bishops and martyrs, of whom the writer would be glad to see a catalogue published by Doctor Bale. For those persons whom the King appointed as "Inspectors of Churches," under the pretext of religion, consulted their own profit. God avenged this profanation of His Name by suppressing the doctrine and punishing the individuals. "True religion in England had its commencement and its end with your mother. And as soon as the King began to hate her, laws hostile to the purer doctrine of the Gospel appeared."|
|49. "When I could not bear these with a good conscience, nor could my profession allow me to dissemble them (for I was filling the office of the ordinary reader in the celebrated University of Cambridge by the King's orders,) I came to the Court, and asked for my dismissal by means of Crumwell. But he retained me for about three years, with empty hopes, until it was decreed and confirmed by law that married priests should be separated from their wives and punished at the King's pleasure. But before this law was published, the Bishop of Canterbury sent Lord Pachet [Paget] from Lambeth to me at London. (I understand that he afterwards attained a high position in the Court of your sister, Queen Mary.) He directed me to call upon the Archbishop early in the morning. When I called upon him, 'Happy man that you are,' said he, 'you can escape! I wish that I might do the same; truly my see would be no hindrance to me. You must make haste to escape before the island is blocked up, unless you are willing to sign the decree, as I have, compelled by fear. I repent of what I have done. And if I had known that my only punishment would have been deposition from the archbishopric, (as I hear that my Lord Latimer is deposed,) of a truth I would not have subscribed. I am grieved, however, that you have been deprived of your salary for three years by Crumwell; that you have no funds for your travelling expenses, and that I have no ready money. Nor dare I mention this to my friends, lest the King should become aware that warning had been given by me for you to escape, and that I have provided you with the means of travelling. I give you, however, this ring as a token of my friendship. It once belonged to Thomas Wolsey, and it was presented to me by the King when he gave me the archbishopric.'|
|50. "When I heard what the Bishop had to say, I immediately caused my property to be sold, and I concealed myself in the house of a German sailor until the ship was ready, in which I embarked, dressed as a soldier, along with other German troops, that I might not be detected. When I had escaped a company of searchers, I wrote to Crumwell (although he had not behaved well towards me) and warned him of the danger in which he stood at that time, and about certain other matters. For this I can vouch the testimony of John Ales, Gregory, and the Secretary, and Pachet himself. But Christopher Mount said that Crumwell did not dare to speak to me when I was going away and soliciting my dismissal, nor could he venture to give me anything, lest he should be accused to the King, but that he would send the sum that he owed me into Germany.|
|51. "The next intelligence, however, which I heard of him was that he had undergone capital punishment by order of the King; to whom he had written, when in prison, saying that he was punished by the just judgment of God, because he had loved the King more than God; and that out of deference to his Sovereign he had caused many innocent persons to be put to death, not sparing your most holy mother, nor had he obeyed her directions in promoting the doctrine of the Gospel.|
|52. "May Christ preserve Your Highness from the snares of the devil, and warm your heart to love the true religion, by which His Name may be sanctified and the kingdom of His Son may again reach the English nation under your sway."— Leipsic, 1 Sept. Signed: Alexander Alesius, D.|
|53. "P. S.—D. Johannes Outehoffius, who presents these letters to Your Majesty, is a very learned man and the constant associate of John a Lasco in the ministry of the Gospel. He is now returning out of Poland into England, on account of the reasons which he will explain to Your Majesty. I respectfully recommend him to you.|
|54. "Should you wish to send me anything, this may be done by Bishop William Barlow, or by D. Bale."|
|Orig. Hol. Endd: Cal. Septemb. 1559. Discoloured by damp. Pp. 20 and slip.|
|1304. Joan a Lasco to the Queen.|
|Praises the late King Edward, who, however, being compelled to act under the guidance of Councillors, was by them constrained to do what was amiss ["transverse agere"]. There were also round him certain Potiphars, each of whom having a wife, that is, Human Reason, was induced by her to rise against our Joseph, that is, Christ, because He would not associate with her. Hence Joseph was fettered with the chains of human prudence, in other words, where men wished to worship Christ and to reject Antichrist, there were difficulties in their way. These Potiphars might be named, but he will pass them by. Joseph now is restored to freedom and Potiphar is punished. She has learned true religion not only under her brother and father, but also under many a cross by which she has been tried. Advances authorities and arguments to prove that the political power ought to be kept distinct from the ecclesiastical, and that bishops and priests should not interfere with the functions of the civil magistrate, as was the case during the time of the papacy. Exhorts her to promote true religion and to punish those persons who hinder its progress. Hopes she will avoid the influence of what is styled in derision, "Parliamentary Theology," the evil effects of which have already become obvious. Everything human, the source of which cannot be shown in the Word of God, is a lie, a statement of his which has already offended many persons. (fn. 2)|
|The great benefits conferred upon him by King Edward, make him anxious to see her acting in such manner as to take no counsels from human prudence in anything which concerns the restoration of religion. Therefore he sends this brother in the Lord, John Utenhovius, to her, in order to congratulate her upon her accession. His own illness has prevented him from finishing with his own hand the present letter; he has been compelled to use the hand of another. He has requested Utenhovius to ask her, by the help of the most illustrious and religious Earl of Bedford, the President of the Council, to give him her answer to certain of his petitions. Would have written more fully had his health permitted.—Datæ in Dembiani, 1 Sept. 1559. Signed: Joannes a Lasco, manu plane languida.|
|Orig. Add. Endd. Lat. Pp. 6.|
B. M. Julius, F. vi. 157 b.
|1305. Affairs of Scotland.|
|Francis and Mary, King and Queen of France, Scotland, England, and Ireland to the Queen Dowager of Scotland.|
|They have heard of the disturbances lately arisen in Scotland, under the pretence of religion, for the suppression of which, their first impulse was to send over La Brosse and Pellevé, Bishop of Amiens, to take part in the discussions of the affairs of Scotland, and endeavour to bring matters to an amicable conclusion; but after their arrival affairs there became worse.|
|Imperfect. Lat. P. 1.|
|1306. The Queen Dowager of France to the Queen.|
|Has received the letters conveyed by the Sieur de Meutes, (the bearer of these presents), filled with wise and prudent consolations. The death of her husband has been so recent and her sorrow so extreme that she has need to obtain from God all the assistance of His power and grace for her support. Will do all she can to maintain the amity between the two realms. Has declared her mind more fully to the Sieur de Meutes, to whom she refers.—Villiers-Coste-Retz, 2 Sept. 1559. Signed: Caterine.|
|Orig. Add., with seal. Endd. Fr. Broadside.|
|1307. Challoner to Cecil.|
|Wrote by the ordinary post of the English merchants a letter touching the decease of Pope Pius IV., which being of no great moment he thought not meet to make other cost upon by express post. Since that time has no other "novelles" from Rome. The burning of the images in Bartholomew Fair is here much spoken of, with divers constructions; some esteeming it done of purpose to confirm the Scottish revolt, others not marvelling, seeing it is a consequent of our religion reformed, yet thinking that public burning, through the novelty, a matter rather envious than of necessity. It is here affirmed that such windows of our churches as are historied with images shall be beaten down generally. Asks to be somewhat hereof informed, that he may know what to answer at this Court to such as not so much curiously as spleenfully will herein be in hand with him.|
|It is said here that the Bishop of Aquila rode to the Isle of Wight to speak with his master; "if he spake with him, belike he told him a friendly tale on our behalf." Trusts that Cecil, (with an honest pretence of removing,) will lodge him [the Bishop] where good espy may be had over his espies. Durham Place is too great a house for his small train, and is an ill air, too near the water. Our deposed B[ishops] I understand do visit him now and then. To the party nameless has delivered Cecil's second letter.—Antwerp, 2 Sept. 1559. Signed.|
|P. S.—Priuli, Duke of Venice, is dead. Looks but for the return of his folks upon his lodging there prepared to depart to Brussels, where, yesterday, the Regent arrived. Asks to be informed whether any extraordinary fashion was used by those that had charge of taking down the rood at Paul's. Has heard that it was done with contumely of King Philip and Queen Mary. If not, then there be over knavish letters sent over from thence.|
|Orig. Add., with armorial seal. Endd. Pp. 2.|
1308. Copy of the above.
Slightly abridged in the P. S. Endd. by Challoner: Sent by Hemmyng, Mr. Basshe's servant. Pp. 3.
|1309. Munt to Cecil.|
|On 19th August the Diet was dissolved, and with difficulty the Catholics consented to grant free and safe conduct to those persons who desired to embrace the evangelical religion. The Duke of Bavaria, the Cardinal of Augusta, the Bishop of Saltzburg, and many other Bishops (as for example, the Bishop of Liège) have hitherto pillaged them. On the Sunday, called "Oculi," (fn. 3) next year an equal number of delegates from either side is to meet at Spire, (where the Emperor also will have his Commissioners,) whose duty it shall be to settle and decide the complaints and grievances of either party; but it is to be feared that it will be done according to the Emperor's prejudices.|
|Much labour and time were consumed by the Diet for the establishment of an uniform system of currency throughout the whole Empire, but this could not be carried at present, and it was decided that in the meantime it should be settled with the King of Spain, that the currency of Lower Germany should correspond with that which is struck in the Empire.|
|After a long deliberation in the Diet, it was settled that the brother of the Elector Palatine, Duke George "Simmerensis" and the Coadjutor of Trent should be sent into France to demand the cities and states taken away from the Empire by Henry King of France.|
|Nothing as yet has been decided at Augsburg concerning a meeting of the Protestants; possibly this delay has been intentional; for if the project had become known to the Emperor, he would not have failed to thwart it with all his arts. He has gone to Augusta in Bavaria, where he had sent his daughters from Inspruck, and it is said that he will go thence into Austria.|
|A meeting of all orders was of late held in Poland, in which the succession to the kingdom was discussed, for it is probable that the present King will have no issue. The votes were some for the Prince of Muscovy, some for the King of Tartary, some for Ferdinand, the Emperor's son; but nothing was finally decided. The same King has two marriageable sisters; the plans of the Elector of Brandenburg "the relative and "sororius" of the King,) respecting their disposal in marriage have been interrupted, in favour of certain Princes in Germany. The King of Navarre is incited by all good men, as well without as within the realm, to lay hold of the governance of the state whilst the King is under age, as being the nearest to the crown, and people are in daily expectation of intelligence from France respecting the issue.|
|The Queen's letters sent hence by the writer to Augsburg, by his own messenger, and to the Orators of the Princes there to whom they are addressed, were delivered there two days before their departure, as their letters in reply showed. His last letters to Cecil were dated on 15 August last.—Strasburg, 3 Sept. 1559.|
|Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Lat. Pp. 4.|
|1310. Affairs of the Empire.|
|The speech of the Emperor and the Electors of the German Empire to the Orators of the French King, sent to the Diet of Augsburg respecting the restitution of Metz, Toul, Verdun, and Liège, which have been abstracted from the Empire, and to state His Majesty's desire to cultivate amity with the German Princes.|
|They thank the King for his friendly spirit exhibited towards the Empire, which they wish to reciprocate, and will be happy to act along with him for the common good of all Christian Kings and people. The previous condition of Germany, how it has been wasted by civil war, should now be forgotten. They have always lamented that such a large proportion of the miseries of Germany have been attributed to France. The state of Hungary proves the necessity of union, and Germany, they perceive, asks for nothing more than the continuation of the peace already established. From the beginning of the war between Charles V. and Francis I., the effort of the Electoral Princes has been to extinguish the war, as their letters to Francis prove, and last year they exerted themselves for the same purpose. Peace being now established, it should be the object of all to co-operate for its continuance and extension, so that all Christians may unite for safety against the assaults of foreign enemies. They thank the French Commissioners for stating that their master is of the same sentiments. When Pannonia is devastated and Ger many threatened, the intelligence of French assistance against the foreign invader is very acceptable.|
|The Emperor and the States will do their utmost for the continuance of peace, provided it be consistent with the preservation of their liberty and the ancient boundaries of the Empire. They trust that Metz, Toul, Verdun, and Liège will be restored to the Empire by the French King. But as the Commissioners state that they have no authority on this point, will not touch upon it at present.|
|1311. The Answer of the Orators.|
|They thank the Emperor and the States for the answer given to their embassy, an account of which they will convey to their master, which they doubt not will be satisfactory to him. They cannot reply to all the details.|
|Mundt's hol. Endd. Lat. Pp. 7.|
R. O. Forbes, 1. 218.
|1312. Throckmorton to Cecil.|
|Understands that John Melven is in London from his letters and that he remains unemployed, notwithstanding the writer's letters in his behalf for him to be employed upon the borders. Melven says that Cecil has made him an overture of service to be done in the inland; but weighing his elder brother's case, he may not safely repair thither. Being a Scotchman he may enter upon the border to learn intelligence and to practise with less suspicion than an Englishman may; and being acquainted with Knox and others, he doubts not to do much service. Begs Melven's desire may be considered. Although he is aware that nothing is omitted by Cecil which may be requisite for the practice now in hand northward, yet intimates that the Master of Maxfield, who broke out of the prison of Edinburgh, is a great enemy to M. d'Osell for some private cause, besides his hatred generally to the Frenchmen. As he is able to make a great party against them, and has many at his devotion ready to follow him, it were well done that some means of practice were devised to be ministered unto him. Begs that a letter inclosed may be forwarded to the direction.—Ferté Melun, in Valois, 3 Sept. 1559. Signed.|
|P. S.—L'Abbat de St. Salut is here and remains about the Duke of Savoy, with whom he goes into Savoy. Begs again Sir Peter Mewtas be appointed to succeed him before he enters into three new months.|
|Orig. Portions in cipher, deciphered. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 2.|
B. M. Sloane, 4134. 476.
1313. Another copy of the above.
MS. Burton-Constable. Sadler, 1. 424.
|1314. The Earl of Northumberland to Sadler.|
|Has received his letter of August 31, touching the Lady Carnabie's house at Hexham. Now, knowing his [Sadler's] knowledge and good experience in these matters, the Earl sees that he has written from report and information got from others.|
|As for the place, it has not been rashly chosen, but wisely and deliberately. Must be plain with him, in that he says the Keeper seeks his own ease, rather than his duty, having always discharged his office, and not sought his ease, wherefor the Earl seeks his convenience. And for abusing his authority after all gentle persuasions wilfully rejected by them, he has but used such gentle commandments as are used by officers in like cases.—Warkworth, 3 Sept. 1559. Signed.|
MS. Burton-Constable. Sadler, 1. 422.
|1315. The Earl of Northumberland to Sadler and Croft.|
|Enclosed they shall receive a letter from the Scotch Commissioners sent to him and them touching the day of meeting, which is Thursday next, at Hexpethe Gaitehead. In this commission are named the Earl Bothville, and Laird of Cesford. If the meeting be the same day by them appointed, doubts that it will delay the other appointed day, which would have been for the good of England. If the answer pleases them, he begs them to sign and send it off, and if they think differently he will be willing to be of their opinion and to meet with the Scotch on the day and time they shall specify.—Warkworth. 3 Sept. 1559. Signed.|
|Begs them to advertise him of what day they put in the answer.|
R. O. Forbes, 1. 219.
|1316. Throckmorton to the Queen.|
|Despatched Barnabe, his servant, on 25th ult. with letters to her. On 27th ult., being the day appointed by the Cardinal of Lorraine, Mr. Mewtas and he repaired to the Court, being at Villier-Coste-Rez. On their arrival they dined with the Cardinal and the Grand Prior; at which time the Cardinal declared to them that the Cardinal of Trent sent one who arrived on the 25th of August with news that the Pope was dead, thereupon his brother and divers other Cardinals of France were gone to Rome in post. After dinner they delivered to him her letters, and said that the Queen required the ratification of the treaty for Scotland, for which purpose they had received letters of commission under the Great Seal. The Cardinal replied, that as the King had once sworn, it needeth not he should swear again; but if the same oath were pressed, he should have it done as soon as convenient.|
|Throckmorton answered, that when the King confirmed the treaty he did it in the person of the King Dauphin, and some things have passed since of further matter than was then concluded; and that what the King here does, the Queen will be content to do the like. The Cardinal said he had sent three days ago to his Ambassador in England a like commission to demand the confirmation of the late treaty for Scotland, copies of which he would send to the writer. He then asked (with a troubled countenance) what he heard of King Philip's embarking, and marvelled he stayed so long. To which Throckmorton replied that he knew nothing.|
|After this they were conducted into the hall, where they were met by the Duke of Guise, to whom they delivered her letters. They were then conducted by divers gentlemen to the King (being accompanied by the King of Navarre, the Cardinals of Lorraine, Bourbon, and Guise, the Duke of Lorraine and the Prince of Mantua); to whom Mr. Mewtas declared the cause of his coming, and Throckmorton delivered the Queen's letters for his residence as her Ambassador.|
|He next delivered to the King the other letter for himself and the Queen, for the ratification of the treaty. He referred Throckmorton for the matter therein contained to the Cardinal and the Duke, who also conducted him to the Queen; to whom the Cardinal delivered the letter. Having read it she replied she would do as the King and her cousins the Cardinal and Duke advised her; that as the King minded to confirm the amity and observe the treaty, she would also do the same.|
|The Cardinal conducted them to the stair-head and told them he departed within a day or two towards Rheims, where he said that the King should be sacred on the 10th inst., and that Throckmorton would do well to send for the copies of the ratification of the treaties which they had sent into England. The writer returned to Ferté Melun, which is four English miles from the Court.|
|The King's mother was this day absent because the Queen Catholic was sick at Nantoillett, who is now well recovered and at Villier-Coste-Rez.|
|According to the Cardinal's appointment Throckmorton sent Somers, on the 28th of August, to the Court; who said that the words of the treaty purported that the ratification should be delivered to the Ambassadors of the Princes. Whereunto Secretary Burden answered, that if the Ambassador pressed for them, he would send to M. de l'Aubespine for them. This is all he has done, notwithstanding the Cardinal's promise. Throckmorton also appointed Somers to speak with the Duke of Guise, and say that as it was agreed upon in the treaty that there should have been four hostages sent into England, and that amongst others, instead of M. de Nantoillet, the Vidame d'Amiens was appointed by the late King, of whose going he [Throckmorton] had heard nothing since, he desired that he might be therein satisfied. He answered, he would move the King therein.|
|On 1st of Sept. Mr. Mewtas and he repaired to the Court; the former to take his leave, and the latter to deliver her letters to the King's mother; but they were received by no one, owing to the sickness of the Queen Catholic; and so they deferred their visit to the morrow.|
|On the following day, fearing an attack of ague, the writer stayed at his lodging, but having delivered her letter to Mewtas he repaired to the Court. Having dined with the Cardinal, he delivered her letter to the Queen Mother.|
|It is here thought that the Cardinal Carpi will be elected Pope; and that the Prince of Mantua will marry Madame de Tutteville. On the last of August the Duke of Savoy arrived at this Court, and on the 1st of September fell sick of a fever.|
|Is informed that M. de Carrowge, brother to the Bishop of Evreux, a gentleman of the King's chamber and of the faction of Guise, will be sent into England to her; and that M. de Montpesat, lieutenant to the Duke of Guise, will shortly be sent into Almaine to the Emperor. There has risen some contention about this King for places, between the King of Navarre, the Duke of Savoy, and the Duke of Lorraine. "This being thus, matters are like to go well."|
|De la Bros, with one or two ships, is returned and landed at Dieppe. The rest of the ships which departed from Calais and other places have landed in Scotland. Upon La Bros's coming into Court, M. d'Aumale and Monluc (who is a Protestant) in discoursing of the matters of Scotland, were so earnest in reasoning as D'Aumale swore they must apply their whole force towards Scotland. Monluc replied to the contrary, and said if war is made with Scotland they are like to enter the same with England; for the Englishmen cannot abide to have the Scots suppressed. "Well," said D'Aumale, "now is the time, for else they will be strong; and if all men keep promise, we shall be able to do it well enough."|
|Has instructed Cornwall and Crocket (to whom he asks her to extend her mercy) to pass by Dieppe to learn there what they can, and to inform the Council thereof. In order for her to be informed of the marine causes on this side, requests her to order such English merchants as pass to and fro for the learning of such things as may serve her. The consecration of this King is now deferred till the 17th inst.— Ferté Melun, in Valois, 3 Sept. 1559. Signed.|
|Orig. Add., with armorial seal. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 8.|
B. M. Sloane, 4134. 478.
1317. Another copy of the above.
1318. Draft of a portion of the above.
Endd. Pp. 4.
MS. Burton-Constable. Sadler, 1. 426.
|1319. Cecil to Sadler.|
|Is leaving Court for Stamford for ten or twelve days, where he [Cecil] will lie in wait for his [Sadler's] letters, and forestall them. If they require it, he will repair with them to Court.|
|Sends enclosed a cipher for Crofts and Sadler; thinks, of their old experience, they can find it out. The Queen is clear from her expected ague. Hears that Lord Sheffield is drowned in Staffordshire.—5 Sept. (In haste.)|
|P.S.—The great packet is the French Ambassador's. Prays him to send it speedily.|
MS. Burton-Constable. Sadler, 1. 427.
|1320. Sadler to the Earl of Northumberland.|
|Upon receipt of the Earl's letters of 3rd Sept., with others from the Scotch Commissioners, Crofts and he immediately despatched the Scotch herald with the Earl's signed letters, (which they had also subscribed,) and appointed the day of meeting to be Monday next. If the Commissioners will keep this day, they will let him know. They trust he will come one or two days before, to consider the matters they will treat of.|
|As to Lady Carnabie's house, is sorry the Earl is so earnest without reasonable ground. He is much deceived in thinking that the writer spoke from information from others. Whoever says that Hexham is a convenient place for the Keeper of Tyndale, understands not what appertains to that service. And he says again now what he said before, not of malicious information, that Tyndale is a good place for the Keeper if he seek but his own ease. He knows, and has known every day for twenty years, as well as Mr. Slingsby does, what places be most meet for the service of the Keeper of Tyndale.|
|As the Earl is so earnest in the matter he will not write more of this, but will confer with him of it when they meet, when he hopes he will give him leave to execute his commission from the Queen.—5 Sept. 1559.|