Elizabeth: January 1572, 1-10

Pages 1-14

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 10, 1572-1574. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1876.

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January 1572, 1-10

A.D. 1572. Jan. 1. 1. Articles of Agreement between the Queen of England and the King of Portugal.
1. The intercourse and traffic shall be set open in such manner as has been used in times past, and the subjects of either prince shall be friendly received and entertained by both parties.
2. Within a certain time after the confirmation of this accord a mutual restitution shall be made of all such goods, monies, debts, and vessels as from the year 1568 have been detained by authority of the prince in either of their realms, and for such as have been sold the just value to be restored, which shall be ascertained by merchants appointed on both sides.
3. For the better continuance of the amity and friendship which is desired on both sides, within 40 days after the confirmation of this accord it shall be published in all the ports of England and Ireland that from henceforth no subject of the Queen shall pass into the seas and countries of the conquest of the King of Portugal in Ethiopia and India called the King of Portugal's Indies, upon pain of incurring the displeasure of Her Highness, and if such persons so offending be in what sort soever chastised and punished by the ministers of the said King they shall have no remedy from Her Majesty. Provided that this prohibition shall not be understood to exclude the Queen's subjects from any part of Portugal and Algarve, the islands of Madeira and the Azores, or any place of Barbary north of Cape Verde.
4. For the confirmation of this accord the Lords on behalf of the Queen of England, and Francisco Giraldi on behalf of the King of Portugal, shall put to their hands.
Endd. by Burghley: 1 Jan. 1571. Italian. Pp. 2¾.
2. Translation of the above, corrected and endorsed by Burghley: 1 Feb. Articles reformed which were sent by Francisco Geraldi. Pp. 2¾.
3. Another copy.
Endd.: 10 Feb. 1571. Pp. 3.
Jan. 2. 4. James Hamilton of Bothwelhaugh to Lord Claud Hamilton.
Left Paris on 26th December, being constrained to come into Flanders "for lack of expense." Assures him that since the decease of the [Bishop of St. Andrew's] he has not had of any man one shilling, and therefore requests him to write to the Queen in his favour, or to send him the means whereby he may leave this place.—Brussels, 2 Jan. 1572. Signed. With armorial seal.
Add. Endd. by Burleigh: 2 Jan. 1571. P. ⅓.
Jan. 3. 5. H. Knollys to Lord Burghley.
Told the Spanish ambassador the Queen's misliking of his long delay to proceed forward upon his journey to Dover, but the ambassador challenged a liberty never granted, but only supposed by him, of remaining at Gravesend until the return of his messenger from Flanders. He alleged also that he had no commandment in writing or sufficient testimony of the Queen's pleasure in his behalf, nor has he warrant of revocation from his master, and he cannot without great suspicion of contempt depart from those limits within which he is commanded to serve. Answered that liberty had been given for 10 days for the despatch of his messenger, and there were already 13 passed. The testimony of the whole Council might suffice him as to Her Majesty's commandment, whereof the King his master had been fully certified. Urged his departure upon the same day, but that was full of difficulties, as the day was far spent, and he was unready, so there was nothing amiss to yield so much as to defer the journey until the morrow. They can make but slender speed. They intend to-morrow to Sittingbourne, the next day to Canterbury, but it will be hard to rid him clean away without force before the return of his man. He would that the passport was limited, and not left to his discretion. — Gravesend, 3 Jan. 1571. Signed.
Add., with seal. Endd. Pp. 1½.
Jan. 3. 6. Maitland of Lethington to Lord Burghley.
From some speeches of the under-marshal of Berwick he collects that Burghley will be still his friend, whereof he most heartily thanks him. When he shall be pleased to renew writing to him he will find the like conformity to be advised as has been at any time heretofore, and no other than direct dealing. What his conception is for the compounding of these civil debates he shall understand by a Remonstrance which he sends, and which he trusts he will find to his contentation. This controversy must be ended rather by transaction than by yielding. Where Burghley charges him with "starting" from the Earl of Murray, there was indeed familiarity between them, and Lethington thought there had been true friendship till experience taught him the contrary. All Christendom might not have made him start from him if he had kept a true part. Now he is dead will not speak of him, as he might with good reason, and would if he were alive, but must say thus much, that he never left him till he lost all honesty, and that deep dissembling had entered in the place where most men thought sincerity had been lodged, the opinion whereof deceived Lethington, as it abused some others who were not so well acquainted with him. His misbehaviour towards him was inexcusable, so no man who was privy to the things past between them, or who heard the true report, will impute any fault to Lethington. Never remembers him, who sometime he had so entirely loved, and who became his enemy without any occasion, but immediately he begins to lose all patience. If Burghley were no better acquainted with the proceedings of that cause he would make a more ample discourse.—Castle of Edinburgh, 3 Jan. 1571. Signed.
Add. Endd. Pp. 1½.
Jan. 3. 7. Sir Thomas Smith to Lord Burghley.
On the 1st January was met by M. de Gondi with a great train of horses, and brought hither to his lodgings, which were well trimmed and hanged of the King's charges, and next day cooks, vivandiers, butlers, and one M. de Nawe, called M. le Controller, to have the charge, that he should have all things necessary at the King's cost. The next day M. de Foix came to his lodgings, and after many words of courtesy and compliment had passed between them, asked if Smith had yet asked for audience. Smith answered that he was in an ague for fear of the failure of his negociation, and would fain know whereupon it would stick. De Foix said that Monsieur would stand marvellously upon his religion. Smith replied that that might be the show, and would be the most honourable way to refuse for both parties, but that he did not believe this to be the let indeed, and that he was not hasty to demand audience, but would fain have some one to help him, such as the Duke of Montmorency or the Admiral. De Foix said that Monsieur was marvellously laid at for religion, that they made him almost mad, and that he wished Smith's negociation were done before the Pope's legate, Cardinal Alexandrino, came hither, who would hinder all he could. Smith said that if he knew that Monsieur were alienated indeed he would quickly turn his tail, so that his mistress's honour might not be touched.
2. Has by other sure means learned that Monsieur is here entangled, and has his religion fixed in Mdlle de Chateauneuf at first, and now it is removed hence into another place or both, besides all his servants put him in fear that he shall always be in danger in England, where all Englishmen naturally hate all Frenchmen. Then that here he governs all under the King as his lieutenant, so that in "deed and re" he is King, and in England he shall be but a subject to the Queen, and have no authority to give offices to any of his friends, and that it were better to be second in France than second in England. So that all his servants, hoping to get by him so long as he is here, and if he go away to get nothing, be continually in his ear to dissuade him from it. Then the Guisians and the Papists propound to him the loss of his honour and religion, and put him in comfort to become Duke of Flanders, and sometime King of Naples, and "ung capo" of their Holy League, and general on land, as Don John is by sea. The more Smith searches out the truth the less hope he has to bring this enterprise to any good pass.—Amboise, 3 Jan. 1571, "by English account." Signed.
Add. Endd. Pp. 3.
Jan. 5. 8. Sir Thomas Smith to Queen Elizabeth.
On Friday the 4th inst. Smith and Killegrew had audience with the French King, when he delivered her letters and commendations, and further had audience with the Dukes of Anjou and Alençon and the Queen Mother, at which there passed nothing else but compliments and mutual expressions of goodwill and pleasure that Smith should have been appointed to the embassy. In speaking to the Queen Mother of the Duke of Norfolk, Smith declared that all matters had been made clear by the confessions of the Bishop of Ross, the Duke, and some others, which were all in his own (Smith's) handwriting, and subscribed by themselves to every page, and that without any torture or torment, which in England was not used. From thence he was brought to the Queen's chamber, who was "a pretty little lady, but fair and well favoured," to whom he did reverence, and made a complimentary speech, which she answered, but neither understood what the other said, so that at his going away she and her ladies laughed at the "pretty comedy."—Amboise, 5 Jan. 1571, "by English account." Signed.
Add. Endd. by Burghley. Pp. 6½.
Jan. 5. 9. William Kincaid to Lord Burghley.
James Kirkcaldy arrived on the 27 December, and with the Bishop of Galloway presented their letters, the answer to which was referred to the coming of the Queen of England's ambassador. Kirkcaldy required support of men, which he will not get, but Lord Fleming has got 10,000 francs from the King, and is promised 20,000 of the Queen of Scots' dower by the 20th inst. He is making ready to pass into Scotland, and goes by the west seas to a castle in Galloway, where the Laird of Lochinvar and Lord Herries' people are. He takes also 300 men, if he can get them, but will not be ready before Candlemas.—Amboise, 5 Jan. Signed.
Add. Endd. P. 1.
Jan. 5. 10. Occurrents Out Of Spain.
Edward Dacres came out of Scotland to Madrid the 12th August. John Nevil came from Rome with letters from the Pope. Hugh Owen has come from Flanders with letters to the Duchess of Feria and Sir Thomas Stukeley; the same did pretend to convey away the Queen of Scots' out of England into Flanders and thence to Spain. The charge to the King of Spain for the English in Flanders is 8,750 ducats a year. They are mustering troops in various parts; some say they are for the French King, others for Don John of Austria. All the English encourage the King to send unto Ireland, but the wisest of his council say, "Let the King keep well his own land, and not seek others;" they encourage the King to send into Scotland also to aid the Papists, and so to proceed into England. Roland Turner has come from England, by way of Scotland, the Isle of Man, and Waterford to Lisbon; the King of Portugal gave him 30 ducats; he came to Madrid on Christmas Day, and went to the Escurial and saw Doctor Velasco and others, who promised him a speedy answer on the King's return; on his return he made his confederates glad and merry with much taunting and great boast that they should have all the Protestants hanged. The Duke of Feria is small esteemed at court, as he is a child. The Duchess of Feria has letters from Flanders daily, she helps the Papists, and beseeches her friends to further all suitors with commodity into these parts, for religion's sake. The Cardinal died last October; he would not be confessed nor receive any manner of church matters, so that they make very strange of his death and thought not to bury him in a church, but counted him to be one of the English religion. The Prince of Spain, born October 1571, is called Don Fernando. The fleet that was in Lisbon four months past was to go to Don John of Austria, but it did not proceed on its voyage as there was a great squall before the city. Sir Thomas Stukeley cost the King 600 ducats going to Italy last year. William Stukeley, his son, has 400 ducats a year from the King, and is to be in the house of the Duchess of Feria. There is no news of what is done or pretended in Flanders.
Signed with a monogram. Endd. Pp. 3.
Jan. 5. 11. H. Knollys to Lord Burghley.
The Spanish ambassador took the passport in very good part; the Duke's letter he refuses to receive, notwithstanding that the full contents thereof were declared to him, alleging that it was not the manner of ambassadors to carry or send letters, having not a copy warranted by them to whom the matter appertained, or being not made privy to the letter itself. He refuses, without violent hands, to pass the seas until he receive answers to his letters from the Duke, or express commandment under the seal of the Queen. Will forbear extremity till he have further commission to execute the same. Master Hawkins supposes that for want of good wind the ship in which he should pass is not come about to Dover; he intends thither himself on the morrow, and will have all in readiness to return the same day to Canterbury, where he will attend the Queen's further direction. The Ambassador will not regard the copy of the order that was taken with him at the Council tables, as it is not warranted by subscription of the lords.—Sittingbourne, 5 Jan. 1571. Signed.
Add. with seal. Endd. P. 1.
Jan. 6. 12. Lord Hunsdon to the Queen.
Sent John Case to the Regent and to them of the castle. Has received a letter from the latter, which he forwards. They seem somewhat more conformable than before. They offer to follow her directions in anything not being to their utter wreck and destruction. They desire an indifferent form of government, so as some of the nobility of their side may join in authority with the other side, whereby they affirm that it will be more beneficial to the Queen to have both factions to depend upon her, than to overthrow one and set up the other. If there be any foreign aid sent to them, they will either return them or cause them to remain where they land, until the Queen has taken order between them. Has sent a gentleman to the Regent to procure an abstinence for a month or six weeks. They desire to have somebody authorized to deal between them by conference. They confer daily together by messengers, but to small purpose, for they of the castle will by no means trust the other side.—Berwick, 6 Jan. 1572. Signed.
Add. Endd. Pp. 1¾.
Jan. 3. 13. Lethington and Grange to Lord Hunsdon.
Are grieved that the Queen of England has not taken in good part their demands; nevertheless any lack is not to be imputed to their stubborness, but rather to the nature of the cause. As it can hardly be brought to a good end by letters, they could more particularly express their minds in conference with any that were authorized to deal with them. Will be content to do anything to serve Her Majesty's turn if their own safety is provided for, which they cannot see if their enemies bear rule over them. Desire that he will procure some one to be sent to them.—Edinburgh Castle, 3 Jan. 1571. Signed.
Add. Endd. Enclosure. P. ¾.
Jan. 6. 14. Lord Hunsdon to Lord Burghley.
1. Has received no answer from the Regent, for that he was at Stirling.
2. They of the castle desire some equality in the government. They are content to take an abstinence of arms until the Queen may compound their controversies, and put in hostages for the performance thereof, so their adversaries will do the like. Gives similar information respecting the Queen of Scots' party, as is contained in his letter of this date to the Queen. They desire also that all confiscations and forfeitures of land and goods may be revoked on both sides.
3. Verac is not idle, but persuades them to put their matters into his master's hands. The Queen has to consider whether it be more surety for her to have the whole nobility to run her course, or to overthrow the one and set up the other, which he leaves to his consideration.
4. P.S.—Is sorry to hear of Burghley's falling down again. —Berwick, 6 Jan. 1571. Signed.
Add. Endd. Pp. 1¾.
Jan. 7. 15. Lethington and Grange to Lord Hunsdon.
It has come to their knowledge that their adversaries are presently in hand to levy the revenues of divers of their livings under colour of their pretended forfeiture. How ill they will digest such a wrong he may judge. It will be a great stay to the compounding of these controversies. Desire him to interpone his credit, and in the Queen's name to require them to forbear. If speedy order be not taken herein it will not fail to breed further grudges, which will greatly disturb the means of reconciliation.—Edinburgh Castle, 7 Jan. 1571. Signed.
Add. Endd. P. 1.
Jan. 7. 16. Sale of the Property of Spanish Merchants.
Lord Burghley and the Earl of Leicester called together the Merchant Adventurers, Merchants of the staple, trading to Spain, and the Aldermen of the Steelyard and others, and declared to them the negotiation between Zwegenhem and Fiesco and the Lords of the Council, for the restitution of goods belonging to the merchants of England and Spain, in which Zwegenhem utterly refused to have a reasonable treaty drawn, and besides confessed to having no commission to conclude. The Duke of Alva has for two years made sale of the commodities of England; the Queen, therefore, has resolved to make sale of the goods of the subjects of the said King within the realm, being resolved no longer to delay her own merchants from restitution of such money as they have lost, and appoints several merchants trading to Spain to see with all indifference the sale made, allowing the proprietors to have the most benefit. If in the meantime any may come with reasonable offers there shall be no impediment to give him a fair hearing.
Endd. Pp. 12/3.
Jan. 7. 17. Names of the Merchants and others trading to Spain who are to conduct the sale of the goods of Spanish subjects taken in this country.
Enclosure. P. ¾.
Jan. 8. 18. News from Venice.
Reports current in Rome of the Pope's intentions with respect to different matters, also that the King of Spain has sent the Duke of Medina with a fleet to the assistance of the Duke of Norfolk.
Endd.: News out of Venice sent to Mr. Cavalcanti. Ital. Pp. 1¼.
Jan. 8. 19. Lord Scrope to Lord Burghley.
Has been used to keep in strait ward here some of the most suspected persons of the worst surnames as pledges for the good order of the rest. Last night, through the negligence of the jailor, the said pledges with other persons suspected of felony, to the number of 18, escaped, whereof they have recovered three. None, however, are charged with greater offence than suspicion of felony or march treason, nevertheless for that upon this escape their whole surnames will become disobedient. Desires some aid wherewith he may bring them to their former obedience.—Carlisle, 8 Jan. 1571. Signed.
Add. Endd. P. 1.
Jan. 8. 20. Smith and Killegrew to the Queen.
Had audience with the Queen Mother in her chamber on the 6th inst., the King, her son, and all the rest being most busy with their dancing, when in answer to Smith's earnest demand the Queen Mother declared that the only stay of the marriage between the Queen of England and the Duke of Anjou was religion, wherein he was so earnest that he thought he would be damned if he yielded in anything. Smith asked whether if they yielded to him in religion would all then be done. The Queen answered that there were other things which he would require towards his honour and dignity, but that this was the chief. Smith replied that the matter of religion would be the most honourable to break off with, both for his mistress and the Duke. The Queen Mother declared that they meant no breaking off, and never desired anything more in their lives than this, but that he was so "assottied" that they could not tell how to rule him, his conscience being so troubled if he might not have the exercise of the religion Catholic. Hereupon both Killegrew and Smith declared that the Queen meant at this time effectually to marry, and although of herself she had no mind thereto, yet the continual crying unto her of her Privy Council, the necessity of the time, and the love of her subjects, had turned her mind; and Smith further rehearsed what Her Majesty had said to him at Walden, when she sent him to search out the Duke of Norfolk's doings, and at other times touching her inclination for the weal of her realm to marry. After further declarations of their mutual desires for the completion of the match, Smith desired to know what was required touching religion, saying that liberty of conscience and the private exercise of his religion had already been granted, and that there was nothing excepted but such part of the mass as cannot agree with God's word. The Queen Mother said that he had always been brought up in the Roman Catholic religion, and without he had his mass he thought he would be damned. Smith asked whether if he were suffered for a time to have his mass private in some little oratory or chapel, so that he there should be no scandal to any of the Queen's subjects, whether that would suffice. The Queen Mother replied that he must have the exercise of his religion open, lest he should seem to be ashamed of it, and that he was now of late so devout that he heard his two or three masses every day, and fasted the Lent and vigils so precisely "that he began to be lean and evil coloured," so that she was angry with him, and told him that she "had rather he were an Huguenot than be so foolishly precise to hurt his health;" and therefore he will not be content to have his mass in a corner, but will have a high mass and all the ceremonies thereof according to the time, and in song, and after all solemn fashion of the Roman church, and a church or chapel appointed where he may openly have his priests and singers, and use all their ceremonies. "Why, Madame (quoth Smith) then he may require also the four orders of friars, monks, canons, pilgrimages, pardons, oil and cream, relics and all such trumperies," that in nowise can be agreed. "Well, this was given to M. de Foix to demand" (quoth she). On Smith's pointing out the danger that would arise from suffering two religions in England, the Queen Mother said that the King, her son, suffered two in his realm, and that all was quiet, and that the people agreed well enough. Smith replied that factions would be certain to arise in England, and asked the Queen Mother what she would do if she were in the Queen of England's place and the same thing were demanded of her. "Je serais en grande peyne" (quoth she). Smith said that in Queen Mary's days many hundreds and thousands had been put to death, some by hunger, some burned, and some hanged, and yet when the Queen's Majesty came one day turned all, and by the whole consent of the three estates and of all England the religion was established again. Also in the last treason (and he was one that was most employed in the searching of them) there was not one Protestant touched with it; and again, there was not one notable Papist but either his hand was in the pasty or else he was looked for to come into it. As for the Duke of Norfolk, although he would fain appear of the religion, yet his bringing up his children in Papistry, those of most credit with him being Papists, and his conspiring to marry the Queen of Scots and join with the Pope, the Duke of Alva, and the Papists of England, declared what his religion was indeed. The Queen Mother then told them that her son had advertisement from his agent in Flanders that the Duke of Alva had hired two Italians, who0,00,00,45| 1848 1848 0 0 were now in England, to poison the Queen, and that the Duke of Medina Celi stays his coming until that enterprise took effect; and that they had written twice to M. de la Motte to advertise her of this vile enterprise, as they were as careful of her as of themselves. "And," says Mr. Killegrew, "if it be true that is said they have not spared the same devilish enterprise against your own blood, Madame; does your Majesty remember what Captain Cockburn said to you when you took leave of your daughter the Queen of Spain; dictes a Dieu Madame a votre fille perdrie (he would have said perdue); with that we might perceive in her countenance as though the word would have made her laugh, but the thing made the tears stand in her eyes ready to fall out, and her countenance very heavy." Killegrew said that it was said that they would send Madame Marguerite into Portugal where they had the same "figs and spices." The Queen Mother, who was somewhat merrier, said that she should be provided for nearer at hand. On Smith's desiring again to know what Monsieur would have, she said it was no otherwise than what M. de Foix had in his commission who was called in to the conference, and who confirmed what the Queen Mother had said. Smith said that De Foix knew that the Queen of England would never agree to any mass, and now the Queen Mother demanded not that only but an open church and great high mass, with all the ceremonies of Rome according to the season, priest, deacon, subdeacon, chalice, altar, bells, candlesticks, paten, singing men, "les quatre mendiants et tous les mille diables," whereat the Queen and M. de Foix both laughed. On the Queen Mother's saying that if the Queen would agree to allow Monsieur the mass he would require the assurance of parliament; Smith replied that it was not to be looked for, for the people were so far from that, that last Parliament they would have an Act made that the ministers should wear no square caps and such like trifles, because the Popish priests did heretofore wear them. "If the rude people, and specially the children, should see now a friar, monk, or priest disguised for his mass, they would hiss and cry at him as a monster, because of long time they had seen none such," and so peradventure make some scandal.—Amboise, 7 January 1571.
2. On the following day M. de Foix and M. de Limoges had conference with them, and told them that the Queen Mother had talked with the King and Monsieur, and that the latter would nothing relent, but caused his answer to be put in writing, which they delivered to them. Smith said that he would rather die than move the Queen to agree to it. M. de Limoges said that they were so earnest with Monsieur that he never saw the King in greater chafe, and the Queen Mother wept hot tears. If this alliance might not be, which was not likely, yet the King and Queen Mother said if the Duke of Alencon might be thought meet, or if there be any other league or amity that the Queen might require, they would beleague or amity that the Queen might require, they would be chants and other subjects that go out of their Prince's realms, which he presented to them, as if they would not defend them in matter of religion, how would they defend the Queen of England and her country, if she should be assailed for that cause. Biragues said that was another matter, for they would not suffer their adversary to be so strong, or to take religion for a colour to invade and conquest. Smith asked why they should not tell them so before, and let them know that if they made that a pretence to invade either country, they would have both against them. This being once known, the Kings of Denmark and Sweden, the Esterlings, and princes of Almaine and the Swiss, would run and desire to be in it, so that this league would grow to be stronger than any in Europe.
4. After a time, it seemed that they granted "etiamsi causa religionis invasio facta fuerit," in plain words. As to what was agreed for matters of Scotland Burghley may see by the enclosure.
5. Once or twice they were in hand with him to know if he had any commission to treat with them of these matters, to which he replied that he was there to do all good offices, and that if good faith and amity were meant, that he would want no "pouvoir." Desires that he may have a commission under the great seal if he should go any further in such great matters, and that he may have some one joined with him, as these men are counted the wisest heads in France. On the 16th, in the afternoon, they had a controversy as to the form of the negociation whether it should be by notes or after the manner of articles in a treaty, and also as to the interpretation to be put upon certain words contained in the French Commissioner's notes.—Amboise, 17 Jan. 1572, ready to do it. Smith answered that this final paper came so against his stomach and expectation that he wotted not what to say, and therefore prayed them to speak no more to him that day.—Amboise, 8 January 1571.
By English account. Signed. Add. Endd. Pp. 9⅓.
1572. Jan. 7. 21. The Duke of Anjou's Demands.
Free and open exercise of his religion for himself and suite according to all the forms in use in France, at any time, or in any place where he may happen to be in England, and that this shall be guaranteed by treaty executed in such a manner that nothing may be withheld hereafter under plea of ambiguity. Enclosure.
Endd. French. P. ⅓.
H. Knollys to Lord Burghley.
Jan. 8. 22. Told the Spanish Ambassador that it was strange after he had been expressly commanded to depart the realm, and after he had been granted at his own request a respite of ten days for the return of answer from the Duke of Alva, he had remained nearly a whole month from the first time of commandment, and all his demands for the good commodity of his transport had been provided. He said that he was always ready to satisfy the Queen in all things that might stand to the conservation of his duty to his master, in consideration whereof he has departed the city, leaving his stuff to be sold and other business to be done, and desired some commodity for the payment of his debts, and that he could not without danger of the transgression of his commission perform the Queen's desire; he was answered that the Queen had had letters prepared for the Duke of Alva, which were ready for him. The Ambassador thought the tarrying of his messenger might be either in the inaptness of the weather for passage, or that the Duke of Alva might perhaps stay to grant him warrant for his return until he had made the King his master privy thereto. He (Knollys) said that the Queen was so provoked at his many and long delays that she would be driven to use the remedy she had forborne and loth to come unto. Thus his lordship may see that the return of the messenger must be awaited, for he is strongly resolved not to depart without warrant from beyond seas, or the Queen's commandment under her own hand.—Canterbury, 8 Jan. 1571. Signed.
Add., with seal. Endd. Pp. 2.
Jan. 9. 23. Sir Thomas Smith to Lord Burghley.
Has already written to the Queen two letters marked A. (Jan. 5) and B., the first of which he may deliver when he will, the other (see Jan. 8) he thinks it best he should not deliver until he has considered how to insinuate the matter so that Her Majesty be not in so much hope that all is so forward here as M. de la Motte would make them believe The stop is made here wholly and only upon religion. Learns every day more and more that be it for conscience or for ambition, Monsieur is so extraordinarily papistically superstitious that he is altogether governed by them, and will receive none to his service unless he be professed a rank Papist. All his old servants Huguenots be refused of him and of the Duke of Alençon received, so that these two brethren be almost become "Capi de Guelphi et Gibellini." The one has his suite all Papists, the other is the refuge and succour of all the Huguenots, a good fellow and lusty prince. The King professes to entertain both the religions. Encloses a copy of the Duke of Anjou's precise demand. Guido Cavalcanti seeing Smith so dismayed when they brought him the writing, asked him what he would have him to do, who answered that he should go to the Queen Mother and tell her that he never saw anyone so perplexed, and that if he should write home in his choler and dismay he could not tell how evilly it would be taken in England, and therefore to pray her to consider of some salve or mollifying thing to ease the matter, and if she said that she bade them tell him of M. D'Alençon, or any league, or such matter, then Cavalcanti was to say that Smith was in such dismay that he thought he heard nothing, or took no heed of it. This Smith does to the intent to have it from the Queen's own mouth and to make the desire come from them. The Queen Mother took this marvellous well, and prayed him to require Smith not to make his dispatch before he had spoken with her, and on the 8th sent her coach for Smith and Killegrew, with whom went De Mauvissiere and Cavalcanti. Within awhile came the Queen Mother and Morvilliers, Bishop of Orleans. The Queen Mother said that she was sorry that he was offended with the writing, which was but the same thing she had reasoned with him before, and that as the Huguenots expounded their conscience "libre," so her son would needs have it expounded for him. Smith answered that his astonishment and trouble was not that he thought this interpretation was new, or different from that which the Queen had told him, but that so long as it was not given him in writing for certain, so long was he in some hope to do some good, but now all the hope of the marriage being cut off they could not comprehend what great trouble it was to him. The Queen Mother trusted that Her Majesty would not break her amity with them for that matter, as if she knew how earnest both she and the King had been in it she would rather take pity on them. Against a man's conscience, said Morvilliers, when it is once fixed, there is no man can make reason whether it be settled on the right way or not, as they had experience enough in France on the one side and the other. The Queen said if that might not be she had another, whom if the Queen could be content to "phantasy" he would make no scruple, and desired Smith if he had commission to treat of a league, or amity, or traffic, that he would declare it, and that he would do all good offices and help to amend the matter as much as he could. Smith said that he thought so much danger would ensue to the Queen and her realm if that thing was granted, that he must leave off till he had word again out of England. That as for the offer of M. D'Alençon which seemed to come of a marvellous good will, if Her Majesty was as much astonished at the precise demand of Monsieur D'Anjou as he was, she would give no more ear to or understand it any more than he did. He would not write this to the Queen but to Lord Burghley, and pray him when he saw time and place to break it to her, and if he perceived any inclination on her part to signify it to him. With respect to the treaty Smith proposed to join with anyone whom they might appoint to "rough hew" the articles, which was approved of, and after a few more words about the proposal of M. D'Alençon they took their leaves. M. D'Anville told Killegrew that the Queen Mother in order to pacify the Queen would send M. D'Alençon into England. Touching the Spanish Ambassador in England, the Queen Mother has said that it was well that he had been sent away. Touching the Queen's letter to the King of Spain, he has given it to the ambassador at this court to be sent to his master, and told him that it was to declare the many and evil offices done by Don Gerau D'Espes in England. Touching the Scottish matters and the treasons, they have distributed certain books of Buchanan in Latin which have done no hurt, but made the matter so plain that they be ashamed to defend her that fain would. The Bishop of Glasgow has sent divers times to know when he may visit him. Killegrew hitherto would not speak with him lest he should be suspected. When he has finished his matters intends for old acquaintance sake to see him. Their negotiation hitherto is kept marvellous secret. Some say he has brought the process against the Scottish Queen, some that it is to excuse the beheading of her, and others to excuse the marriage with Monsieur. The Ambassadors and Italians at this court be marvellous inquisitive, almost enraged because they cannot learn the truth. Joins Killegrew with him in all his negotiation, being thus taught to do "per calumnias et mendacia Throgmortoni."—Amboise, 9 Jan. 1571. Signed.
Add. Endd., with seal. Pp. 9½.
24. The Duke of Anjou's Demands.
The same as those enclosed in his letter of the 8th inst.
Enclosure. Fr. P.
25. Another copy.
Endd. Enclosure. Fr. P. ½.
Jan. 9. 26. H. Knollys to Lord Burghley.
The Spanish Ambassador messenger has returned with answer from the Duke, who had written to M. de Zwegenhem to move the Queen to receive requests touching his departure. Urged him all he could to hasten on his way without farther delay, but when he could not prevail, he has thought it his duty to advertise him thereof.—Gravesend, 9 Jan. 1571. Signed.
Add. Endd. P. ¾.
Jan. 10. 27. Henry Killegrew to Lord Burghley.
Begs that he will thank Sir Thomas Smith for his good usage of him. Received the enclosed discourse in French from the learned man he wrote of in his last, who also promised to let him have another touching the Queen of Scots' case, and what by law may justly be executed against her. Augustyn, an Italian, takes up 50 men by commission to go into Scotland. A great counsellor of the court assures him that it is done without the King's consent, for, said he, "we care not so much as you think what you do with her." Sends a French copy (sic) enclosed to be printed in England, and sent over here secretly. The Ambassador brought over Buchanan's book both in Latin and English, which were much desired in the court, and the English for that which wanteth in the Latin. Has given one to Cavagnies, one to M. de Foix, and the third to "one Montagne, of Montpellier, that writeth the universal story of our time." Desires to have more for they will stop men's mouths.—Amboise, 10 Jan.
P.S.—The Queen of Navarre makes all speed to the Court, whereof the King is very glad.
The Spanish Ambassador who lately stole hence into Flanders, has been drowned going to Spain. They of Besançon have driven out their clergy and received the gospel.
It is said that the Duke of Guise has license for him and his to wear arms throughout his government of Champagne, which being misliked, the King and Queen Mother deny that they know of such license.—10 Jan. Signed
Add. Endd., with seal. Pp. 3.
Jan. 10. 28. Sir Thomas Smith to Lord Burghley.
There was never better time to do good for the Queen's surety, be it by marriage or by league. Prays him to move her to lose no time, and not to procrastinate, as commonly is her wont. "Occasion the more hairy she is before, the more bald she is behind." If marriage do like, Alençon is as rich in lands and moveables as Anjou. The King, Queen Mother, Huguenots, and Papists wish him to them and he very willing. The other is against it. Alençon is not so tall or fair as his brother, but that is as is fantisied. Then he is not so obstinate, papistical, and restive like a mule as his brother is. As for getting of children, Smith cannot tell why, but they seem to assure him that he is more apt than the other. As for the League, they begin to sit on Friday. Desires that he may have leave to come home about his own private affairs. —Amboise, 10 Jan. 1571, by English account.
Signed. Add. Endd., with seal. Pp. 1½.