Elizabeth: May 1578, 21-25 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 12, 1577-78. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1901.

'Elizabeth: May 1578, 21-25', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 12, 1577-78, (London, 1901) pp. 701-716. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol12/pp701-716 [accessed 25 April 2024]

This volume has gold page scans.
Access these scans with a gold subscription. Key icon

May 1578, 21-25



May 21.	897. COUNT LALAING to the PRINCE OF ORANGE. Since writing to you this morning touching the surrender of Philippeville, I have heard from M de Bousies, Governor of Avesnes, that the enemy has been reconnoitring that town, and that he has certain information of his design to seize some strong positions in the neighbourhood of it, in order to invest it and serve it like Philippeville. He asks for reinforcements and a considerable sum of money to pay the garrison ; but this province being, as you know, so denuded of money that we can with difficulty get it for our frontier defence, I beg you will be so kind as to aid us, and also to put forward as soon as may be the negotiations commended with the ambassador of the Duke of Anjou. The people here are persuaded that they are undone if the Duke does not remain their friend, and in fact, paying no heed to my representations, wish without my consent to send for him. I have thought it well to inform you of this, that steps may be taken betimes ; for individually I do not wish to undertake anything. Through our good offices the Estates of this province have agreed to all that has been proposed to them. I have added to this a memorandum of what is most needed at Avesnes. Please see that it is provided, for on our side we can furnish nothing but a few casks of vinegar.—Mons, 21 May 1578. Copy. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. VI. 82.]
May 22.	898. The ESTATES OF HAINAULT to the PRINCE OF ORANGE. It having come to our knowledge that the treaty with the ambassadors of the Duke of Alençon has been delayed or broken down for a trifling cause or none at all, we could not omit for the service we owe to this distressed country, to call in clear terms upon the States-General to set it on foot again, as you may see more fully set out in the enclosed. But as we know that your Excellency penetrates deeply into affairs, and by a singular foresight may consider that a failure here will bring everything to disgraceful confusion, we urgently entreat you that things may be set going again, and the ambassadors satisfied ; seeing that the point of difference is unimportant, and that we had better gather the fruit than dispute in this matter with such a prince.—Mons, 22 May 1578. Copy. Endd. ²/3 p. [Ibid. VI. 81.]
May 22.	899. LAURENCE TOMSON to DAVISON. Please send back by this bearer 'one of the directions were sent you' for the delivery of the money to the States, or a copy of it. I thought I had retained a copy, till on looking for it to-day I missed it. Haste made me forget myself, and in thinking to make two copies I made one only. 'You shall command me triple, wherein you may employ me.'—Greenwich, 22 May 1578. Add. Endd. 12 ll. [Ibid. VI. 84.]
May 22. K. d. L. x. 489.	900. WILSON to DAVISON. Would I could advise you as the weightiness of the present action requires. If the States are so decided on their capitulations that Monsieur is to be the man upon whom they mean to repose themselves, and to take him for their head, they may be sure that her Majesty will no further deal with them, and not only 'call back' what she proposed to do for them, but rather take part against them. And surely she has great cause now to suspect much for her own part ; for whether Monsieur deal plainly with them to bring them out of the Spanish thraldom, or divert his forces from the States in favour of Don John, no good can come to England. If he drive the enemy away, he will straightway wax a great enemy himself, and be a most dangerous neighbour to our nation. If he take part with Don John, then no doubt the power of France bends that way, and we shall have two mighty kings against our dear country to do us all the harm that may be. It will not sink into my head that the receiving of Monsieur, with what conditions soever, can be good or available for the Low Countries. Yet if the Prince or others are otherwise persuaded, and make assured reckoning of his faithful friendship towards them, I can only pray that things may turn to the best and fall out to their universal benefit. It will be a hard matter to persuade some of us ; yet God knows what will be the sequel. I know well that if her Majesty be thoroughly persuaded that the Estates have not gone so far but that they may have power in their own hands to take or leave, and be rid of an evil guest when they have cause to forsake him, there is no doubt but that she will do all that is meet for her. Upon your answer there will be a resolution taken one way or other, either not to deal at all, or else to go through with the Estates as heretofore proposed.—22 May 1578. Add. Endd. 1 p. [Ibid. VI. 79.]
May 22. K. d. L. x. 486 (from another copy).	901. The QUEEN to DAVISON. By your letters of the 17th inst., addressed to our Secretaries, we perceive that the Prince and States are fully determined to conclude with Monsieur ; wherein we cannot but think ourselves dishonourably dealt with, contrary to the promise of the States made to us, and signified in your letters of the 5th and 14th ult., affirming that whatever passed in conference, nothing should be concluded without our knowledge and consent. The same had before been confirmed to us, under the hand and seal of the States, and we could not persuade ourselves it would have been gone from by them, seeing our offices have continued as friendly to them as before. If they will look into it, they cannot but condemn themselves of ingratitude, considering we have not only furnished them from time to time with great sums, and procured them aid from Germany, and never refused to yield assistance where it appeared that they stood in need of it, but also hazarded to cast ourselves into enmity and a war with the King of Spain for their sakes. On the other hand, if they look well into the course on which they have entered, they will find that this French aid is more likely to hurt than to help them. We see this kind of dealing to be of so evil consequence that were it not for the love we bear to those countries and the care we have for their safety, we should not only be discouraged from further dealings with them, but should be driven to join Don John. As, however, we are not yet fully informed touching their proceeding with the French, you shall press both the Prince and Marquis and such others as you shall think meet, to send us a copy of the capitulation that passed between them and Monsieur's deputies, with protestation that they have proceeded no further with Monsieur than is therein contained. If they have proceeded no further than as you write to the secretaries the Prince assured you, to wit, that Monsieur should serve them with 20,000 foot and 10,000 horse for two months at his own charges, that he was content to employ himself where and in what place they would, that he was content to be commanded by Count Bossu or any other whom they might appoint, the Archduke only excepted, that he would not give over till he had 'expulsed' the enemy, requiring nothing of them but to be received as their governor if in three months' time after their deliverance wrought by his means they should determine to alter their government, and change their master, in that case, we receiving assurance from the Prince and States that in the event of their receiving assistance from us besides the aid procured them at our charges under Casimir, he and they will proceed to no further dealing with Monsieur, we will be content to send them such assistance with all convenient speed. If you receive a satisfactory answer to this, we mean to send over Lord Cobham and Sir Francis Walsingham to confer with them touching such aid as shall be necessary for their defence, and other things tending to their benefit. But if you find the Prince and States make difficulties in this behalf, and it appears to you that they are wholly given over to the French, you shall let them understand that we mean the money lately sent over to be stayed, and Duke Casimir required to forbear coming to their assistance. Meantime you will send to the Duke to inform him of their proceedings with Monsieur, of the answer you receive from them, and of our purpose to send over Lord Cobham and Sir F. Walsingham ; and advise him to delay repairing to the place of muster till it is seen to what the conclusion with Monsieur tends, which being once deciphered the money shall be sent with all speed. Copy. Marginal notes by L. Tomson. 3 pp. [For. E.B. Misc. II.]
May 22. K. d. L. x. 488.	902. WALSINGHAM to DAVISON. Yours of the 17th and 18th touching the States' determination to conclude with Monsieur, contrary to their own promise with you, we have received. Upon the knowledge of it given you by the Prince you might, in my opinion, have done well to charge them in public assembly with their dishonourable dealing, a thing 'injurious' not only to her Majesty but to yourself, having assured her upon their promise of the contrary. You should also have dealt privately with those you know to be best affected to her Majesty, to procure some time wherein to advertise her of their intention before the conclusion, agreeably to their promise. For myself, I conceive that the Prince is determined utterly to shake off the Spanish government, which makes him rather lean to France ; perceiving that the mark her Majesty shoots at tends to a peace, thereby to preserve the country to the King of Spain, in which he sees no safety. As far Monsieur's intention, I am fully persuaded that it is treacherous ; for doubtless if there were not secret intelligence between Don John and him Don John would bestir himself better and be more willing to hearken to peace. The Prince's enemies here triumph against him for his leaning to France, alleging that it is an argument that the devotion he has hitherto shown outwardly towards her Majesty was but feigned. You may do well to advise him to deal plainly in future with those that are his friends here, that they may be more encouraged to answer for him, and not constrained to forsake him. You are expected in any case to send back this bearer [Watson] within five or six days, that upon your answer may be taken in so weighty a matter. Her Majesty likes very well, to your comfort, your manner of dealing with the Prince. At my coming over, I hope to bring you good news of your suit.—Greenwich, 22 May 1578. P.S. (autograph).—Commend me to M. Fremyn and tell him I cannot but allow of his acceptance of M. Argenlieu's offer. Please report what persons of quality dislike the French, and who are most affected to them ; and how the towns and provinces are inclined. Add. Endd. 1¼ pp. [Holl. and Fl. VI. 80.]
May 22. K. d. L. x. 482.	903. DAVISON to the SECRETARIES. When I last wrote I was in a manner hopeless of doing any good in stopping the course of the French negotiation, though the matter has since fallen out more agreeably. The commissioners departed last night in a heat without concluding anything. Their obstinacy in some of their demands was partly the cause, and not a little aided the trouble which I took with some of the best purposed, if not to break the neck of the traffic as a thing insufferable for us, at least to delay it as long as I might. In this, partly at my instigation, partly of his own good disposition, no man has done better than the Abbot of St. Gertrude, my good friend. The points on which they have differed were partly about the security, partly about an article concerning her Majesty, but chiefly in respect of the authority which the Duke affected. For security, where the commissioners desired at least four towns, namely, Landrecies, Quesnoy, Avesnes, and Bouchain (or instead of the last, Condé), the States stood upon the offer of the two first with Philippeville if they would recover it. This was refused, though it is thought that one town would have 'broken no square' between them if they could have agreed upon the rest. The second, touching her Majesty, was that the Duke should be bound to entertain the amity with her, and not to attempt or suffer to be attempted either by himself or by the King, his brother, anything against her or prejudicial to the amity between her and these countries ; providing especially that if he should fail in that behalf all their other capitulations with him should cease and be of no effect. But though they stuck awhile at this condition, they accorded it in the end, if her Majesty within two months would promise the like in respect of the Duke. The last, touching his command, was that he desired not only to have the government of his own forces, but also of those of the States, without concurring with any other than the States themselves ; contrary to a show made before of willingness to be commanded of Count Bossu, or any other general appointed by them, except the Archduke, whom he would fain supplant and wring out of his place. But as this last article most bewrayed either the instructions or the intended fraud of the French, so it was especially disliked here. These are the chief points of difference on which they have at present broken off ; but it is generally thought that they do not mean so to give over the matter or to be long absent, unless they effect some further alteration in Hainault on their way ; a thing not without suspicion, considering how far Count Lalaing, Baron d'Aubigny, and others of the nobility and clergy there are transported in faction that way. Howbeit, notice is to be given to the people throughout that corner to have an eye to their proceedings and to stand upon their guard, which will be some bridle to their purpose ; the people being both there and generally everywhere else in this country utter enemies to this traffic with the French. The commissioners promised while here that, in case the Estates and they did not agree, such French companies as had entered Quesnoy and were dispersed in other parts of that frontier should withdraw peaceably into France. Whether they will perform it is in doubt. Their numbers are thought to be less than was first given out. A company of 200 or 300 of those lying at Barlaymont were of late attempted by M. d'Hierges, with a regiment of Spaniards and Italians. The French, having warning of it, spent the night before in intrenching themselves in the village ; and being next morning assaulted defended their trenches till three in the afternoon. Then seeing themselves hemmed in and no longer able to defend the village, having lost about 100 of theirs, they retired into the base court of the castle ; which the Spaniards, despairing to force, set fire 'of' the village and retired themselves, with a loss, as it is affirmed, of 300. Not more than two or three days before some of the 'bands of ordinance' of Hainault, with a company of French and some Walloons, were ordered to attempt the relief of Philippeville. But having advanced to the corner of a wood within half a league of the town and the enemy having withdrawn thence by a stratagem with a good part of his forces to the succour of Maubeuge, which the States' men had made a show of attempting about the same time, the Walloons and French began to strain courtesy who should begin, and in the end leaving the matter undetermined, returned back with shame enough. Within the town they are in great extremty, being almost utterly destitute of corn. But the States have still some hope to succour it in a few days, though the matter be difficult to effect. At Bruges there have been apprehended this last week about 18 or 19 of the friars minorites and five or six young novices for the horrible vice of sodomy ; which they have confessed to as a thing not only usual in their own cloister, but also among their brothers of Ghent, Mechlin, Brussels, and one or two other places. It is thought these will receive the reward provided by law for their offence, and other places where it is discovered they are like to speed no better. Partly upon this news, partly in respect of objection to take the oath generally ministered to all the clergy, and partly from a 'singular envy' they bear to all the four orders of friars, they of Ghent have begun to imprison them and treat them somewhat roughly, and, as some think, will shortly expel all or most of them from their town. Fourteen or fifteen of the friars minorites have left this town in respect of their refusal to take the same oath, the rest who have conformed being suffered to continue. There is a report, not confirmed, of the entry of certain Spaniards and Italians into Gravelines. We have news from Worms that Sainte-Aldegonde had his audience in the assembly there on Wednesday fortnight, and was to receive his answer in three or four days. The reiters of the Marquis of Havrech's, Count Zwartzenborge's [Schwarzburg], and Count John of Nassau's regiment are said to have arrived in Guelders, and the two Counts are said to be going to them in a day or two. I have a letter to-day from Mr. Gilpin, dated at Frankfort on the 13th. He was starting that day for Nuremberg ; but I hear of nothing effected in his business.—Antwerp, 22 May 1578. P.S.—Last night, as I was come from the Prince, with whom I had been to deal somewhat roundly about these French matters, I received yours of the 16th by Roger Williams ; and having no time that evening repaired next morning early first to the Prince, afterwards to the States, to signify the contents of it. My haste was the greater, because overnight it was a general opinion the French would have an answer that day ; but by the time I had dealt with one and the other their former heat in the matter grew colder. In my judgement the arrival of that dispatch not a little helped the unsatisfied departure of the French commissioners. The points contained in my instructions as to the caution I should take of the States before they receive the money, though I hear no other news of it, I have delivered to them to be considered and answered, which I think will not be more than three or four days. Meanwhile I find they are glad of this resolution and begin to have better hope of her Majesty than they had upon the discontented return of the Marquis, which I can assure you as much hurt our credit, as it advanced the affairs of the French. This evening we have certain news of the surrender of Philippeville, a loss of great consequence to the States. Add. Endd. 3 pp. [Ibid. VI. 83.]
May 22. K. d. L. x. 482.	904. Draft of the above. Endd. 3 pp. [Ibid. VI. 83a.]
May 23.	905. HODDESDON to BURGHLEY. By my letter of the 19th inst. and the acquittances, or copies, therewith sent, it is, I hope, made manifest to you that I have discharged myself of the treasure committed to my charge as I received it, without allowing myself 'charges.' I must, therefore, be a suitor for these, wherein I ask your pardon and good recommendations, "committing myself wholly to the providence of God, goodwill of her Majesty, with the furtherance of your honour and Mr. Secretary ;" to whom I am so much bound that I do not mean to 'ingrate' or crave further than your liking shall move.— Hamburg, 23 May, 1578. Articles written from Vienna on the other side. Extract of certain propositions exhibited at the 'Ostrich Lansdaie or parliament,' anno 1578, iii Febr. 1. The Emperor requires consent of the 'former finished assembly' that the double money of 138,000 Rhenish gulden should be continued this year with the condition thereupon agreed. 2. That, if necessary, upon 100l. money, one furnished horse. 3. If the Emperor or any of his brothers shall come into the field in person, he is to be assisted according to order. 4. Twenty subjects' houses to maintain one harquebusier. 5. The same twenty to muster 'the 10 and 5 man' [sic]. 6. To proclaim the Archduke Ernest general of the wars, and in the Emperor's absence he to be Lieutenant and Governor of Austria, with such obedience as if his Majesty were 'in place.' 7. His Majesty requires that the ordinance for the defence of Austria, drawn out but not yet agreed on, and herewith 'given over,' should be generally considered, and the land's resolution thereon brought to the Emperor. 8. Also that some way or means be provided and put into execution, that the other 100,000 gulden yet remaining for the common provision, be collected before Easter, and employed by the deputies to no other use than for such common provision. 9. To be remembered that whereas in time of plenty all necessary victuals are to be provided for the city of Wien, and the towns thereabout with their 'cloisters,' the old should be changed yearly and fresh ordered. 10. To be ordered that such reckoning as is yet to receive for the years '73 to '77, should for better order's sake be called in before this assembly. 11. The Emperor 'pretends' that for equality's sake such duties as have been appointed to be generally paid shall be so collected, that one be not burdened beyond another by 'some paying, and others winked at.' 12. The Emperor requires that freedom concerning the passing of Hungary wines should be 'given over.' 13. That the mint be generally viewed and considered. 14. The Hungarian herdsmen, who drive the cattle beyond 'Wyen' shall 'use the same' no more, the Emperor having already caused an order therein to be made by consent of the chief imperial towns. 15. The ordinance lately exhibited for good policy to be used, shall be considered with all expedition. 16. The Emperor requires that the 'landtables' and constitution of every 'Landright' may be visited, and upon his publication redelivered. 17. He offers not only to place 'with the first' an expert person in the office of lieutenant for the government of Nether Austria, but also for better expedition of cases to reform the 'landwriters' chancery. 18. He requires that the articles concerning the wars, and order for the city of Vienna shall be delivered over, and further considered by the States as to them shall seem best. 19. The draft drawn out, and considered by the States for buying cattle, is 'given over' at this 'land day' to be debated upon there also. 20. To consider, and by the Emperor's judgement to be established, by what means in this plentiful time, provision both of victuals and other things for the behoof of the handicraftsmen in time of necessity, may be 'holden' at a reasonable rate. 21. Order to be set for the wages of labourers and servants. 22. The Emperor will consider articles of grievance 'given over' by the States. 23. Especially touching that concerning the grief of the city of Wien he promises to discharge them. Add. Endd. 2¾ pp. [Hanse Towns I. 42.]
May 23.	906. POULET to WALSINGHAM. Mr. Egremont Radcliffe came to me on the 21st and told me that after a long imprisonment he was now commanded to depart out of the realm, the time of his return being reserved to her Majesty's pleasure, and that since his departure he has prayed to offer his service to her, if it shall please her to have consideration for his maintenance as befits a gentleman ; otherwise he must be constrained to seek his living where he may find it. He now prays me to desire your answer, intending to remain here till he receives it. I told him he would have done well, in my opinion, to have made this motion while he was still in England, where he might have known her Majesty's pleasure without delay. He said he informed some of the lords of the Council that he intended to go to Vienna to serve under the Emperor against the Turk, but finding himself unable to perform this long journey he is forced to take a nearer service. He concluded that since his coming here he had been in the company of Lady Morley, and should perhaps do the like hereafter ; praying me not to find it strange, because she was his near kinswoman. I answered that having left England 'in such order' as he said, I had not to do with his government, referring it to his own consideration, yet I wished him in all his actions to regard his duty to his prince and country. I should be glad to hear what to say to him if he comes to me again for your answer ; though I do not think that I shall see him any more, being advertised that he is fallen into the company of the old Norton and Monceaulx, and has been at the Court with them.—Paris, 23 May 1578. Add. Endd. by L. Tomson, and in a later hand. 1¼ pp. [France II. 42.]
May 23.	907. POULET to WALSINGHAM. This bearer, your kinsman [qy. Mr. Osborne] is desirous to see you and his other friends in England, and therefore has desired this packet. Queen Mother returned from Monsieur on the 16th. I have forborne to send to you these two or three days, in hope to have heard from her touching the motion I made to her ; but I think she has forgotten it. Gondi arrived the 20th, but as yet I hear nothing from him. I much desire to hear what course you take in England touching the Low Countries. I presume to assure myself that you love me well, and 'tender my well-doing,' and therefore may perhaps deal importunately for my return, thinking that I am pressed by necessity. To speak plainly, I live 'as good cheap' here as in England, and think my living better bestowed here than there, yet I desire greatly to return at Michaelmas if I may, or as soon as may be ; wherein I refer myself wholly to her Majesty's pleasure. You see how boldly or rather malapertly I deal with you.—Paris, 23 May 1578. P.S.—Unless you tell me what I shall bestow on my friend, I dare not give him anything. I will not fail to follow your friendly advice touching Mr. Vice-Chamberlain, signified to me by Mr. Stafford, at my next dispatch, which I think will be by Mr. Stafford. I wrote to Mr. Vice-Chamberlain by my last messenger, upon occasion of letters received from you 'in the favour of' Mr. Clopton, and will send you the copy of the letter that you may see how far I have gone already. The father of the young Mr. Browne is dwelling in Norfolk, and I hear is called Frances [sic]. Add. Endd. 1 p. [Ibid. II. 43.]
May 23.	908. POULET to the SECRETARIES. Queen Mother has returned from Monsieur, where she pretends to have done her best to dissuade him from this enterprise of the Low Countries, but in vain. I hear that at their first meeting she told him not to be troubled with her coming ; she came to be merry with him ; she was not ignorant of his resolution touching the Low Countries, and meant nothing less than to divert him from it ; she shot at another mark, which touched him more nearly than the profit or honour which he could expect from this journey. He could not forget in what manner he had left the King ; the world believed there was no love between them. This opinion was like to breed dangerous effects, and the bad fruits of it were already appearing in Provence, Languedoc, and other parts of the realm. He must take heed, lest in seeking the less, of which he is not sure, he lose the greater, which is his own already. He was brother to a French King, who had no children, and this interest must be preferred before all others. He must therefore see the King before his departure, which was the only way to secure the realm in quietness, and avoid rebellions which might arise in his absence. When she perceived this labour to be lost, she told him that she could assure him of the daughter of Spain with the dowry of the Low Countries. This offer was void of any danger, but the refusal might breed peril to this State. War was likely to ensue between France and Spain, and the amity of Spain was the only stay of this Crown against the ambitious greatness of the houses of Bourbon and Guise. With great store of words she prayed him to consider deeply of it. Monsieur laid these matters before some of his Council, and then answered the Queen that he had given his word to the States, which he would not break ; his honour was engaged. If the King pleased to take up the matter, he would serve him as his lieutenant ; and if the King would not deal herein, he desired no other favour than that he would wink at his doings and give him free passage. If he were refused, he trusted to pass, and would not fail to keep his promise. I omit other arguments of the honour, profit, and justice of this enterprise. The matter is now deliberated in Council here, and what resolution will follow is uncertain. Monsieur continues his preparations in divers parts ; and divers gentlemen have been dispatched lately to that purpose, to my knowledge. Some say he has promised to come to Court ; but many are of opinion that his young councillors do not love themselves so little as to commit their lives to the credit of a reconciled King. It is thought Monsieur will begin his journey before midsummer, and minds to pass through Normandy, hoping to be followed by some of the nobility there. The ambassador of Spain exclaims ; and when the King told him that he had employed his ministers, had not spared his mother, and had done all that lay in him to break this voyage, the ambassador replying that a French King was able to retain his own subjects, the King answered that he would be very sorry to go to war with the King of Spain, but if war might not be avoided, he had rather have it with the King of Spain than with his own brother. Whatever is pretended, many of good judgement think that the King is not sorry for this enterprise ; nay, that he desires the departure of his brother in this way, with intent to offend the Spaniard ; wherein the King is sure to be a winner, whoever be the loser. If Monsieur meet with his master, the King is delivered of so many suspected subjects ; if he speed well, the King and his realm have their share. It is thought that to expel the Spaniard is but the half of this enterprise, and that the greater part consists in the conservation of their new conquests and the appeasing of such civil troubles as are like to ensue ; and to this purpose Monsieur will have to be beholden to the King, his brother. Some who know the French humour think that if they have no other help than what the Estates can give them or they can bring of their own, comparing the impatience of the French nature with the coldness of the Spaniard, Monsieur is likely to run a dangerous fortune and to hazard himself with the ruin of those who hope to be preserved by him. I trust the Prince of Orange will care for himself ; and if not, I trust we shall care for ourselves. If the French are their own carvers, there is no hope in their mercy or trust in their promises. Princes will be kings and subjects will be princes, and there will be no end of their ambition. This great smoke in France is not without some fire, and I cannot believe that these hostile preparations have no better ground than is yet openly known. It is likely that the Prince of Orange dare not dissemble with Monsieur, armed and prepared as he is to offend if he do not defend. A gentleman belonging to Monsieur arrived here from the Low Countries on the 21st, and departed next morning in post haste to his master ; having reported to his friends that the Estates have resolved upon the election of Monsieur, and that the French are already in possession of some good towns. It must be expected that if Monsieur be diverted from this expedition he will join Don John, on new conditions with the Spaniards, or make war against the Protestants of this country, which I rather believe. Which of these will be least to our disadvantage, I leave to your judgement. Gourdon, the Governor of Calais, is known to be wholly addicted to the house of Guise, and it is thought that the revolt of Gravelines was by his practice. Many therefore think that if the King of Spain sink in the Low Countries, the Duke of Guise will be able to dispose of that town at his pleasure. Let no man think that there is intelligence between the King and Monsieur, or that the quarrels between their ministers are counterfeited. Although I have not been long acquainted with the humours of France, I dare affirm the contrary. I have conference with many of great experience and good judgement, and find them resolute in this opinion. The eye and the ear together can better judge of these things than the ear only. I do not deny, I believe nothing more, than that to make war upon those of the religion, or perchance upon us, these men will easily agree ; but these quarrels are to be taken as they were in their beginning, and may not be judged by the event, it being known that princes love and hate at the discretion of their ministers. As her Majesty desires to understand the ground of quarrel between Quaylus and the rest, I enclose herein the true declaration of the words passed between them, as near as I can remember ; (fn. 1) but it must be believed that the singular favour and credit which Quaylus and Bussy had and yet have with their several masters, bred envy and disdain, which through ambition broke out into those quarrels. I think it may be said with truth that Queen Mother does not rule so absolutely as she has done. Yet it is not to be doubted that all things pass at her pleasure, which she now effectuates by shifts, policy, striving, and the mediation of her trusty friends, the Chancellor, the Duke of Nevers, and the Marshal of Retz. The latter is at his house, three or four leagues from this town, but yet is said to do very bad and pernicious offices. James Fitzmorris will be here within these two days, and I trust to know what he does. I hear that la Noue is requested to follow Monsieur in this expedition, and that the Estates greatly desire it. I am informed that the Duke of Savoy levies 10,000 foot and 2,000 reiters, and that his ambassador had audience on the 20th to inform the King of the intention of his master. Danville holds at present no town in Languedoc, but Beziers ; Bellegarde having corrupted his lieutenant in Beaucaire, who now keeps it for Bellegarde and has refused Danville. I had prepared this letter, and was upon the point to send it when Mr. Stafford came to me. Finding no occasion to stay it upon conference with him, I have dispatched this messenger. I am heartily glad of Mr. Stafford's coming upon this good occasion ; whereof great good must ensue, though her Majesty's counsel be rejected.—Paris, 23 May 1578. P.S. (in his own hand).—I have asked audience, and received answer that the King has both his cheeks swollen ; so that I doubt when it will be granted. Add. Endd. : Sir Amice Poulet to my L. (corrected in Burghley's hand to Mr. Secretaries). 5 pp. [Ibid. II. 44.]
May 23.	909. EDWARD STAFFORD to WALSINGHAM. I arrived here in Paris on Wednesday, the 22nd, which was a day later than I should have done ; but I was stayed at Abbeville by M. Rubempré because I had not a passport from M. Mauvissière. My lord ambassador sent yesterday for an audience, but M. Gondi having taken physic and the King keeping his chamber for a little swelling in his face, he had answer that 'this to-day' at dinner he should know whether we could have audience to-day or not. Expecting which I will not trouble you but with this private letter ; because I know nothing worth sending, having found never a one of my old friends by the way at home, to learn anything of. But I could learn by the way generally, and here, that Monsieur will not desist from this enterprise, and that his forces are within the country, as I wrote from Calais ; and his meaning is to take what he can get. I met by the way M. de Licques, who it was told me at Calais was stayed here. I had some talk with him, as we changed post horses ; but I cannot perceive by him but that he doubts the King is well contented with this journey. Yet it is certain that M. Crèvecœur, the Governor of Picardy, is at Peronne, and upon the passages, with all the forces he can make to hinder them ; but as yet he has done no great exploit. Of other things the ambassador has written fully ; which, as it belongs not to my charge, I will not trouble you till I have an audience. Only I beseech you to thank my lord here for his honourable usage of me, which is more than I dare take of him, but only by constraint of himself ; but I know it is for your good recommendation of me. If I go forward to Monsieur, I shall be fain to take money here ; therefore I beseech you to put Mr. Lane in remembrance, and if I have to borrow I must be assured to 'keep my day' at my coming home, for everything is dearer here than I looked for. Howbeit, as long as I am in Paris, I shall not need to care, for my lord will neither let me nor any of mine go from his house.—Paris, 23 May 1578. Add. Endd. 1 p. [Ibid. II. 45.]
May 24.	910. COUNT LALAING to the PRINCE OF ORANGE. I have received yours of yesterday, instructing me how to re-distribute the companies that have come out of Philippeville, viz., two at Tournay, two at Valenciennes, and the fifth at Condé. Your letter came at the right moment, for the captains were here, and I communicated it to them. They said that it would not be reasonable to send them into any towns to rest without money or means of maintaining themselves, and I am sure that the towns will make difficulties about receiving them as they are. As the captains have gone towards Antwerp to report to his Highness and yourself the surrender of Philippeville, I refer you to the representations which they will make touching their companies, requesting you to take order thereon. I do not yet know where the enemy means to go for the summer ; as soon as I have any news I will send it. I have nothing else to write, save that those of this country are much surprised that no arrangement has been come to with the ambassadors of the Duke of Anjou. They have dispatched some gentlemen to the Estates to set before them the reasons, which make them think that at this juncture we cannot do without the friendship of the French. I am sure they will say all that is to the purpose, and refer you to them for the sake of brevity, hoping that they will receive due attention. Lastly I request, as in former letters, that you will take steps for the payment of the soldiers here and those of M. de Montigny, who are at Avesnes ; failing which, as I have already said, they will be obliged to quit their garrisons. You know how important these places are and what inconveniences will follow unless matters are promptly remedied.—Mons, 24 May 1578. Copy. Endd. by Burghley's secretary. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. VI. 85.]
May 25.	911. The QUEEN to the PRINCES of GERMANY, adhering to the Confession of Augsburg, and their representations at the Assembly of Schmalkald. When we heard last year that a meeting was to be held at Magdeburg, in which they who with you had come out of the darkness and filth of Popery, and which agreeing with you on all other articles of the Reformed religion differed on one small point only, were to be publicly condemned, we could not but be greatly moved, and we sent an ambassador to warn you how hazardous it was, when such dangers threatened the Christian commonwealth, to propose anything of the kind. Our envoy, however, brought back word from the chief princes of this empire that we had not been rightly informed, and that the aim of the princes of the Augustan confession was to enter into a closer union among themselves, whereby they might better oppose common forces to the common foe. Remembering the care with which your Highnesses have always striven to promote the glory of God, we were the more easily persuaded ; but on examining the matter more deeply, and weighing the writings of certain factious theologians, we found their cogitations to be diverted to obtruding upon the rest a new body of doctrine, which they designate by a specious name of Concord, but which, if our foresight serves, will kindle a flame that will involve the whole of Christendom ; a thing which the Papists have long been laying their snares to bring about. Further, experience has shown that while the Lord's supper was instituted to confirm the unity of men's minds in the establishing of religion, very grievous contentions have arisen therefrom. Our only fear, therefore, is lest while you are deliberating about concord in this discordant time, your proposal should rather by the ambition of certain theologians and the wonted arts (solemnibus technis) of the Papists stir up disastrous strife, to the ruin of the commonweal, than cement the desired friendship. We beseech you, therefore, and call upon to postpone the execution of this scheme to a more convenient season ; and as this whole business concerns not Germany only, but our country, and the reformed Churches in many parts of the world, who call upon the Redeemer with similar rites, we ask you to admit delegates from them all to common council. What could be fairer? For what touches all, reason and law would have brought to the cognizance of all. If, however, you have already met at Schmalkald, or delegated your theologians, we pray you, having regard to our singular affection towards your Highnesses, to be careful, while the Papists are striving only to set you at odds among yourselves, to defend the common peace. We are informed that by the treachery of a certain minister at Montbéliard your counsels have been betrayed to the Duke of Guise, and so to the French King. If you punish him as he deserves, you will deserve well of the Christian commonwealth. We further ask that you will admit to your conference our subjects, N. N., doctor of divinity, and N., doctor of laws, whom we have by the common advice of our senators, thought good to depute and impart your counsels to them ; who will more fully declare to you or your delegates in what way the desired concord can be attained.—Greenwich, the 7th of the calends of June 1578. Copy. Endd. by D. Rogers, Latin. 3 pp. [Germ. States I. 61.]
June 1.	912. Another copy of the above ; blanks filled in with the names of Laurence Humphry, John Still, John Hammon, and Daniel Rogers. Latin. 2½ pp. [Ibid. I. 61a.]