Elizabeth: November 1577, 11-20

Pages 318-333

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 12, 1577-78. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1901.

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November 1577, 11-20

Nov. 11.
K. d. L. x. 85.
I received yesterday Mr. Walsingham's letter handed by you to M. Francois le Fort. Kindly keep the packet which I send you till your earliest convenience. I have no news worth sending you but such as you will know better than I. We hear from France that the envoys sent by the Estates to the King have been favourably received by him and his brother ; and that both promise to do all they can for them ; and that M. de Vaux, who was already in France as a suitor for Don John, had thereby lost much of the ground he deemed himself to have gained on Don John's behalf. You can form your own judgement as to the probable result of all this ; in my opinion the Duke of Anjou has many partisans in these parts.—Brussels, St. Martin's day, 11 Nov. 1577. P.S.—If any letter come into your hands addressed to M. de la Pierre, de la Mothe, de la Barre, or Robert le Long, please take note that they are for me. Add. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. 99.]
Nov. 11. 426. The case of the DUKE of AERSCHOT : Report and decision.
This day, having appeared before the Aldermen of the City of Ghent, the most high and mighty lord the Duke of Aerschot of the one part, and the nobles, etc., in large numbers of the other part, they declared that they were of one mind touching the release of the said Duke, to wit, that the nobles, etc., taking note of the representation made by the Abbot of St. Gertrude and M. de Liesfelt, deputed by the States-General in conjunction with Mr. Arnold Van Dorp, deputed by the Prince of Orange, with regard especially to the quality of the Duke and the good services rendered and to be rendered by him to the commonweal, condescend and consent to the release of the said Duke, without prejudice to the case of the other gentlemen in custody. It is understood that no prosecution or vengeance under form of justice or by violent means shall be undertaken against those of Ghent, but that an amnesty on both sides shall follow upon this release, they withdrawing any charges they may have made against the Duke ; and the Duke for his part promises on behalf of himself and his family, naming the Prince of Chimay his son and the Marquis of Havrech his brother, for whom in their absence he gives a guarantee, that nothing shall be done in contravention of this. And for greater assurance of the said nobles, etc., the said Duke and the deputies of the Estates have promised to use all their offices with the Estates to obtain from them a deed under their seal approving the above before the Duke leaves the town. Done at Ghent the 10th of November, 1577, in presence of the aldermen of the two benches, to wit, MM. d'Appocle, Bouche, and Jacques Feron, aldermen of the excise (kuere), Josse Donaes and Joris Vitz, aldermen of the allotments (parchons) of the city, and myself as secretary to the said aldermen of the excise. (Signed) Hembize. This having been sent to the States-General with a view to speedy execution of the same under their seal, they hereby accept and approve the above agreement, both for other reasons, and because they believe the arrest of the Duke to have been made of a good zeal and without malice, and they do not intend that the people of Ghent shall ever be molested or prosecuted on that account ; but if any attempt contrary thereto shall be made, will defend them to the best of their power. Signed by Cornelius Weellemans, secretary, sealed with the seal of the Estates of Brabant, the generality not having their seals at hand and placarded.—Brussels, 11 Nov. 1577. Copy. Fr. 1½ pp. [Ibid. 100.]
Nov. 13. 427. Licence from Luis Cesar, councillor to the King of Portugal and Superintendent of the Arsenals and Fleets, to "Don Jacopo Desmond" [i.e., James Fitzmorris], to take from the arsenal artillery and equipment, viz., 2 bronze falcons, 4 iron falcons, muzzle-pieces (beicos) and chambers (camaras) for the same, ammunition, including 50 stone cannon-balls, &c. Dated 13 Nov. 1577. Signed (apparently autograph) : Luis Cæsar. Endd. (in English) : This is the letter that I have concerning the artillery. Portuguese. 1 p. [Portugal I. 7.]
Nov. 14. 428. [ANTONIO DE GUARAS] to DON JOHN.
Fragment of draft for a letter containing (a) reference to an enterprise important to Spain, in which the Queen and some of her Council are concerned, and from which they expect much treasure— it is of importance to Spain to know the place, that they may be sent to the bottom—if they succeed with it, they will never be dislodged by greater forces ; (b) assurances that though he is a prisoner he will continue to perform his work by the help of friends— points blocked, dispatches and letters taken—can find no better way than to send his own son, who is not behind himself in goodwill —with a passport, knowing the language and the routes he will post to Paris and thence to the Court ; (c) reminder to "V. A." that he is in prison "in great travail and misery, for a cause that is very well known"—if he gets out shortly he hopes in future in regard to what has been declared to adhere to his previous course, to which he refers ; (d) expression of a hope that if Don John sends over "Ayeronymo de Curiel" he will not write, for he has sent two letters to one believed to be a spy of the Council ; (e) allusion to another journey of his son, and the money then given him ; (f) statement that he is not only in prison, but "on terms of" his head, "as I wrote before to Secretary Prada"—doing the same at present, as he will relate, and also of certain passages which he now sends from the last letter of the said Curiel, very contrary to the service of his Highness, and nearly touching the writer's life and honour.—From London, and from prison, the [in another hand] 14 November 1577. Endd. : Minute of letter which I wrote to Don John of Austria on 14 November, 1577. Sp. ½ p. [Holl. and Fland. III. 101.]
Nov. 15.
K. d. L. x. 85.
The "Gauntoys" resuming their ancient privileges with the agreement of the States, proceed to the election of their Doyen, an office (being of like quality to the Tribunus Plebis in the Commonwealth of Rome) that has not been exercised since the rescinding of their privileges by Charles V.; but I do not yet hear whom they have chosen. The Duke of Aerschot's delivery at the earnest request of the States' Commissioners is effected, upon the conditions herewith. The rest are not unlike (if the Gauntoys change not their wont) "to run another fortune." You may see what these are charged with in the justification of their apprehenders, sent in my last. In the common opinion of every good patriot and confession of those that were at their consultations, their cause deserves little favour, having not only had intelligence with the public enemy (a thing as they say to be proved), but also practised to disjoin the provinces and divide the Prince and States, a near and dangerous matter if this had not fallen out. The reception of the Archduke is still in suspense, the reason being partly to see how the matter will be digested by their neighbours, and partly for difficulties in the people's consent—of the Emperor's desire it should go forward, the Prince assures me ; but chiefly to temporize with the Duke of Alençon, whom they would keep in some hope ; and who on the other hand labours diligently to insinuate himself into their favour, "having to that end both John Tyron and other his ministers, walking in every corner not without some fruit." Both the King and he have well entertained their ambassadors, since whose arrival M. de Vaux, sent before to solicit in favour of Don John, seems to have had cold success, the King pretending wholly to favour the States, whose cause he promises to protect to his uttermost ; but of the scope of these liberal offers it is not hard to judge. Between the Prince and States, since the apprehension of these ill ministers who had brought them, whatever the Marquis say, very near the point of a disjunction, things seem in better train, though the distrust is not so removed but that sparks remain. But as no man can be more studious to shun such a mischief than the Prince, who accommodates himself to them both in forbearing the open exercise of his religion and otherwise, so if the States should so much forget themselves, the worst end of the staff would, in the opinion of the wisest, fall out to be theirs, the Prince being not only sure of Holland and Zealand, which command the rest of the provinces, but also strengthened with the favour of the people generally, with the government of Brabant, Utrecht and Overyssel, and of the towns of Dendermonde (of special importance as the key by water to Ghent, Antwerp, and the whole of Brabant) and of Ghent, which with its castellanies is of great strength, able to do as much as two out of three parts of Flanders. He has also Niewport, a haven, with Brussels, Antwerp, Utrecht and other towns at his devotion. Calling to them 'Frize' and Gueldres, which will never separate from Holland and Zealand, they would be sufficient to sustain the force of the proudest neighbour they have—a thing the less to be doubted, when that one town of Ghent has ere now made head against the whole power of France. Of the States' proceedings with her Majesty, I know not what to say. They pretend to depend wholly on her. They have now sent over Carington, with what has been done on his negotiations. But to say truly, those who wish them well, are still doubtful how she may proceed safely with them as long as their matters are thus uncertain. Upon this point, therefore, I have sought to sound the Prince, whom I find always to deal frankly and honourably with me. His advice is that her Majesty would do well to temporise for a while, and to form her deliberations upon the event of things here, without show of any deliberation of her affection towards them. And if their ambassadors earnestly insist upon a loan of 20,000l. or 30,000l. as they have in charge, her Majesty will do best to assign the money into my hands to be delivered here on receipt of their assurances, under which colour the matter may be 'trained in length.' As for the employment of our nation, it is yet unresolved ; the reasons alleged by the Marquis for their delay are thought a colourable pretext, the cause growing in truth from the jealousy they have of the Prince's greatness, who being master of the chief strength of the country and the devotion of the people, and assisted with such a force of our nation, might, they think, easily become master of all, with an undoubted innovation of state and religion ; an impression beaten into their heads by the Bishops of Bruges and Ypres, les seigneurs de Swevingem, Ressingem, and others of the principals apprehended, to whom the stay of it is chiefly imputed, as men that seeing it recommended by the Prince, and desired by the people, sought by all means to impugn it. They set forth other difficulties, as that they were to consider well of the person and quality of the Earl of Leicester, who, besides being in close amity with the Prince, is a man of no small moment to be called over and entertained with such a train of men of note as would accompany him ; that his quality would not brook the service under a governor of their country, his inferior, while to commit that charge into the hands of a stranger was perilous and dishonourable for them ; that calling over 5,000 or 6,000 of our nation was a bridge to pass over as many as we listed ; that the French, jealous of the footing of our nation on this side, would advance their combination with Spain, and so should draw the strength of both States on their shoulders. Persuading so much that some in their malice and envy to the Prince, others lacking judgement to discern with what foot these men marched were charged from their first deliberation ; and the more he insisted the more he was suspected to affect his own particular. But as some of them already confess their error, it is thought it will not be long before, of will or of necessity, they reform it. Their enemy is growing strong, and the King is wholly bent to the war against this country, whereunto some say he is minded to come in person, leaving the government of Spain in his absence to the Empress his sister, who, as we hear from Germany, is going thither with the Admiral of Castile ; having in the meanwhile made truce for 5 years with the Turk—a thing which the Prince confirms, and resolving in the spring to make them a sharp and desperate war, what with his own strength, the succour of the Pope, the potentates of Italy, the Duke of Savoy, the Bishops of Mentz and Colloigne and others his friends in Germany, besides his hope of the French, whom he earnestly solicits under the pretext of a marriage between the Duke d'Alencon and his daughter, though some hardly believe that this is other than a Spanish practice, since the French possession of this country could in no way advantage the King of Spain ; though they think that under this colour he may hope to draw the French the sooner to his assistance, and get hold of their intelligence with the States till he bring his preparations to some perfection, a thing which they think he may affect through his friends in that Court, but especially by the industry of the Queen Mother, by whose cunning and dexterity those two princes have been of late years so straitly combined. And as the felicity of no state in the world is more envied than ours, there is no one they would sooner attempt if their own troubles would give them leisure for the disquieting of their neighbours. Herein they diligently watch their opportunity, as they that in respect of their great intelligences in our country, hold the matter easy, having a Queen of Scots (whose boute-feux are occupied in every corner) assured of a faction of Catholics, which do but await the sign to discover themselves ; of which assured friends of hers (as the Baron d'Hierges' secretary lately escaped, as he said, from the enemy, and coming to Brussels, where he was examined by the States, confessed), two English captains, Digby and Hooper, as I hear, presented not long since a list of names to Don John, as men of whom he might make assured reckoning. The like was done before by others of our fugitives, and as I hear by Copley, who being of especial credit with Don John is now sent into Spain to do some good office to his country. By this you may see that our enemies sleep not.—Antwerp, 15 Nov. 1577. P.S.—I hear from the Prince that on last Sunday week one came to Brussels with a packet of letters to Don John, sealed with the arms of England, and said to come from her Majesty. The messenger said he was addressed to him by me, to the end they might see I would deal plainly with them, and asking their passport in my name ; who never heard till now of the man or matter, which makes me suspect it is some messenger from the Queen of Scots. I beg to know your opinion in this respect. I had written this before the receipt of your last by my man ; but I have detained the bearer a day or two to answer questions more particularly. There is a new association drawn but not yet signed, between the Prince and States, ratifying the treaty of Ghent, interpreting the points de la religion Cath. Rom. et obeisance due au roi, promising to hold together without offence one of another in respect of religion, joining to defend the tyranny of strangers, and finally approving the acceptance of the Archduke. We look for him here about Wednesday next. Add. Endd. 5 pp. [Holl. and Fland. III. 102.]
Nov. 15. 430. Draft of the above. 3½ pp. [Ibid. 103.]
Nov. 16.
K. d. L. x. 93.
431. John Dale's report of the number of soldiers that Don John of Austria had "at my being at his Court of Luxembrugh the xvith of November."
Six thousand Spaniards.
Four thousand Frenchmen "of the band of Mounseer de Guys," governor thereof the Grave of Mansfield.
Two thousand soldiers of Lorraine, Governor M. St. Bellamont of Lorraine.
Two thousand "Luxemburroughes."
Two thousand Walloons.
All these to be at Namur by the last of November.
The report of the same party of the number of soldiers that the States had in their camp two miles from Namur at my passing through them the third of November.
500 horsemen.
7,000 footmen.
Endd. ½ p. [Ibid. 104.]
Nov. 17. 432. The FRENCH KING to the STATES-GENERAL.
MM. d'Aubigny and Manssart have handed to us your letter of the 15th ult., giving your reasons for taking up arms. Nevertheless for the goodwill we bear to you and for the amity existing between our beloved brother-in-law the Catholic King and ourselves we cannot conceal from you that we have been much distressed thereby, by reason of the troubles which may come upon you therefrom Nor can we do less than admonish you and beseech you as by these presents to do all in your power as soon as may be to avert the storm preparing for you, the effects of which you will not escape unless you have recourse betimes to the necessary remedies. We would believe that you will as you say always be able to give a good account of your actions, but at the same time we have so high an opinion of the goodness and just intent of the Catholic King that we think you will sooner obtain from him what you want by submission and humble supplications such as subjects ought to use towards him who has been appointed by God to govern them, than by way of arms. Wherein if you hold that our intervention can be of any avail, we pray you to be assured that we will cordially employ it, as we have more particularly declared to them, d'Aubigny and Manssart ; who have moreover informed us of your joy at the pacification, by the grace of God, of the troubles of our realm, for which we would not omit to thank you.—Paris, 17 Nov. 1577. (Signed) Henry, (countersigned), de Neufville. Copy. Endd. Fr. 1 p.
Letter of precisely the same tenor as the preceding, expressed in somewhat different terms. "I should advise you to look betimes to the extinguishing of the fire which is preparing to burn you up, without despairing of the clemency of the King your lord." Copy. Endd. Fr. ¾ p. [Holl. and Fland. III. 106.]
Nov. 18. 434. DAVISON to BURGHLEY.
The accident of Ghent has brought forth no new alteration beyond the resumption of their privileges by the Gauntoys and the election of their Doyen (as their chief magistrate was called before the loss of the privileges). The Duke of Aerschot, at the solicitation of the Prince and States, is set at liberty, the States avowing the act as being well done and to good order. The Bishops of Ypres and Bruges "having practised their escape by boat out of the town," where they had liberty to go to church, are now made close prisoners. Champagny, "who playing the good orator, handled the matter so as they let him go," is come to Brussels, where nothing is said to him, though the Ghent people have written to all the towns round about to stay him, if he should fall into their hands. President Pamele and M. d'Oignies, who were said to be apprehended, are also escaped, and gone to their country houses. This unlucky beginning has made the Duke of Aerschot weary of his new government, which he has offered to resign. It is thought the States will give it to Count Bossu, though the people would willingly have none but the Prince. The principal charges against those apprehended are that they have had intelligence with the enemy, that they have practised the disjoining of the Prince and the States and confounding the union of the provinces, that they tried to stay the sending to the camp of the money levied for the pay of the soldiers, in order to breed mutiny among them, that the enemy might benefit by the confusion, that some of them had practised the calling down of Matthias without the general knowledge or the consent of the States, and sought to bring him to Dendermonde and so to Ghent, "hoping under his coming to have accomplished the effect of their hidden reasons, in thinking by occupying these two towns to have all Flanders open to the enemy." This accident has not altered the state of their camp, which from the first day was never in better discipline, remaining still before Namur, where Count Lalaing, their general, is in person, having besides two or three little skirmishes done nothing of moment. The number of the States' forces there is about 60 ensings of foot, and before Ruremonde with Count 'Hellock' 33 ensigns besides 400 or 500 horse, which is all they yet have ready. Such companies as lay dispersed in the country hereabouts, living upon the Paysan, waiting for their pay are now satisfied and sent to the camp. Count 'Swartzenburgh' [Schwarzburg] is expected every day in this town, the States meaning to 'entertain' him with 2,000 horse, 'as they likewise intend to do' Duke Casimir with 3,000, but neither commission is yet issued. The 4,000 Scots under Colonel Balfour are looked for here daily. Don John grows strong ; he is thought to have about 6,000 'Dutches,' 3,000 Wallons, 1,500 'Burgunyons,' and as many French of the companies of the Duke of Guise ; 500 or 600 Spaniards and about 800 Spanish and Burgundian horse, beside the 'Dutches' of the old garrisons of Ruremonde, Twol, Campen, and Deventer, and besides the forces he awaits from other places, especially from France under the guidance of Count Charles of Mansfelt and others, who as the news is have so well advanced their negotiation that there are already marching towards the frontier 48 companies of foot, and 2,000 horse. The Archduke is still at Lyre, whither the Prince this week sent his brother Count John to visit him. The young gentleman is half amazed at the States' proceeding. They still suspend their determination as to him. As he is very young, not above 19, he is thought insufficient to govern in so perilous a time. "The practice of marriage between the Duke d'Alençon and the daughter of Spain is still hot on foot ; though few wise men here be of opinion that the King of Spain doth indeed pretend no such matter." The Duke meantime plies his friends here all he may, not without some hope to make his profit of them. The present of tapestry sent by the States was utterly refused, "a thing here diversely discoursed of, some thinking it may be done for curst heart," owing to the coming of Matthias ; some, to let them think that he was willing to do for them without their present ; others, that looking for other matter for them, he would not take that in payment. The King of Spain is constantly said to have made a truce with the Turk for five years, that he may with less difficulty attend the war in this country, to which some say he is minded to come in person, leaving the Empress to govern in his absence. The towns at present devoted to the enemy are Campen, Twol, and Deventer upon the Yssel that runs into the 'Zuder Sea,' wherein the old garrisons of Dutches still remain ; Ruremonde and Namur, both besieged, upon the 'Maze,' and on the frontiers of Hainault, Charlemont and Marienburg, the latter a town of special strength ; to which he has in the last week added the castle of Fumay on the Maes above Namur, which though able to abide the cannon, was yielded without a stroke stricken. The rest of the country is wholly in possession of the Prince and States. Amsterdam is come to no conclusion, the fault growing only from the stubbornness of the magistrates, not of the people, who having lost both their trade and in a manner their liberties would gladly "be at some point." The money here is generally well paid, so willingly that 'Reisingen' and others of his crew, persuading at Doway the detaining of the money levied there (some say to put the soldiers in a mutiny) were like to have been cause of as great tumult there as at Ghent, and were constrained for fear of the people to leave the place. The States have written to the King (but sent no express messenger, because no man of quality would take the charge) acquainting him with the cause of these last alterations, accusing Don John as author of them, and beseeching his Majesty to revoke him, appointing another governor, and to hold them still as his faithful subjects. The 20th ult. there passed through Augusta in Germany a Jesuit, this countryman born, sent legate from the Pope, accompanied by two other Jesuits, Spaniards, secretly and particularly addressed to Don John, the Bishop of Liége, and the Duke of Aerschot. It is affirmed that three companies of Don John's people have revolted, and been received into the pay of the States. From Germany is no news of succours come to Don John ; but the Duke of Brunswick, the Bishops of Mentz and Colloign, and divers Almayn Colonels are said to be keeping their reiters upon waergelt, ready to march when he shall send for them. The Bishop of Liége, who would seem to stand neutral, is generally suspected to be wholly Spanish. The French Ambassador, with Don John, came to Liége when he left Namur, where he remains as the minister of a neighbouring neutral, for so he would be taken. The Duke of Cleves waits to see the success, not inclined to the part of Spain (as some presume) in respect of the damage done him by the troubles of these countries, on whose traffic he depends.— Antwerp, 17 November 1577. P.S.—News is come of the landing of 400 Scots at Zasse in Flanders, of the companies to serve under Balfour. Add. Endd. by Burghley. 3 pp. [Holl. and Fland. III. 107.]
Nov. 18.
K. d. L. x. 94.
Copy of the preceding. Add. Endd. by L. Tomson. 3 pp. [Ibid. III. 108.]
Nov. 18. 436. Another copy. Endd.: Mr. Davison's solutions. See No. 455. 4½ pp. [Ibid. III. 109.]
Nov. 18. 437. Draft of the three preceding. Endd. 2½ pp. [Ibid. III. 110.]
Nov. 18.
K. d. L. x. 99.
I have written so fully to Mr. Secretary, that I need only answer summarily your last letter received by my man ; especially the point touching the cold proceeding of the States in regard to our succour. I have been the slower to satisfy you, as the condition of their proceedings has been so uncertain that I could not tell what to judge. When the Prince was in Brussels, I can witness that he tried to hasten their determination, followed by the general intercession of the people, though neither of them prevailed ; not that they have no need of our assistance as in their letters to the Marquis they would pretend, but in truth because they were jealous of the Prince, who might, as they feared, become master of the State. But as they now begin to confess their error, the Prince is of opinion it will not be long ere they reform it, having some intelligence of their intent now to go forward with that motion ; which I can assure you has been so zealously advanced by him, that but for other difficulties it would not have been for an hour undetermined. These jealousies have been the only cause that they have not more soundly gone forward in providing for public necessities ; "the chief ministers of which confusion among them have been those that are apprehended at Ghent, whose imprisonment or rather execution (for the latter is looked for at the hands of their apprehenders, who are wont to be severe justicers in such cases) is hoped will rather better than impair the counsels and proceedings here." The Prince, in his daily letters to the States, and in his conferences with Count Bossu, who ordinarily accompanies him here, and others, calls upon them not to neglect such a benefit as has been offered them by her Majesty. He advises them, shaking off all passions and jealousies, to look with a single eye to their necessities, and to go soundly to work in a cause that so highly imports them ; whose counsel they now seem fully bent to follow. The Prince assures me they make him believe they will no longer dally on this point. Meantime he thinks it not amiss that her Majesty temporise with them, framing her decisions upon their other demands according to the event of things here, as being loth she "should embark herself with any little peril or discommodity." I find him in every event to deal so frankly with me, that I cannot say I find any assured man here but he. Though he does not use ceremony in writing often to her Majesty or your Lordship he daily communicates to me that which passes. If anything of importance falls out in two or three days of my absence from him, he will vouchsafe to come to my lodging. "So much honour doth he use me withal, more than agrees with his state and my quality." In sum, I know no man her Majesty may build upon, if not on him.— Antwerp, 18 November 1577. Draft. Endd. 1½ pp. [Ibid III. 111.]
Nov. 18. 439. WILSON to DAVISON.
As men's worthiness do deserve, so must I use your favour to have that come out to you. This young man, Aron Windebank, well known to me in the time of my late service, comes to serve the Prince. I pray you further him with your good word, and be assured he is honest, wise, and secret, and, therefore, you may boldly use him in service of our sovereign if occasion serve.—From the Court [Windsor], 18 November 1577. 8 lines. [Ibid. III. 112.]
Nov. [? 18]. 440. THE LORDS of the COUNCIL to SIR A. POULET.
After the Queen had signified to 'Lopopin' [L'Aubespine] and the ambassador how much she thought her honour touched by the late arrest made by Lansac, the same being done in that insolent and outrageous sort that it was, she appointed Dr. Dale and the judge of the Admiralty to confer with them about some way of avoiding the inconveniences that might ensue by the continuance of the mutual arrests. As from this the good that was looked for did not follow, the ambassador, as appears by the copy of the conference sent herewith, refusing to accept the friendly offers made in her Majesty's name, and insisting upon the release of such ships of theirs as are stayed here, the King having promised that Lansac should release our ships and make satisfaction for damages ; her Majesty bade us send for the ambassadors who were then at London. At their access we let them understand that she found it strange that they should refuse to accept the offers propounded, and therefore could not but let them know that besides the prejudice her subjects took by the arrest, she saw her honour greatly touched by the manner of it, her subjects being violently assailed, the chief of them chained in galleys, all put to ransom, and others who had bought salt and other goods in the island near Rochelle forced to make double payment for them ; a kind of proceeding that in time of greatest hostility could not be carried to greater extremity. She did not see how it could be repaired unless the King by punishing Lansac made it clear that he misliked his proceedings. They were further told that her Majesty's subjects had in recent years been greatly spoiled by ships set out even by the governors of the maritime provinces, whereof notwithstanding restitutions made to the King's subjects here (of which an 'extract' was handed to 'Lopopin') and the assurances given by the King of order to be taken, there was never any satisfaction at all performed, to her Majesty's great dishonour and her subjects' discontent. Therefore we concluded with them that we were no longer to be carried away with words, and that her Majesty was fully resolved not to release the said ships until such time as full restitution were made to her subjects of the losses by them sustained by the late arrest ; and we further signified to them that unless the King should also take order out of hand for satisfaction of former spoils, we did not see how the amity between the two crowns could longer endure. Their reply was that the fact proceeding from a private person, it was not agreeable with justice that a general arrest should ensue thereupon ; and they had no commission to assent to the offers made. They had only charge to assure her Majesty from the King that he would see that Lansac made restitution, with which they thought she ought in reason to be satisfied. We answered that as Lansac had a public charge when he did the outrage, it was not to be reputed to be done by a private person ; and that her Majesty seeing no satisfaction made after examination taken of the fact might both in honour and justice maintain the arrest. As for the King's assurances of restitution her former experience gave her just cause not to trust them. Draft in Walsingham's hand. Endd. by L. Tomson. 5 pp. [Fr. 1, 49.]
Nov. 19.
K. d. L. x. 101.
441. Reply of the ESTATES to the QUEEN'S offers of aid.
Having seen the dealing of the Marquis of Havrech and M. de Meetkerke with the Queen of England, they humbly thank her Majesty, as in their letter of the 9th, for her liberal offer to aid them with her credit for the sum of 100,000l. repayable in eight months. Finding it impossible, however, to raise the sum in Antwerp or elsewhere, they entreat her in consideration of the cost to which they have been put in paying the cavalry under Duke Casimir, Count Schwarzburg and others, to let the envoys have the sum in hand cash, to bring here. They are more than obliged to her Majesty for his offer of 5,000 foot and 1,000 horse, which they accept and will not fail to merit. They have made over to the Prince of Orange the task of treating more fully on this point. In requesting her Majesty to renew all the ancient leagues between her kingdom and the house of Burgundy, they beg that any other articles may be added which seem suitable to ensure the good defence and the security of both countries. For better intelligence the Estates are resolved to have a resident ambassador at the English court, and they beg her Majesty to act in the same way by them. They offer on all questions of peace and war to take her Majesty's advice and act in concert with her ; And in case she shall need the help of military forces, in such cause as may arise any day, they will if called upon supply her with an equal number of men on like terms ; And whereas any sort of discord in a body is its ruin, and no alliance between two bodies can remain firm if it be not settled and solid in itself, the Estates will not attempt or practise anything against one another without first submitting the case to her Majesty, and obtaining from her such counsel as upon knowledge of the case she shall deem to conduce to the common weal of the country. They will, on being duly advertised, make a point of expelling all her Majesty's rebels as enemies to the common cause, if she will do the same to their enemies. During the troubles, no tolls or duties shall be levied on English merchants contrary to their privileges, provided that reciprocal treatment is shown in England to merchants from the Low Countries. These above shall be caused to be ratified and approved by those who are at present or shall hereafter be admitted to the Government. Windsor, November 19, 1577. Endd. by L. Tomson : The States' ratification of the Marquis [Havrech, added in another hand] negotiation to her Majesty ; and in a later hand : Hereby is promised that all that shall come after into government shall confirm all that is herein promised. Fr. 4½ pp. [Ibid. III. 113.]
442. Copy of the above in Entry Book. 2 pp. [For E.B., Misc. II.]
Nov. 19.
K. d. L. x. 107.
443. Notes by the PRINCE OF ORANGE on the proposed treaty between the ESTATES and the QUEEN OF ENGLAND.
Having seen the articles of the proposed treaty, the Prince gives, under correction, as his opinion :
On the 1st article : It will be well to accept her Majesty's offers with thanks, begging her that, looking to the connexion between the defence of the Estates and the protection of her own crown, she will be pleased to dispense with the repayment of the loan till some term more indulgent than eight months, on condition that like aid whether in man of money shall be made to her in the event of her desiring it. If her Majesty adheres to her offers without extending them, looking to the present necessity, the Prince thinks they should be accepted namely, at any reasonable price. He cannot think it unreasonable that the lord commanding the contingent should have admission to and authority in the Council, where matters of peace and war are under discussion. On the 3rd article. The Prince does not think it necessary to renew the ancient leagues and alliances, as the Estates intend to maintain them. On the 4th and 5th articles he agrees with the Estates. On the 6th and 7th articles. It seems that the envoys might be commissioned respectfully to offer her Majesty all good and neutral correspondence, and in case they find this proposal well received to beg her to explain her intentions in respect to an offensive and defensive league, and to have suitable articles drawn up by her Council for the security of both parties. The Prince agrees with the Estates upon Acts 8, 9, 10, 11, 12. Copy. Endd. in French. Fr. 1¼ pp. [Holl. and Fland. III. 114.]
Nov. 19. 444. Another copy of the above. Endd. by L. Tomson. 1¼ pp. [Ibid. III. 115.]
445. Copy of the above in Entry Book. 1½ pp.
Nov. 19. 446. POULET to BURGHLEY.
Recommendation of M. de Ségur-Pardaillan, envoy from the King of Navarre. "As our enemies increase daily in fury, so it is to be wished that our other friends were confirmed and more procured."—Paris, 19 Nov. 1577. Add. Endd. ½ p. [France I. 50.]
Nov. 19. 447. POULET to WALSINGHAM.
Marshal Montmorency has been expected here these four or five days, but is not yet come. Men talk diversely of Danville, who remains at Pézenas in Languedoc, and some doubt what will become of him. It is feared lest there be some mutiny in this town, of which there has been some beginning already, the people being much discontented, especially about the intended fall of money. Chemerault is dispatched from the King to the King of Navarre, and another is gone to the Queen of Navarre. You must allow them a month or two to talk of the matter. Some bad matter is in brewing, and some mischief is likely to fall out among themselves. It is said that the Elector Palatine has chased 140 ministers out of his dominions. [Cipher, deciphered.] Three traitorous plots have been set down against the Queen and her state, whereof one only hath been discovered, and the other two remain uneffectuated. [Cipher ends.] I cannot impute the let hereof to any other thing than to the hope conceived that the stay of these ships of both sides might breed war between these two realms. Mr. Copley came to this town 14 days ago or more. He told me some things that had passed between Mr. Wilson and him and pretended to bear a true and faithful heart to her Majesty and his country, although he could not dissemble his singular affection to Don John. He seemed to depart from me very well content, promising to see me again, but I hear no more of him, and understand that he is daily conversant with De Vaulx, ambassador for Don John. There is a bad nest of these fellows in this town. Denny and Williams are recommended to Don John by the Duke of Guise, and serve in the Castle of Namur, where are also Wiseman, Blomfield, Owen, Digby, and divers other Englishmen. Mr Inglefield is at Luxembourg. There are daily skirmishes between those of Namur and the camp of the Estates. It is believed here that new companies of Spaniards and Italians, to the number of 4,000, are landed not far from Genoa, and shall come into the Low Countries. —Paris, 19 Nov. 1577. [The following in cipher, deciphered, inscribed : For Mr. Walsingham, appears to form part of this letter, though on a separate sheet.] Their [Qy. D'Aubigny and Mansart] speech tended to this end, that this peace could not hold, that the treasons were manifest, that the league with the Spaniards was indissoluble, that the King of Navarre had protested late in open assembly to spend his living and life in the cause of religion, that foreign aid should be sought, and that the fault of former times should be reformed, God forbid that this opportunity should be lost. I trust the Queen will consider of it ; war at home or war abroad are in her choice, and without the last the first cannot be avoided. If the French King be occupied, the Spaniards can do no part. The French King is said to hate the Prince of Orange as much as the Prince of Condé. It is said that Alençon will do all that he can to corrupt the Count of Lalaing, and some wish that the Prince of Orange were advertised of it, because the Count has good towns in his possession. M. de Mansard tells me that D'Aubigny is not so good an Englishman as he would wish. A President of Paris hath said that when Flanders shall be appeased, the French King and the King of Spain will set upon England. Add. Endd.: "19 Novr. Sr. Amyas Poulet," and (in the hand of L. Tomson), "19 Novemb. 1577, from Sr. Amias Paulett. Ciph." 3 pp. [Ibid. 51.]
Nov. 20. 448. The PRINCE of ORANGE to the MARQUIS of HAVRECH.
The States-General sent me yesterday a copy of certain notes which they write me that they sent you on the 7th inst., upon the proposals made by you to her Majesty. I see in them that the Estates refer to my advice. I was certainly much distressed, the more so that by this method of proceeding in our affairs it is impossible to look for any furthering, but rather great detriment. On the other hand, I fear lest after receiving the notes you may take some opinion adverse to me, whereby I might be taxed with negligence or failure in duty in a matter of so great importance. This has been my reason for writing this word, begging you to hold me excused that my advice did not accompany the notes of the Estates when they sent their last dispatch. I sent them immediately on being asked, and I hope that they will forward to you with all diligence their wishes in regard thereto, especially saying if they mean to conform to it. I send a copy herewith. As for what has happened at Ghent, I wrote to you lately that I would willingly do all in my power to settle everything as regards the Duke of Aerschot, both for the affection I bear him, and for the desire I have to serve him. I have done all my duty in the matter to the utmost, in such wise that your brother is back in his own house at Brussels, of which I am very glad. Always at your service whereinsoever you may be pleased to command me. —Antwerp, 20 Nov. 1577. Copy. Endd. by L. Tomson : P. of Or. to the Marq. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fland. III. 116.]
[Nov. 20.]
K. d. L. x. 109. (in French.)
449. The REASONS that may move her MAJESTY to stay her giving of CONSENT to the REQUEST of the STATES for MEN and MONEY.
1. It is not seen what point they will fall to with the Archduke, touching the placing him as Governor ; nor on what conditions.
2. It is doubtful whether benefit or peril will grow to them thereby.
3. They are not at union among themselves, which cannot be helped till the suspected patriots are removed.
4. Some of those whom they specially chose to direct their policy are still under arrest at Ghent, as Ressingham and Swevingham ; showing plainly the division there is among them.
5. The Prince of Orange does not reside continually at Brussels, where his presence were always to be desired ; and it is supposed that this is due to some doubt of his safety.
6. They are over long in their deliberations, as appears by the prolongation of the present negotiation with her Majesty.
7. They make no account of the ministers they employ toward foreign princes ; as appears by the not acquainting the Marquis with their proceedings, that he might inform her Majesty.
8. They seem to make small account of the aid of men demanded by him at her hands, preferring the service of the Scots ; which shows either distrust or lack of judgement.
9. They have no choice men of counsel for the war, having to encounter the principal martial men of Christendom ; so that if the Prince of Orange should quail, the whole cause would be in peril.
10. The soldier of that country is not generally thought a match for the Spaniard or Italian.
11. When they had the advantage of forces, they attempted nothing against the enemy. If they had used their opportunity, they would probably have reduced him to extremity.
12. He is now reported to be superior in forces ; and the stronger for being united.
13. There is confusion from the number of heads, which can hardly be reduced without jealousy.
14. The States being greatly impoverished, cannot long endure the cost of the present war.
Endd. 12/3 pp. [Ibid. III. 117.]