|A.D. 1572. Jan. 1.
1. Articles of Agreement between the Queen of England
and the King of Portugal.
1. The intercourse and traffic shall be set open in such
manner as has been used in times past, and the subjects of
either prince shall be friendly received and entertained by
2. Within a certain time after the confirmation of this
accord a mutual restitution shall be made of all such goods,
monies, debts, and vessels as from the year 1568 have been
detained by authority of the prince in either of their realms,
and for such as have been sold the just value to be restored,
which shall be ascertained by merchants appointed on both
3. For the better continuance of the amity and friendship
which is desired on both sides, within 40 days after the confirmation of this accord it shall be published in all the ports
of England and Ireland that from henceforth no subject of the
Queen shall pass into the seas and countries of the conquest
of the King of Portugal in Ethiopia and India called the
King of Portugal's Indies, upon pain of incurring the displeasure of Her Highness, and if such persons so offending be
in what sort soever chastised and punished by the ministers
of the said King they shall have no remedy from Her Majesty.
Provided that this prohibition shall not be understood to
exclude the Queen's subjects from any part of Portugal and
Algarve, the islands of Madeira and the Azores, or any place
of Barbary north of Cape Verde.
4. For the confirmation of this accord the Lords on behalf
of the Queen of England, and Francisco Giraldi on behalf of
the King of Portugal, shall put to their hands.
Endd. by Burghley: 1 Jan. 1571. Italian. Pp. 2¾.
2. Translation of the above, corrected and endorsed by
Burghley: 1 Feb. Articles reformed which were sent by
Francisco Geraldi. Pp. 2¾.
3. Another copy.
Endd.: 10 Feb. 1571. Pp. 3.
4. James Hamilton of Bothwelhaugh to Lord Claud
Left Paris on 26th December, being constrained to come
into Flanders "for lack of expense." Assures him that since
the decease of the [Bishop of St. Andrew's] he has not had of
any man one shilling, and therefore requests him to write to
the Queen in his favour, or to send him the means whereby
he may leave this place.—Brussels, 2 Jan. 1572. Signed.
With armorial seal.
Add. Endd. by Burleigh: 2 Jan. 1571. P. ⅓.
5. H. Knollys to Lord Burghley.
Told the Spanish ambassador the Queen's misliking of his
long delay to proceed forward upon his journey to Dover, but
the ambassador challenged a liberty never granted, but only
supposed by him, of remaining at Gravesend until the return
of his messenger from Flanders. He alleged also that he had
no commandment in writing or sufficient testimony of the
Queen's pleasure in his behalf, nor has he warrant of revocation from his master, and he cannot without great suspicion of
contempt depart from those limits within which he is commanded to serve. Answered that liberty had been given
for 10 days for the despatch of his messenger, and there were
already 13 passed. The testimony of the whole Council might
suffice him as to Her Majesty's commandment, whereof the
King his master had been fully certified. Urged his departure upon the same day, but that was full of difficulties,
as the day was far spent, and he was unready, so there was
nothing amiss to yield so much as to defer the journey until
the morrow. They can make but slender speed. They intend
to-morrow to Sittingbourne, the next day to Canterbury, but
it will be hard to rid him clean away without force before the
return of his man. He would that the passport was limited,
and not left to his discretion. — Gravesend, 3 Jan. 1571.
Add., with seal. Endd. Pp. 1½.
6. Maitland of Lethington to Lord Burghley.
From some speeches of the under-marshal of Berwick he
collects that Burghley will be still his friend, whereof he most
heartily thanks him. When he shall be pleased to renew
writing to him he will find the like conformity to be advised
as has been at any time heretofore, and no other than direct
dealing. What his conception is for the compounding of
these civil debates he shall understand by a Remonstrance
which he sends, and which he trusts he will find to his contentation. This controversy must be ended rather by transaction than by yielding. Where Burghley charges him with
"starting" from the Earl of Murray, there was indeed familiarity between them, and Lethington thought there had been
true friendship till experience taught him the contrary. All
Christendom might not have made him start from him if he
had kept a true part. Now he is dead will not speak of him,
as he might with good reason, and would if he were alive, but
must say thus much, that he never left him till he lost all
honesty, and that deep dissembling had entered in the place
where most men thought sincerity had been lodged, the
opinion whereof deceived Lethington, as it abused some others
who were not so well acquainted with him. His misbehaviour
towards him was inexcusable, so no man who was privy to
the things past between them, or who heard the true report,
will impute any fault to Lethington. Never remembers him,
who sometime he had so entirely loved, and who became his
enemy without any occasion, but immediately he begins to
lose all patience. If Burghley were no better acquainted with
the proceedings of that cause he would make a more ample
discourse.—Castle of Edinburgh, 3 Jan. 1571. Signed.
Add. Endd. Pp. 1½.
7. Sir Thomas Smith to Lord Burghley.
On the 1st January was met by M. de Gondi with a great
train of horses, and brought hither to his lodgings, which were
well trimmed and hanged of the King's charges, and next day
cooks, vivandiers, butlers, and one M. de Nawe, called M. le
Controller, to have the charge, that he should have all things
necessary at the King's cost. The next day M. de Foix came
to his lodgings, and after many words of courtesy and compliment had passed between them, asked if Smith had yet asked
for audience. Smith answered that he was in an ague for fear
of the failure of his negociation, and would fain know whereupon it would stick. De Foix said that Monsieur would stand
marvellously upon his religion. Smith replied that that might
be the show, and would be the most honourable way to refuse
for both parties, but that he did not believe this to be the let
indeed, and that he was not hasty to demand audience, but
would fain have some one to help him, such as the Duke of
Montmorency or the Admiral. De Foix said that Monsieur
was marvellously laid at for religion, that they made him
almost mad, and that he wished Smith's negociation were
done before the Pope's legate, Cardinal Alexandrino, came
hither, who would hinder all he could. Smith said that if he
knew that Monsieur were alienated indeed he would quickly
turn his tail, so that his mistress's honour might not be
2. Has by other sure means learned that Monsieur is here
entangled, and has his religion fixed in Mdlle de Chateauneuf
at first, and now it is removed hence into another place or
both, besides all his servants put him in fear that he shall
always be in danger in England, where all Englishmen naturally hate all Frenchmen. Then that here he governs all under
the King as his lieutenant, so that in "deed and re" he is
King, and in England he shall be but a subject to the Queen,
and have no authority to give offices to any of his friends,
and that it were better to be second in France than second in
England. So that all his servants, hoping to get by him so
long as he is here, and if he go away to get nothing, be continually in his ear to dissuade him from it. Then the Guisians
and the Papists propound to him the loss of his honour and
religion, and put him in comfort to become Duke of Flanders,
and sometime King of Naples, and "ung capo" of their Holy
League, and general on land, as Don John is by sea. The
more Smith searches out the truth the less hope he has to
bring this enterprise to any good pass.—Amboise, 3 Jan. 1571,
"by English account." Signed.
Add. Endd. Pp. 3.
8. Sir Thomas Smith to Queen Elizabeth.
On Friday the 4th inst. Smith and Killegrew had audience
with the French King, when he delivered her letters and
commendations, and further had audience with the Dukes of
Anjou and Alençon and the Queen Mother, at which there
passed nothing else but compliments and mutual expressions
of goodwill and pleasure that Smith should have been
appointed to the embassy. In speaking to the Queen Mother
of the Duke of Norfolk, Smith declared that all matters had
been made clear by the confessions of the Bishop of Ross, the
Duke, and some others, which were all in his own (Smith's)
handwriting, and subscribed by themselves to every page,
and that without any torture or torment, which in England
was not used. From thence he was brought to the Queen's
chamber, who was "a pretty little lady, but fair and well
favoured," to whom he did reverence, and made a complimentary speech, which she answered, but neither understood what
the other said, so that at his going away she and her ladies
laughed at the "pretty comedy."—Amboise, 5 Jan. 1571, "by
English account." Signed.
Add. Endd. by Burghley. Pp. 6½.
9. William Kincaid to Lord Burghley.
James Kirkcaldy arrived on the 27 December, and with
the Bishop of Galloway presented their letters, the answer to
which was referred to the coming of the Queen of England's
ambassador. Kirkcaldy required support of men, which he
will not get, but Lord Fleming has got 10,000 francs from
the King, and is promised 20,000 of the Queen of Scots' dower
by the 20th inst. He is making ready to pass into Scotland,
and goes by the west seas to a castle in Galloway, where the
Laird of Lochinvar and Lord Herries' people are. He takes
also 300 men, if he can get them, but will not be ready before
Candlemas.—Amboise, 5 Jan. Signed.
Add. Endd. P. 1.
10. Occurrents Out Of Spain.
Edward Dacres came out of Scotland to Madrid the 12th
August. John Nevil came from Rome with letters from the
Pope. Hugh Owen has come from Flanders with letters to
the Duchess of Feria and Sir Thomas Stukeley; the same did
pretend to convey away the Queen of Scots' out of England
into Flanders and thence to Spain. The charge to the King
of Spain for the English in Flanders is 8,750 ducats a year.
They are mustering troops in various parts; some say they
are for the French King, others for Don John of Austria. All
the English encourage the King to send unto Ireland, but the
wisest of his council say, "Let the King keep well his own land,
and not seek others;" they encourage the King to send into
Scotland also to aid the Papists, and so to proceed into England. Roland Turner has come from England, by way of
Scotland, the Isle of Man, and Waterford to Lisbon; the
King of Portugal gave him 30 ducats; he came to Madrid on
Christmas Day, and went to the Escurial and saw Doctor
Velasco and others, who promised him a speedy answer on
the King's return; on his return he made his confederates
glad and merry with much taunting and great boast that they
should have all the Protestants hanged. The Duke of Feria
is small esteemed at court, as he is a child. The Duchess
of Feria has letters from Flanders daily, she helps the Papists,
and beseeches her friends to further all suitors with commodity into these parts, for religion's sake. The Cardinal
died last October; he would not be confessed nor receive any
manner of church matters, so that they make very strange of
his death and thought not to bury him in a church, but
counted him to be one of the English religion. The Prince of
Spain, born October 1571, is called Don Fernando. The fleet
that was in Lisbon four months past was to go to Don John
of Austria, but it did not proceed on its voyage as there was
a great squall before the city. Sir Thomas Stukeley cost the
King 600 ducats going to Italy last year. William Stukeley,
his son, has 400 ducats a year from the King, and is to be in
the house of the Duchess of Feria. There is no news of what
is done or pretended in Flanders.
Signed with a monogram. Endd. Pp. 3.
11. H. Knollys to Lord Burghley.
The Spanish ambassador took the passport in very good
part; the Duke's letter he refuses to receive, notwithstanding
that the full contents thereof were declared to him, alleging
that it was not the manner of ambassadors to carry or send
letters, having not a copy warranted by them to whom the
matter appertained, or being not made privy to the letter
itself. He refuses, without violent hands, to pass the seas
until he receive answers to his letters from the Duke, or
express commandment under the seal of the Queen. Will
forbear extremity till he have further commission to execute
the same. Master Hawkins supposes that for want of good
wind the ship in which he should pass is not come about to
Dover; he intends thither himself on the morrow, and will
have all in readiness to return the same day to Canterbury,
where he will attend the Queen's further direction. The
Ambassador will not regard the copy of the order that was
taken with him at the Council tables, as it is not warranted
by subscription of the lords.—Sittingbourne, 5 Jan. 1571.
Add. with seal. Endd. P. 1.
12. Lord Hunsdon to the Queen.
Sent John Case to the Regent and to them of the castle.
Has received a letter from the latter, which he forwards.
They seem somewhat more conformable than before. They
offer to follow her directions in anything not being to their
utter wreck and destruction. They desire an indifferent form
of government, so as some of the nobility of their side may
join in authority with the other side, whereby they affirm
that it will be more beneficial to the Queen to have both
factions to depend upon her, than to overthrow one and set
up the other. If there be any foreign aid sent to them, they
will either return them or cause them to remain where they
land, until the Queen has taken order between them. Has
sent a gentleman to the Regent to procure an abstinence for a
month or six weeks. They desire to have somebody authorized to deal between them by conference. They confer daily
together by messengers, but to small purpose, for they of the
castle will by no means trust the other side.—Berwick, 6 Jan.
Add. Endd. Pp. 1¾.
13. Lethington and Grange to Lord Hunsdon.
Are grieved that the Queen of England has not taken in
good part their demands; nevertheless any lack is not to be
imputed to their stubborness, but rather to the nature of the
cause. As it can hardly be brought to a good end by letters,
they could more particularly express their minds in conference
with any that were authorized to deal with them. Will be
content to do anything to serve Her Majesty's turn if their
own safety is provided for, which they cannot see if their
enemies bear rule over them. Desire that he will procure
some one to be sent to them.—Edinburgh Castle, 3 Jan. 1571.
Add. Endd. Enclosure. P. ¾.
14. Lord Hunsdon to Lord Burghley.
1. Has received no answer from the Regent, for that he was
2. They of the castle desire some equality in the government. They are content to take an abstinence of arms until
the Queen may compound their controversies, and put in
hostages for the performance thereof, so their adversaries will
do the like. Gives similar information respecting the Queen
of Scots' party, as is contained in his letter of this date to the
Queen. They desire also that all confiscations and forfeitures
of land and goods may be revoked on both sides.
3. Verac is not idle, but persuades them to put their matters
into his master's hands. The Queen has to consider whether
it be more surety for her to have the whole nobility to run
her course, or to overthrow the one and set up the other,
which he leaves to his consideration.
4. P.S.—Is sorry to hear of Burghley's falling down again.
—Berwick, 6 Jan. 1571. Signed.
Add. Endd. Pp. 1¾.
15. Lethington and Grange to Lord Hunsdon.
It has come to their knowledge that their adversaries are
presently in hand to levy the revenues of divers of their
livings under colour of their pretended forfeiture. How ill
they will digest such a wrong he may judge. It will be a
great stay to the compounding of these controversies. Desire
him to interpone his credit, and in the Queen's name to
require them to forbear. If speedy order be not taken herein
it will not fail to breed further grudges, which will greatly
disturb the means of reconciliation.—Edinburgh Castle, 7 Jan.
Add. Endd. P. 1.
16. Sale of the Property of Spanish Merchants.
Lord Burghley and the Earl of Leicester called together the
Merchant Adventurers, Merchants of the staple, trading to
Spain, and the Aldermen of the Steelyard and others, and
declared to them the negotiation between Zwegenhem and
Fiesco and the Lords of the Council, for the restitution of
goods belonging to the merchants of England and Spain, in
which Zwegenhem utterly refused to have a reasonable treaty
drawn, and besides confessed to having no commission to conclude. The Duke of Alva has for two years made sale of the
commodities of England; the Queen, therefore, has resolved to
make sale of the goods of the subjects of the said King within
the realm, being resolved no longer to delay her own merchants from restitution of such money as they have lost, and
appoints several merchants trading to Spain to see with all
indifference the sale made, allowing the proprietors to have
the most benefit. If in the meantime any may come with
reasonable offers there shall be no impediment to give him a
Endd. Pp. 12/3.
17. Names of the Merchants and others trading to Spain who
are to conduct the sale of the goods of Spanish subjects taken
in this country.
Enclosure. P. ¾.
18. News from Venice.
Reports current in Rome of the Pope's intentions with
respect to different matters, also that the King of Spain has
sent the Duke of Medina with a fleet to the assistance of the
Duke of Norfolk.
Endd.: News out of Venice sent to Mr. Cavalcanti. Ital.
19. Lord Scrope to Lord Burghley.
Has been used to keep in strait ward here some of the most
suspected persons of the worst surnames as pledges for the
good order of the rest. Last night, through the negligence
of the jailor, the said pledges with other persons suspected of
felony, to the number of 18, escaped, whereof they have
recovered three. None, however, are charged with greater
offence than suspicion of felony or march treason, nevertheless for that upon this escape their whole surnames will
become disobedient. Desires some aid wherewith he may
bring them to their former obedience.—Carlisle, 8 Jan. 1571.
Add. Endd. P. 1.
20. Smith and Killegrew to the Queen.
Had audience with the Queen Mother in her chamber on
the 6th inst., the King, her son, and all the rest being most
busy with their dancing, when in answer to Smith's earnest
demand the Queen Mother declared that the only stay of the
marriage between the Queen of England and the Duke of
Anjou was religion, wherein he was so earnest that he thought
he would be damned if he yielded in anything. Smith
asked whether if they yielded to him in religion would all
then be done. The Queen answered that there were other
things which he would require towards his honour and dignity, but that this was the chief. Smith replied that the
matter of religion would be the most honourable to break off
with, both for his mistress and the Duke. The Queen Mother
declared that they meant no breaking off, and never desired
anything more in their lives than this, but that he was so
"assottied" that they could not tell how to rule him, his conscience being so troubled if he might not have the exercise of
the religion Catholic. Hereupon both Killegrew and Smith
declared that the Queen meant at this time effectually to
marry, and although of herself she had no mind thereto, yet
the continual crying unto her of her Privy Council, the necessity of the time, and the love of her subjects, had turned her
mind; and Smith further rehearsed what Her Majesty had
said to him at Walden, when she sent him to search out the
Duke of Norfolk's doings, and at other times touching her
inclination for the weal of her realm to marry. After further
declarations of their mutual desires for the completion of the
match, Smith desired to know what was required touching
religion, saying that liberty of conscience and the private
exercise of his religion had already been granted, and that
there was nothing excepted but such part of the mass as cannot agree with God's word. The Queen Mother said that he
had always been brought up in the Roman Catholic religion,
and without he had his mass he thought he would be damned.
Smith asked whether if he were suffered for a time to have
his mass private in some little oratory or chapel, so that he
there should be no scandal to any of the Queen's subjects,
whether that would suffice. The Queen Mother replied that
he must have the exercise of his religion open, lest he should
seem to be ashamed of it, and that he was now of late so
devout that he heard his two or three masses every day, and
fasted the Lent and vigils so precisely "that he began to be
lean and evil coloured," so that she was angry with him,
and told him that she "had rather he were an Huguenot than
be so foolishly precise to hurt his health;" and therefore he
will not be content to have his mass in a corner, but will
have a high mass and all the ceremonies thereof according to
the time, and in song, and after all solemn fashion of the
Roman church, and a church or chapel appointed where he
may openly have his priests and singers, and use all their
ceremonies. "Why, Madame (quoth Smith) then he may
require also the four orders of friars, monks, canons, pilgrimages, pardons, oil and cream, relics and all such trumperies," that in nowise can be agreed. "Well, this was
given to M. de Foix to demand" (quoth she). On Smith's
pointing out the danger that would arise from suffering two
religions in England, the Queen Mother said that the King,
her son, suffered two in his realm, and that all was quiet, and
that the people agreed well enough. Smith replied that factions would be certain to arise in England, and asked the
Queen Mother what she would do if she were in the Queen
of England's place and the same thing were demanded of her.
"Je serais en grande peyne" (quoth she). Smith said that
in Queen Mary's days many hundreds and thousands had been
put to death, some by hunger, some burned, and some hanged,
and yet when the Queen's Majesty came one day turned all,
and by the whole consent of the three estates and of all
England the religion was established again. Also in the last
treason (and he was one that was most employed in the
searching of them) there was not one Protestant touched
with it; and again, there was not one notable Papist but
either his hand was in the pasty or else he was looked for to
come into it. As for the Duke of Norfolk, although he would
fain appear of the religion, yet his bringing up his children
in Papistry, those of most credit with him being Papists, and
his conspiring to marry the Queen of Scots and join with the
Pope, the Duke of Alva, and the Papists of England, declared
what his religion was indeed. The Queen Mother then told
them that her son had advertisement from his agent in
Flanders that the Duke of Alva had hired two Italians, who0,00,00,45| 1848 1848 0 0
were now in England, to poison the Queen, and that the Duke
of Medina Celi stays his coming until that enterprise took
effect; and that they had written twice to M. de la Motte to
advertise her of this vile enterprise, as they were as careful
of her as of themselves. "And," says Mr. Killegrew, "if it
be true that is said they have not spared the same devilish
enterprise against your own blood, Madame; does your
Majesty remember what Captain Cockburn said to you when
you took leave of your daughter the Queen of Spain; dictes
a Dieu Madame a votre fille perdrie (he would have said
perdue); with that we might perceive in her countenance as
though the word would have made her laugh, but the thing
made the tears stand in her eyes ready to fall out, and her
countenance very heavy." Killegrew said that it was said
that they would send Madame Marguerite into Portugal where
they had the same "figs and spices." The Queen Mother,
who was somewhat merrier, said that she should be provided
for nearer at hand. On Smith's desiring again to know what
Monsieur would have, she said it was no otherwise than what
M. de Foix had in his commission who was called in to the
conference, and who confirmed what the Queen Mother had
said. Smith said that De Foix knew that the Queen of
England would never agree to any mass, and now the Queen
Mother demanded not that only but an open church and great
high mass, with all the ceremonies of Rome according to the
season, priest, deacon, subdeacon, chalice, altar, bells, candlesticks, paten, singing men, "les quatre mendiants et tous les
mille diables," whereat the Queen and M. de Foix both
laughed. On the Queen Mother's saying that if the Queen would
agree to allow Monsieur the mass he would require the assurance
of parliament; Smith replied that it was not to be looked
for, for the people were so far from that, that last Parliament
they would have an Act made that the ministers should wear
no square caps and such like trifles, because the Popish priests
did heretofore wear them. "If the rude people, and specially
the children, should see now a friar, monk, or priest disguised for his mass, they would hiss and cry at him as a
monster, because of long time they had seen none such," and
so peradventure make some scandal.—Amboise, 7 January
2. On the following day M. de Foix and M. de Limoges had
conference with them, and told them that the Queen Mother
had talked with the King and Monsieur, and that the latter
would nothing relent, but caused his answer to be put in
writing, which they delivered to them. Smith said that he
would rather die than move the Queen to agree to it. M. de
Limoges said that they were so earnest with Monsieur that he
never saw the King in greater chafe, and the Queen Mother
wept hot tears. If this alliance might not be, which was not
likely, yet the King and Queen Mother said if the Duke of
Alencon might be thought meet, or if there be any other
league or amity that the Queen might require, they would beleague or amity that the Queen might require, they would be
chants and other subjects that go out of their Prince's realms,
which he presented to them, as if they would not defend
them in matter of religion, how would they defend the Queen
of England and her country, if she should be assailed for
that cause. Biragues said that was another matter, for
they would not suffer their adversary to be so strong, or to
take religion for a colour to invade and conquest. Smith
asked why they should not tell them so before, and let them
know that if they made that a pretence to invade either
country, they would have both against them. This being
once known, the Kings of Denmark and Sweden, the Esterlings, and princes of Almaine and the Swiss, would run and
desire to be in it, so that this league would grow to be
stronger than any in Europe.
4. After a time, it seemed that they granted "etiamsi
causa religionis invasio facta fuerit," in plain words. As to
what was agreed for matters of Scotland Burghley may see
by the enclosure.
5. Once or twice they were in hand with him to know if
he had any commission to treat with them of these matters,
to which he replied that he was there to do all good offices,
and that if good faith and amity were meant, that he would
want no "pouvoir." Desires that he may have a commission under the great seal if he should go any further in
such great matters, and that he may have some one joined
with him, as these men are counted the wisest heads in
France. On the 16th, in the afternoon, they had a controversy
as to the form of the negociation whether it should be by
notes or after the manner of articles in a treaty, and also as
to the interpretation to be put upon certain words contained
in the French Commissioner's notes.—Amboise, 17 Jan. 1572,
ready to do it. Smith answered that this final paper came so
against his stomach and expectation that he wotted not what
to say, and therefore prayed them to speak no more to him
that day.—Amboise, 8 January 1571.
By English account. Signed. Add. Endd. Pp. 9⅓.
|1572. Jan. 7.
21. The Duke of Anjou's Demands.
Free and open exercise of his religion for himself and suite
according to all the forms in use in France, at any time, or in
any place where he may happen to be in England, and that
this shall be guaranteed by treaty executed in such a manner
that nothing may be withheld hereafter under plea of
Endd. French. P. ⅓.
H. Knollys to Lord Burghley.
22. Told the Spanish Ambassador that it was strange after
he had been expressly commanded to depart the realm, and
after he had been granted at his own request a respite of ten
days for the return of answer from the Duke of Alva, he had
remained nearly a whole month from the first time of commandment, and all his demands for the good commodity of
his transport had been provided. He said that he was always
ready to satisfy the Queen in all things that might stand to
the conservation of his duty to his master, in consideration
whereof he has departed the city, leaving his stuff to be sold
and other business to be done, and desired some commodity
for the payment of his debts, and that he could not without
danger of the transgression of his commission perform the
Queen's desire; he was answered that the Queen had had letters
prepared for the Duke of Alva, which were ready for him.
The Ambassador thought the tarrying of his messenger might
be either in the inaptness of the weather for passage, or that
the Duke of Alva might perhaps stay to grant him warrant
for his return until he had made the King his master privy
thereto. He (Knollys) said that the Queen was so provoked
at his many and long delays that she would be driven to use
the remedy she had forborne and loth to come unto. Thus
his lordship may see that the return of the messenger must
be awaited, for he is strongly resolved not to depart without
warrant from beyond seas, or the Queen's commandment
under her own hand.—Canterbury, 8 Jan. 1571. Signed.
Add., with seal. Endd. Pp. 2.
23. Sir Thomas Smith to Lord Burghley.
Has already written to the Queen two letters marked A.
(Jan. 5) and B., the first of which he may deliver when he
will, the other (see Jan. 8) he thinks it best he should not
deliver until he has considered how to insinuate the matter so
that Her Majesty be not in so much hope that all is so
forward here as M. de la Motte would make them believe
The stop is made here wholly and only upon religion. Learns
every day more and more that be it for conscience or for
ambition, Monsieur is so extraordinarily papistically superstitious that he is altogether governed by them, and will
receive none to his service unless he be professed a rank
Papist. All his old servants Huguenots be refused of him and
of the Duke of Alençon received, so that these two brethren be
almost become "Capi de Guelphi et Gibellini." The one has
his suite all Papists, the other is the refuge and succour of all the
Huguenots, a good fellow and lusty prince. The King professes
to entertain both the religions. Encloses a copy of the Duke
of Anjou's precise demand. Guido Cavalcanti seeing Smith
so dismayed when they brought him the writing, asked him
what he would have him to do, who answered that he should
go to the Queen Mother and tell her that he never saw anyone so perplexed, and that if he should write home in his
choler and dismay he could not tell how evilly it would be
taken in England, and therefore to pray her to consider of
some salve or mollifying thing to ease the matter, and if she
said that she bade them tell him of M. D'Alençon, or any
league, or such matter, then Cavalcanti was to say that Smith
was in such dismay that he thought he heard nothing, or took
no heed of it. This Smith does to the intent to have it from
the Queen's own mouth and to make the desire come from
them. The Queen Mother took this marvellous well, and
prayed him to require Smith not to make his dispatch before
he had spoken with her, and on the 8th sent her coach for
Smith and Killegrew, with whom went De Mauvissiere and
Cavalcanti. Within awhile came the Queen Mother and
Morvilliers, Bishop of Orleans. The Queen Mother said that
she was sorry that he was offended with the writing, which
was but the same thing she had reasoned with him before,
and that as the Huguenots expounded their conscience "libre,"
so her son would needs have it expounded for him. Smith
answered that his astonishment and trouble was not that he
thought this interpretation was new, or different from that
which the Queen had told him, but that so long as it was not
given him in writing for certain, so long was he in some hope
to do some good, but now all the hope of the marriage being
cut off they could not comprehend what great trouble it was
to him. The Queen Mother trusted that Her Majesty would
not break her amity with them for that matter, as if she
knew how earnest both she and the King had been in it she
would rather take pity on them. Against a man's conscience,
said Morvilliers, when it is once fixed, there is no man can
make reason whether it be settled on the right way or not, as
they had experience enough in France on the one side and the
other. The Queen said if that might not be she had another,
whom if the Queen could be content to "phantasy" he would
make no scruple, and desired Smith if he had commission to treat
of a league, or amity, or traffic, that he would declare it, and
that he would do all good offices and help to amend the matter as
much as he could. Smith said that he thought so much
danger would ensue to the Queen and her realm if that thing
was granted, that he must leave off till he had word again out
of England. That as for the offer of M. D'Alençon which
seemed to come of a marvellous good will, if Her Majesty was
as much astonished at the precise demand of Monsieur
D'Anjou as he was, she would give no more ear to or
understand it any more than he did. He would not write
this to the Queen but to Lord Burghley, and pray him when
he saw time and place to break it to her, and if he perceived
any inclination on her part to signify it to him. With respect
to the treaty Smith proposed to join with anyone whom they
might appoint to "rough hew" the articles, which was
approved of, and after a few more words about the proposal of
M. D'Alençon they took their leaves. M. D'Anville told
Killegrew that the Queen Mother in order to pacify the
Queen would send M. D'Alençon into England. Touching
the Spanish Ambassador in England, the Queen Mother has
said that it was well that he had been sent away. Touching
the Queen's letter to the King of Spain, he has given it to the
ambassador at this court to be sent to his master, and told him
that it was to declare the many and evil offices done by Don
Gerau D'Espes in England. Touching the Scottish matters
and the treasons, they have distributed certain books of
Buchanan in Latin which have done no hurt, but made the
matter so plain that they be ashamed to defend her that fain
would. The Bishop of Glasgow has sent divers times to know
when he may visit him. Killegrew hitherto would not speak
with him lest he should be suspected. When he has finished
his matters intends for old acquaintance sake to see him.
Their negotiation hitherto is kept marvellous secret. Some
say he has brought the process against the Scottish Queen,
some that it is to excuse the beheading of her, and others to
excuse the marriage with Monsieur. The Ambassadors and
Italians at this court be marvellous inquisitive, almost
enraged because they cannot learn the truth. Joins Killegrew
with him in all his negotiation, being thus taught to do "per
calumnias et mendacia Throgmortoni."—Amboise, 9 Jan. 1571.
Add. Endd., with seal. Pp. 9½.
24. The Duke of Anjou's Demands.
The same as those enclosed in his letter of the 8th inst.
Enclosure. Fr. P.
25. Another copy.
Endd. Enclosure. Fr. P. ½.
26. H. Knollys to Lord Burghley.
The Spanish Ambassador messenger has returned with
answer from the Duke, who had written to M. de Zwegenhem
to move the Queen to receive requests touching his departure.
Urged him all he could to hasten on his way without
farther delay, but when he could not prevail, he has thought
it his duty to advertise him thereof.—Gravesend, 9 Jan. 1571.
Add. Endd. P. ¾.
27. Henry Killegrew to Lord Burghley.
Begs that he will thank Sir Thomas Smith for his good
usage of him. Received the enclosed discourse in French
from the learned man he wrote of in his last, who also promised to let him have another touching the Queen of Scots'
case, and what by law may justly be executed against her.
Augustyn, an Italian, takes up 50 men by commission to go
into Scotland. A great counsellor of the court assures him
that it is done without the King's consent, for, said he, "we
care not so much as you think what you do with her." Sends
a French copy (sic) enclosed to be printed in England, and
sent over here secretly. The Ambassador brought over Buchanan's book both in Latin and English, which were much
desired in the court, and the English for that which wanteth
in the Latin. Has given one to Cavagnies, one to M. de Foix,
and the third to "one Montagne, of Montpellier, that writeth
the universal story of our time." Desires to have more for
they will stop men's mouths.—Amboise, 10 Jan.
P.S.—The Queen of Navarre makes all speed to the Court,
whereof the King is very glad.
The Spanish Ambassador who lately stole hence into
Flanders, has been drowned going to Spain. They of Besançon have driven out their clergy and received the gospel.
It is said that the Duke of Guise has license for him and
his to wear arms throughout his government of Champagne,
which being misliked, the King and Queen Mother deny that
they know of such license.—10 Jan. Signed
Add. Endd., with seal. Pp. 3.
28. Sir Thomas Smith to Lord Burghley.
There was never better time to do good for the Queen's
surety, be it by marriage or by league. Prays him to move
her to lose no time, and not to procrastinate, as commonly is
her wont. "Occasion the more hairy she is before, the more
bald she is behind." If marriage do like, Alençon is as rich
in lands and moveables as Anjou. The King, Queen Mother,
Huguenots, and Papists wish him to them and he very willing.
The other is against it. Alençon is not so tall or fair as his
brother, but that is as is fantisied. Then he is not so obstinate, papistical, and restive like a mule as his brother is.
As for getting of children, Smith cannot tell why, but they
seem to assure him that he is more apt than the other. As
for the League, they begin to sit on Friday. Desires that he
may have leave to come home about his own private affairs.
—Amboise, 10 Jan. 1571, by English account.
Signed. Add. Endd., with seal. Pp. 1½.