486. The MARQUIS OF HAVRECH to BURGHLEY.
I have so vivid a memory of the honour and favour that I received
in England, especially from you, that I should be neglecting the
due claims of gratitude did I not occasionally send you news of me,
though I am much further from you than I was, having left the
Low Countries seven or eight months ago, and retired to my property
in Lorraine, where my wife and relations are and where I shall
always be at your service.
There is nothing here for me to impart to you, except that I
would have you rejoice with me over God's goodness to me in that
my wife is with child after we have been so long married. It gives
me hope of seeing some to come after me, whom, if I may bring
them up, I shall nurture to do loyal service to her Majesty and my
good lords and friends over there.
I am sure you remember the obligation that I gave on my last
journey, after the payment of the 5,000, and how after that
Messrs Cobham and Walsingham were ambassadors to the States,
and treated with them, and received their obligations for the sum in
question. Pray have mine cancelled or sent back to me, transmitting
it into the hands of my regular agents at Antwerp, Adrian de
la Barre and Nicolas Malaperte. I mention this sure way the more
willingly for the hope I have that you will sometimes send me news
of yourself and of her Majesty's health.Bayon, 12 Nov. 1580.
Add. Endd. Fr. 1 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 73.]
487. JOHN GEORGE, MARQUIS OF BRANDENBURG, to the QUEEN.
Since in this unhappy age it is laudable, even necessary, that
those who profess the name of Christians, and have been divinely
placed at the helm of states should join together, we have thought
it right not to miss an opportunity of renewing our old amity, which,
as mortal affairs stand, may some day be not unprofitable to our
peoples. The opportunity has been afforded by Master James Cuno,
a man distinguished in all erudition, especially mathematics and
astronomy, very celebrated in these parts. He has informed us
that he wishes to communicate some invention of his to you, as a
Queen having a knowledge and love of such things, and has asked
us to aid him with our recommendation ; and we have made no
Cuno was attached, with a salary, on the strength of his own
reputation, and on the suggestion of Philip Melanchthon to the
Court of our father, the Elector Joachim II, to pursue the study of
astronomy, a subject with which our father used sometimes to
divert himself when public affairs permitted ; and to invent
automata, as they call them, showing not only the hours, and
various kinds of movements [?], but also even the risings and
settings of the planets. In his recondite and difficult pursuit
he has become the very first among the foremost craftsmen.
On the death of our father he betook him with our permission
to our University of Frankfort, and has seemed to surpass
himself in wonderful diligence and energy ; nor has he rested
till he had achieved what other students of that art have either left
alone or despaired of doing. He lately gave our neighbour, the
Elector of Saxony, a proof of the faithful and fortunate character
of his study by completing a brillant astronomical work, which
everybody thought was impossible. We need not however go into
this ; you will know it all more fully from the description of the
great work on which he is engaged and which he promises soon to
As however he has with our full approval selected your Majesty
as the person to whom to offer and dedicate that monument of his
talent, we beg that you will not reject his respectful wish, but will
receive him with your kind favour, and will, even for our sake, and
as far as your convenience allows, show him such kindness that he
may feel that our letter has been of service to him, and by your
approbation be urged on to finish what he has begun. And we will
do all that is agreeable to you.Cln on the Spree [Suevum ;
qu. Sprevum], 14 Nov. 1580.
Add. (Seal.) Endd. by L. Tomson : 'in commendation of Jacobus
Cunus, an astronomer.' Lat. 3 pp. [Germ. States II. 8.]
488. ANTONIO BRITO DE PIMENTELL to "The AMBASSADOR OF
In fulfilment of your orders I make this report of the state of
affairs in Portugal. I left my master Don Antonio on Oct. 16 at
Oporto when I departed thence.
I do not treat of what happened at Lisbon, for you know it. I
will briefly say that they were all corrupted with promises and
presents, and the surrender was brought about by treason, of which
the Duke of Alva was always so good a negotiator as is notorious in
Portugal, on the part of many men to whom the king thought he
could entrust his armies and fortresses, trained in their profession.
He managed so cleverly that he gave some to understand that he
had intelligences ; to others he wrote letters, and arranged that
these should be intercepted and brought to the king to destroy his
confidence in those persons. In this way he incapacitated all the
men in whom the king trusted for his service ; and the more part
of the officers whom the king had in his camp received pay from
the Duke of Alva, whereby all were corrupted, and in the end
The king left the field after all was lost, fighting valiantly more
like a private soldier than a king. They slew of his men
Don Antonio of Portugal, Manuel da Fonseca Pinto, Francisco de
Brito my nephew, Manuel da Fonseca Nobrega, Gil Degois, Simaon
Vaz de Camois, and other men not of good birth. He went off with
two large swordcuts in his head, entered Lisbon, and fearing that
it had been corrupted, went off at once by another gate, and made
his way to Santarem, accompanied by the Count of Vimioso, the
Bishop of Guarda his uncle, Manuel de Crasto, Agostinho Caldra,
Antonio da Silva his son, Francisco de Melo, and other gentlemen,
arriving at Santarem on the Saturday morning [Aug. 27]. There
were with him many other gentlemen and knights, of those who
had been in the camp with him. On the Sunday morning he left
Santarem, and there were with him 200 horse and about 1,000 foot.
He slept 3 leagues away, and on the next day to Tomar, where he
was joined by more cavalry, and more than 2,000 foot, and from
thence to Coimbra more kept joining him, and all the people of all
the places which he passed wanted to go with him, and went into
the hills to guard the roads. He reached Coimbra and went on to
sleep at Tentugal, and thence to Montemor, where he stayed a few
days convalescing of his wounds and resting from his journey.
And folk joining to advance when it was known that he was there,
8,000 men joined. They arrived at 'Esgra' [qu. Esguiera], and
having advanced to a quarter of a league or less, he ordered the [qu.
as bardras] to march forward. They came to the suburb, whence he
sent word that he was there and that they should receive him for
their king as he was, which they would not do. He sent again
another message, that if they did not receive him he would enter
by force and sack it. As they had artillery in the town, and
not so little but that there were 17 bronze pieces besides
as many of iron and the king brought none, they answered
mocking, that they did not know him, but only the King of Castile.
He called his soldiers and told them to enter the town and sack it.
I assure you, sir, as God is my witness, that in less than a quarter
of an hour they gained the bridge at the gate of the town, taking
no account of the artillery, and it was not an hour more before the
town was entered and sacked. The king stayed there some days,
giving orders for justice to be done on the heads of the mutiny, and
making ready to go and take Oporto, which had also declared for
the King of Castile. At that time news was current that the King
of Castile was ailing, and had been let blood. There came a letter
from the Grand Huntsman, Manuel de Melo, who had gone there
as ambassador, saying that the king had been bled so many times,
and often cupped. I do not know what will happen, for the
fever does not abate. As the man who brought the letter from
Elvas was on his way to Estremoz, a mounted courier came through.
He asked him how the king was going on ; he said, given up by the
physicians. They at once placed guards at Elva and Olivena, to
allow no one to pass from Portugal. And this was done because
Bernaldim de Taura [?] and his son-in-law and other gentlemen
from Lisbon went to kiss his hand, they sent them away and told
them that they could not see the king for the next two months ;
and they came backit was already said that the king was dead.
And Don Antonio sent a man to Badajoz secretly to learn if he was
certainly dead or not ; and he came and said that he made diligent
enquiry, and he had ascertained for certain that the king was dead,
and that they had taken a bier on the road to Guadelupe, to which
they published that he was going, ill, to take the pao [qu. quinine
or guaiacum] ; and nobody heard it but they at once proclaimed
that there was no pao at Guadelupe, so that his Majesty had no
business to do there ; that all were at Catra [qu. Alcantara], where
the Queen was going and a dispatch would be given him there ; and
that people began to take in [romper] his death more. The Duke
of Alva at Lisbon asked that they would swear the prince his son ;
to which they answered that they had a king, and that to swear the
prince it was necessary to call the Cortes of the whole realm. He
[the Duke] no longer slept in Lisbon, but on board ; all his
baggage was shipped and order given.
The king completed his preparations for the advance, and more
people were joining him. He had raised 20,000 or more, and
marched on Oporto. He sent forward Don Manuel Pra [? Pereira]
uncle of the Count of Afeira with 4,000 men, with which he
at once took two forts they had on the other side of the Douro, one
in the monastery of the Saviour, the other in the old castle of
Gaya, in which they got some pieces of artillery. The king came
and stayed two days at the monastery, crossing the river half-a-league
from the city at the place they call The Salt Stones. There
were 1,200 Galicians on the Oporto side to defend the passage.
The first boatful of soldiers that crossed essaying an entrance
there were 17 of themcame to blows with the Galicians, who
took to flight and went off to Galicia. The king finished getting
his people across towards nightfall. The heads of the rebellion
fled, and the rest sent, by the hand of religious persons, to ask the
king's mercy, which he granted, but made them pay the soldiers
100,000 cruzados that the city might not be sacked. The king
entered Oporto. Presently Viana, Ponte de Limo, Guimaraens,
Braga, Lamego, Viseu, and the neighbouring parts made their submission
to the king, and in the Serra de Estrela, Pinhel, Castello
Rodrigo, and many other places. At this time the king heard that
Sancho d'Avila was coming to annoy his general. He gave orders
to put poison in the springs and the wines on the way they were
coming. They began to fall sick and die, men and horses ; and
before I came away, I heard of 80 horses and 100 men dead. And
the king gave orders to make ready people to go on the road by
which they were coming, whose captains were Don Manuel Pra
[? Pereira] and Joao de Brito de Lacerda, to attack them, three
days from my departure ; and of cavalry the captain was Manuel
Mendez Pimentell, foster-brother to King Sebastian.
Eight or nine days after my departure from Oporto, where the
king remained in good health, a French vessel departed which came
to la Roche Bernard in 7 days from Lisbon, and brought news that
Sancho d'Avila had been defeated, and that the king had 20,000
men, and that Santarem, which is a principal town and fortress, had
turned round and declared for the king Don Antonio ; and that the
Duke of Alva did not sleep in the place, and that there was much
talk of Philip being dead, and that he died on Sep. 17 ; and that
the duke wished to deprive the inhabitants of Lisbon of their arms,
to which they did not consent. Afterwards came another ship of
Olonne (Alona), which left Lisbon on Oct. 27 and gave the same
news, and another which started later said the same.
With the king there were at Oporto Don Alfonso Anriquez, his
chief chaplain, of the blood of the Kings of Portugal ; there is the
Bishop of Guarda, Don John of Portugal, and the Count of Vimioso
his nephew, and the Count of Sta  ; Manuel da Silva, Dom
Pedro de Meneses, Diego Botello, controllers of his exchequer ;
Don Manuel Pra, Joao de Brito, Don Fernando de Meneses, Don
Diego his brother, Manuel Mendez Pimentel, Pedro Lopez Giram,
Manuel Giram his brother, the adajs of Evora, the adajao of Coimbra,
Lopo de Sousa, Coutinho Garcia, Alfonso de Vega and Joao Roiz
his son, Simaon Palha of Crato, Agostinho Caldra, Antonia da Silva,
Manuel de Brito, Loureno de Mello and Eitor de Sousa, Don
Alonso Duarte de Crasto, Don Antonio de Meneses, Belchior d'
Oliveira, Duarte de Lemos lord of Atrofa, Joao Freyre lord of Coya,
Joao Freyre da Bobadela, and the Viscount, and Francisco Barreto,
and many other gentlemen of Entre Douro e Minho whose names I
do not remember, and others that I have forgotten [sic].
The Governors are dead ; Diego Lopez de Sousa died in 14 days,
Don Joao Mascarenhas in 7, and they say of poison. Francisco
de Sa, one of his eyes fell out and he was very bad of the other.
A friar, guardian of the vale de piedade at Oporto, told me that he
was dead too, and that his other eye fell out, and that his tongue
got so big that he could not draw it into his mouth ; and so he died.
Don Joao Tello died at Lisbon. The Archbishop was ill, and they
said that those of whom I told you, whom for decency's sake I do
not name here, talked to him ; and that he said that his own should
return to its Master and they should not take it [?]
At my departure news came to the king that he was dead. There
died some gentleman who went to Castile to kiss Philip's hand.
There went thither Don Manuel Mascarenhas, Don Duarte de Larcao,
Don Antonio de Larcao, Ruy Lopez Coutinho and others, whose
names I have forgotten.
If Joao Roiz de Sousa, the king's Ambassador, is still in those
parts, her Majesty can treat with him and declare her will, because
he is very loyal, and therefore the king sent him to her.Saint
Maur, 17 Nov. '80.
Add. Portuguese. 5 pp. [Portugal I. 42.]
489. ANTONIO DE BRITO PIMENTELL to JOAO ROIZ DE SOUSA.
The king our master has sent me to this Court to inform their
Majesties as to the state of things in Portugal, for they are very
different from what the ministers of Castile have disseminated.
Before coming I wrote to you and sent you a letter which I brought
from his Highness, which was directed to Rouen, to 'Mosior'
Lobim to forward to you. If you have not got it you could send
and find out from him if they gave it.
I found much welcome here from their Majesties, and they
showed much relish of the news that I brought them from the
king, and they talk to me much to the purpose. I found at Court
the ambassador of that realm, who I assure you, made me no worse
cheer than if he had been a countryman. He told me that he was
dispatching a courier thither, and had written to you.
The king our master was at Oporto in good case and already
quite well of his wounds. People were joining him every two or
three days. He sent to meet Sancho d'Avila, who was coming to
look for him with 600 men ; who were already dying of poison
which they had put in the wine and the springs for them. [Other
information as in the last.] If you can negotiate for some powder
and munitions it will be very good ; and send them to Oporto by
merchants. The post is going.Saint Maur, 17 Nov. '80.
Add. Portuguese. 1 p. [Ibid. I. 43.]
490. GILPIN to WALSINGHAM.
Though the post has not yet arrived, nor anything fallen out
since my last writing, I could not omit 'with these few lines to be
troublesome' ; only advertising the return of the Prince, who by
reason of the Princess's sickness being in some danger was sent for
and arrived yesterday morning. Finding her somewhat mended
it is said he will return next Wednesday. I was this afternoon at
the castle to speak with him, but could not have access, as he was
in council with the States of Brabant, and 'for' M. Villiers could
not meet with him. So I cannot write you what has been done in
Holland touching Pallavicino and Spinola's cause, but understand
that Villiers has advertised you by your servant Walter Williams
and answered you 'largely.' I mean to be 'in hand' with M.
Junius to move his Excellency thereof, and procure fresh letters
from him for those of Zealand and Flanders, who I hear will
resolve depending only upon them of Holland. Ymans is still
here, and makes no preparation to go till this suit is ended and
her Majesty contented.
The Malcontents in Friesland having, as it is credibly said, taken
Dockum and Staveren, which was forsaken without resistance by
the States' men, continue still before Steenwick, 'being' defended
very stoutly. If it chance to be taken ere rescue can arrive the
English are to 'keep a strength' between Campen and Zwol.
The Malcontents in Flanders have drawn towards the frontiers
of France with all the forces they can make to encounter the
French sent by Monsieur, which makes some doubt lest they have
more friends in that country than was hoped.
Last week, 'Beauford,' colonel of the Scots, going out with
Capt. Seaton and his company of horse to the number of 100
with intent to charge 3 companies of the Malcontents horse by
Oudenborgh, was himself slain with 8 or 10 of Seaton's men. Many
hurt, and the rest escaped by flight, yet fought so 'happily' that
they overthrew and hurt fourscore of the enemy.
M. de Bours, bethinking himself and doubting further displeasure,
has surrendered his government to M. 'Suyuenghen,' so that the
labour of those of Ghent with those of 'Cortrick' is turned to
nothing.Antwerp, 19 Nov. 1580.
Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 74.]
491. COBHAM to the QUEEN.
On signifying to the king and queen my desire to be admitted for
your service into their presence, I was desired to repair to Dolinville,
where they gave me hearing jointly, as follows.
First I declared that whereas it had pleased the Queen Mother
upon conference had with me lately at 'Shantyllowe,' while he was
keeping his late diet, to show her desire that the greatness of the
Spanish king might be considered speedily, she also thought it
necessary some counsel should be taken between your Majesty and
him for the withstanding it, for the better repairing and defending
not only of the injuries committed by King Philip in the realm of
Portugal, but likewise for the safeguard of the dignities of the Crown
of France and England.
It had also pleased him to testify the like disposition to me by
the message delivered by M. Pinart, with words of great affection to
yourself and your estates. Since which M. Mauvissire had
confirmed his intent to you after the same sort. Whereon you have
been in just reason moved to find it good to give me commission to
treat with him or his Council. And further, you had purposed to
have sent others of great trust to deliberate with their Majesties.
But it seems they liked this to pass with secrecy.
After I had said this, I delivered your thanks to both their
Majesties for their offers of friendship to you, both made heretofore
and now earnestly renewed. You trusted they would continue this
profession of clear and sincere dealing, which on your part should
be requited with great gratuity. You hoped to find them assured
in their friendship offered ; so that you looked there should proceed
from them a royal treaty and firm amity to be continued during the
lives of your Majesties, to their and your perpetual comfort.
The king said he was glad you had taken in good part his
meaning first delivered by his mother and in like manner signified
by Pinart. It seemed to him convenient to be declared to you, and
that the ambition of the Spanish king may be duly weighed ; having
now already 'passed his bands' so unjustly, as if he pretended to
give laws to his neighbours. But he doubted not that you two
together would be able to defend yourselves and your friends.
Now that he understood you had given me power to enter into
negotiations, he would confer with his mother and let me know
what he thought convenient ; which should be imparted to me
either that evening or next morning.
The queen seemed to say that the loss of time was dangerous,
therefore since you had shown your will to join in this amity it was
necessary expedition should be used. I took occasion to add that
winning of time was profitable to King Philip, having his force
armed, marching and conquering in Portugal. On the other side
Don Antonio would suffer many inconveniences. His soldiers
were not thoroughly armed, nor commanded by expert leaders,
lacking munitions. The king assured me he was in good estate,
and that divers towns were revolted which at first surrendered to
Lastly he wished me to thank you for accepting his amity, assuring
you that his realm shall be employed in your service and run
the same fortune yours should.
Next morning M. Pinart came to me with these speeches from
their Majesties. The king and queen had well thought on the
message I had declared to them, having resolved to join in an
unfeigned association with you ; but as the king had appointed
to begin his journey to-day to meet his young queen, meaning to
go as far as Moulins, and return to Blois about the end of this
month, they wished me to be there about that time, when convenient
personages of his Council shall be appointed to negotiate those
affairs. He thought it would be M. Bellivre and himself ; but
wished me to think on my journey. Thus I have only so far dealt
in those instructions which were lately sent me ; because I found
the queen more earnest than the king in proceeding to this
negotiation ; and also that the king has deferred me till he comes
Notwithstanding, in conference with M. Pinart, I asked him how
the chief persons of the Council liked this intended association with
your Majesty, especially as it may be some stop to King Philip's
greatness. He said the king had not, so far, 'participated' his
intent to the lords of his Council, I said it was likely that he might
in private talk 'enlarge' thus much of his affairs to some 'confident'
persons among his minions, to whom perhaps this amity
would not be so welcome as that of Spain. He answered that the
king and queen were so united in this that there would be no contradiction
on any side, but they must be content to accommodate
themselves to their Majesties' will.
M. Pinart enquired of me if those who had landed in Ireland
had declared by whom they were sent, and if any Spaniards were
among them. I told him I could inform him of no great certainty,
for of late, through contrary winds, no certain news had come
from those coasts, and those Italians did not at their first arriving
pass far from their landing-place.
These are the chief poisons mentioned in my conference with
I have visited the ambassador sent hither by Don Antonio, from
whom I enclose a letter to your Majesty, and likewise one to me,
from which you may see the adventures of Don Antonio, and the
state he remained in when he left him about Oct. 26, at Porto
[see No. 488]. This ambassador, Antonio de Brito Pimentell,
informs me that King Philip deceased on Sep. 17 at Badajos, and
was laid in the ground at Guadalupe, and that the young queen had
removed to Safra [sic]. Now advertisements have come from Spain
that the queen is dead, and the king not dead but feeble.Moret,
19 Nov. 1580.
Holograph. Add. and endt. gone. 6 pp. [France IV. 175.]
492. COBHAM to [? WALSINGHAM].
In the last letter I received from you you set down not only
the great benefit that would ensue from this 'pretended consociation,'
but have specified the very true doubts which being cleared
might show assured good dealing. As first, upon what occasion or
rather displeasure this king is kindled so earnestly against King
Philip. So far as I can yet perceive, he is especially counselled
thereto upon the hope of the recovery of Portugal, through which
his subjects may reap profit and his minions are promised particular
gain. The Queen Mother works therein, either by bringing
forces to assure her pretence by time and means, or else to frame a
marriage with Don Antonio for one of her nieces of Lorraine, which
will be the more easily brought to pass since Don Antonio has, as
they give out, recovered some treasure, and sent hither 20,000
crowns for the 'conducting' of men and munition.
The king finds that the Spanish king has altogether diminished
his credit in Italy, with which he is much discontented, and seeks
to repair it.
M. Pinart in my last conference with him let me know that
Schomberg was returned, by whom the king learnt that the
Spanish king had offered 100,000 crowns to cause the 'roysters'
to march into France, but he said they must have 300,000 before
He further noted that the King of Spain had broken his treaty
in using violence to Portugal, for in all the capitulations of peace
Portugal was included as a realm confederated with France. He
'shows' to be somewhat frank in his dealings and earnest. What
shall be brought forth time will discover. I shall be better able to
inform you after some conference, which is not likely to happen till
we meet at Blois.
Notwithstanding this treaty, I hope her Majesty will think of the
cause she has to deal with all those princes who have put away the
authority of the Bishop of Rome. However they dissent in other
points of understanding the meaning of our Saviour, yet they may
all confederate to withstand the Romish malice and tyranny which
is exercised towards the realm of England, and practised in all
other dominions. This would encourage other realms to seek
deliverance from that tyrannical yoke, however their consciences
were addicted. I shall in this negotiation hear therein, and slowly
pass on so far as I am instructed, hoping that her Majesty's charges
will be diminished through the ability of Don Antonio.
The king likes not that his brother should 'join his power
together' before peace is concluded. He has been 'moved from'
his Highness that 6,000 Switzers might be levied under his
Majesty's 'countenance,' and if peace is not made, they may be
the readier to be employed against his Huguenots. The king
refuses to do anything before the pacification is established in his
realm ; he will not have 'two kind' of wars in hand at one time.
In this doubtful manner all their actions are deferred and 'lingered.'
Moret, 19 Nov. 1580.
P.S.I have delivered her Majesty's letter to 'Msr. Martch.'
M. Marchemont will write to his Highness for answer to the article
touching this king's assisting Monsieur for Flanders.
Add. and endt. gone. 2 pp. [Ibid. IV. 176.]
493. COBHAM to [? WILSON].
I have written so much in my present letter to your honours that
I have little left to write in particular to you, but that I find from
Secretary Pinart that their Majesties have found Signor Giraldi
has secretly yielded himself to the Spanish king's devotion, and
has become his pensioner ; whereon they hide from him their
affairs and meaning towards Don Antonio so far as to cause a
merchant to arrest such armour and munitions as the king heretofore
at his request had suffered to be transported to Rouen for Don
But the king has ordered Antonio de Brito, this last ambassador,
to have 300 or 400 soldiers embarked, to pass with the said armour
and munition to Don Antonio. They can the better do it now that
this ambassador has brought 20,000 for the levy and pay of 4,000
men who are looked for in Portugal. Their Majesties have given
him audience at Olinville, and the queen has since conferred with
him at Saint-Maur for the dispatch of those affairs ; whence de
Brito returns toward Nantes to have conference with his Highness.
The said ambassador informs me that Don Antonio had appointed
two gentlemen to repair to her Majesty. They would take with
them money and other stuff of value. By his relation in my
dispatch, which I have procured for her Majesty's better satisfaction,
you will see the estate of Don Antonio.
The book for which you have written to me has lately had a very
high price set on it by some who have sought to send it that way ;
'not knowing' whether it have already passed the sea or no.
Moret, 20 Nov. 1580.
Add. and endt. gone. 1 p. [Ibid. IV. 177.]
494. COBHAM to the SECRETARIES.
The king seems discontented that the framing of the peace is so
long 'lingered.' He has lately written to his brother that though the
commissioners for them of the Religion show themselves troublesome
and somewhat obstinate, he must not be discouraged, but seek
to bring it to some good event ; hoping to hear better news of it.
Villeroy and Bellivre in their letters complain that those of the
Religion have not appointed gentlemen among their deputies, but of
the commonalty or meaner sort of people, who seem to put divers
difficulties in the King of Navarre's head, and yet in private conference
promise Monsieur to bring him to more reasonable considerations.
This manner of dealing is, they write, taken in ill part, both
by his Highness and by the said king. If this is true it may prove
dangerous and unprofitable to them of the Religion ; the rather
that it is found by them that have experience of the king's disposition
that he is determined by all manner of means to reduce his
state more entirely to his devotion, for which purpose he has such
forces ready in so many places as I have already signified to you.
Moreover it is considered with how small a train Monsieur has
gone to those parts, as also that the King of Navarre has but feeble
forces ; so that if the peace be not framed to his liking some doubt
what he may be counselled in policy to do, upon so easy an occasion
to compass his purposes, wherein he will not want apt instruments.
They have written from those parts that Bellivre and specially
Villeroy have opened the occasion and manner of the late taking of
arms, in which negotiations they have flatly charged some of
Monsieur's followers, among whom 'namely' Fervacques ; whereon
it it is judged some displeasure will be bred at such plainness.
Here it is understood that the Queen of Navarre purposes to
come toward these parts as far as Vendome with the Princess of
Barn ; but for the truth of this I refer to the advertisements which
Mr Stafford will send, because he is at the place of the treaty,
whereby he may be more certainly informed.
Some who enter into judgement of the present dealing between
the king and Monsieur, think that there grows a likelihood of some
better and more friendly intelligence betweeen them than has been
heretofore ; so far as it is understood that the king will no longer
have this strangeness between him and his brother, but by some
means will live together.
The king has been contented with these levies that have been
made for Monsieur's service, but suffers no hostility to be used till
the pacification is concluded ; from which opinion he cannot be
In my last conference with M. Pinart, upon occasion of my access
to the king, I noted to him sundry shows of goodwill which her
Highness had offered to the king. Among the rest I declared to
him that Mr Stafford had orders, if his Highness thought good or
occasion offered, to persuade the King of Navarre and those of the
Religion to yield to the king's will and not show themselves
obstinate in their demands ; as also, if it seemed good to the king,
her Majesty would make such further show that way as might be to
The Secretary answered he had understood from the king I had
sundry times made that offer ; but wished me in any wise to speak
no more of it to the king, because he could not take it in good part
that any other prince should deal with his subjects. He assured
me the king was resolved to have no other pacification than that
which was before established ; which he would in all good faith
maintain, so that they would on their side perform what they were
The king has commanded Monsieur's companies to be dispersed,
saving those of Balagny and Rochepot, and one other. Therefore
many of them have retired. This is supposed to be done by the
king on purpose to make them hasten the finishing of the treaty of
The Queen Mother left Olinville the same day as the king, taking
her journey towards Saint-Maur, where she has had sundry conferences
with de Brito.
Cardinal Birague is returned from Fontainebleau to Paris. The
Pope's nuncio and the ambassador also went from hence to Paris.
It is supposed that the nuncio goes to have audience of Queen
Mother about the bill which was set up on the door of Sancta
Capella in the Palace at Paris. It was directed to the Court of
Parliament ; its effect being to beseech them to command execution
to be done upon the heretics and Huguenots, till which time the
plague and scourge of God would not be removed. Also that they
would command all spiritual benefices to be taken from the laity
and restored to the churchmen ; wherein they touched by name the
Chief President de Thou, for his abbey, using towards him some
The Viscount of Turenne has taken Sorrze, where he found four
cannon and 80 horses, and razed all the places of strength which
those that troubled the country held. So returning into his
viscounty of Turenne and Quercy about the end of last month he
took and razed Perignac near Figeac, and on the 14th inst. went
to Cahors to take two cannons and continue his enterprise.
M. d'Odou, governor of Foix for the King of Navarre, has taken
Tarascon, near Carcassonne [sic], and two days after took Pamiers,
where the chief gentlemen of Toulouse remained.
Marshal Biron after losing 500 or 600 men before I'Isle-en-Jourdan
was constrained to raise the siege.
They of Burgundy have complained to the king of the excesses
committed by Monsieur's companies ; whereon the king has sent
for them from thence.
I enclose the answer to certain points which you sent me in your
last dispatch of Nov. 5, together with two copies of letters which
Dandino the Pope's nuncio at this Court has caused to be translated
into English. Also a 'devise' of Mr Copley, printed in Paris,
which may have been sent unto you otherwise, and a copy of Don
Antonio's recent letter to Strozzi.
I have received the following advertisements from Paris. That
another is clapped in the 'Bastillon,' of whose name I am not
certified. The papists give out that the succours her Majesty sent
into Ireland are drowned. That Count Schomberg assures the king
there are no reiters levying in Germany for them of the Religion.
Concerning the advices from Spain : That King Philip has sent
back the 30 galleys that came from Italy, and 1,500 soldiers are
returned to the State of Milan, and 3,000 sent to the garrisons in
Sicily and Naples, beside 100,000 crowns sent for the payment.
That there is no opinion had of M. Strozzi's 'pretended' voyage
into Portugal ; and if the Spanish king had such success in those
parts as is there reported it will appear more unlikely.
I am informed by an English gentleman who passed lately by
Nantes that there are certain Englishmen in chains in the French
galleys, and in miserable estate. If her Majesty is pleased to
command, I shall willingly be a suitor to his Majesty for their
release.Moret, 20 Nov. 1580.
Endd. 3 pp. [Ibid. IV. 178.]
495. COBHAM to [? WALSINGHAM].
Having received the enclosed letter from Signor Cavalcanti, it
seemed convenient to send it to you, that you might let me know
your opinion touching his intended journey. I defer answering
him till I hear your pleasure therein.
I send herewith certain letters written to Mr Waad by some of
his friends. Mr Thomas Cornwallis, of whom I advertised you
some months ago, is to-day arrived from Spain, having been sick
most part of his time, so that he could not undertake any matter
of consequence. However, he professes a good meaning toward her
Majesty's service ; of which you may better judge in conference
with him. He brought letters from Spain. I send you the copy of
one of them, which concerns the dealing of Lord Hamilton with the
Spanish king's ministers ; whereof if you think good, her Majesty
may be in some sort advertised, for surely his necessity constrains
him to seek some relief.
I understand from Mr Cornwallis that some of her Majesty's
merchants have lately been put in the Inquisition at San Sebastian.
Among them is one Robert Haynes, by whose means I had
'assigned' to pass money to Mr Cornwallis ; for I found that
Calvi had discovered to the Pope's nuncio his coming to me, and
the matters of which I conferred with him.
The merchants to whom Calvi assigned me to serve Mr Cornwallis's
turn for letters and money dealt very ill with him, and had
like to have caused a further trouble.
You write to me concerning my conference with Marshal Coss.
I have 'signified' this in my former letters. It was in effect but
matter of compliment, and to show that the king and Monsieur had
disposition to enter into matters which might content her Majesty ;
not entering into any particulars, though I pressed him thereto,
but referred further conference to his return, which he promised
should be shortly. I only took occasion at that time to visit him
because he came from his Highness, as one of his principal councillors
and friends ; understanding also he had to do in those affairs
for the Low Countries, and to 'make entrance' into the treaty for
this pacification ; "as also that Monsieur might have some little
camp levied through certain order to have it brought to pass to the
king's small charge, and little encumbrance to the people," which
by complaint of the provinces now appears otherwise.
At that time I had received no command to treat with the Marshal
nor had any knowledge from you of the negotiations between the
Low Countries and his Highness ; but I am promised some better
answer from M. Marchaumont touching those articles.
Queen Mother goes the nearest way from Saint-Maur to Orleans
to meet the king and young queen, and so to pass on to Blois, if
that appointment hold.Moret, 20 Nov. 1580.
P.S.At the making up of this letter I received yours by
[? Thomas] Walsingham, and shall not fail to accomplish concerning
the earl what you have commanded me.
Since my man has sent me no order for money, and I have to
take my journey to Blois, I see not which way I shall be able to
content Sir Jerome Bowes ; notwithstanding [rest cut off].
Add. and endt. gone. 1 p. [Ibid. IV. 179.]
496. JOHN BROWN to LEICESTER.
Pardon me for not having written in all this space. The truth
is that on my coming into Flanders the companies were ready
to depart for Friesland, and Mr Norris was very desirous that I
should go among them. I told him the business that I had to do
for you, and he answered that he would 'satisfy' by letter the
cause why he was forced to use me at that time, and took order
withal with his secretary for dispatching to England the armour
which I had bespoken. [In margin : To answer this : that his
cause with Mr Norris was reasonable to excuse him.] It was
conveyed to your house in London long since, to my fellow Broune's.
It is all in the manner that we use here now, and of pistol proof.
I would know whether you like the fashion, and whether you would
have any more made, for I am come from Friesland on purpose to
write to you and wait here for your answer ; for in writing from
Friesland I could not be certain of the conveying of my letters to
you, nor of answer back again. [In margin : The armour was
brought to me, and I like it very well, both fashion, etc. But I
would have some bigger than this, 50 of them, as soon as they can
be ready. I will send present money for them.] The price of that
armour is 4, beside the carriage, so that if you purpose to have any
more it will be good that you take order by exchange or as you will.
Your own armour will be ready very shortly ; as soon as it is done
I will either bring or send it. [In margin : That he haste with my
own armour ; as also if there be any fair furnitures for horses'
caparisons and saddles, that he send me word and stay them for
me.] For your bed-ticks also and household stuff, it will be well
that you take order for money for them. [In margin : To send me
word what stuff he has stayed for me, and the money it comes to,
which shall be sent ; and specially that he provide me a good
quantity of napery stuff, both damask and diaper, but not of any
News I have none but what you have heard. The enemy not
long since was about to besiege the town in which we now lie,
called 'Dosborth over Risam' [Doesburg over Yssel], a town of
some importance though not strong, for it stood on the river of
'Isle,' a place very meet to convey their men to ; and by that
means would have put in hazard the loss of 'Sutfeild,' 'Devontry,'
'Swoll,' and Campen. We cut off their purpose by busying them
so fast every day in skirmish that they quit that place, and got
them to another town called Doticum, hard by ; where with a false
fire from the steeple of the town where we lay, seen to the enemy as
well as to the town, caused [sic] the enemy to 'grow in some
admiration' of the matter, deeming that our forces were gathered
together, and that it was a token of some succour, quit [sic] the
place, and drew towards Friesland. They have besieged a little
town called 'Stewnick' and have remained there these 21 days.
Mr Norris is chosen master of the camp, and has accepted it
conditionally that the States will pay the soldiers every month.
He is now to go to the relief of Steenwyk with all the power they
can make. The towns that I spoke of, Deventer, Zwoll and those,
are a free province of themselves, and appertain to the Empire,
'marry' of late usurped by the King of Spain. The town of
Doesburg, where our companies lie, borders on the land of Cleve,
where Mr Rogers was taken. [In margin : That he send to Rog.
from me, to know his estate and advertise me with the next.] The
Duke and his people wish by this that he had been taken further
off, for we have taken a thousand of his since that time ; I mean
oxen and kine.
The Malcontents of Flanders being come near 'Bridges'
encamped in a village, where those of 'Bridges' were advertised.
Colonel 'Bafford,' one of the colonels of the Scots, 'salued' out of
the town to give them a camisade with a cornet of horse and certain
companies of foot ; were very well beaten for their labour. They
were drawn into two or three ambuscadoes, both of horse and foot,
where they fought very valiantly, but in the end were dispersed,
and returned not above 6 in a company. One Captain Seaton,
captain of the horse, with divers of his company were hurt very
sore, and Colonel 'Bafford' slain there on the field.Antwerp,
20 Nov. 1580. [In margin and below : That he procure Mr Norris's
leave to dispatch these my business there for a time. To hearken
to get two or three good courser stallions, if it be possible, and to
send their prices, which shall be satisfied. To enquire for a good
marshal or 'ferror,' and he shall be well considered. Item, to
procure an armourer to serve me, that is skilful to make or mend
armours ; and if he could 'skill' in keeping dags and harquebuses
for mending their locks etc. it were so much the better.]
Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 75.]
497. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to WALSINGHAM.
I hear that Hannibal Spinola, nephew of Benedict Spinola, has
arrived here in order to dispose of his late uncle's goods. As he
has to account for a part of certain matters of stay, affecting the
subjects of the king my master, and also of freights [flets] of ships,
and other things, I request you will make representations to the
Council that they may give orders to prevent him from selling or
transporting out of the realm the goods of the deceased without
giving sufficient caution to answer all lawful and just demands
touching what appertains to the above-named subjects. It will
shortly be necessary to treat of these matters of stay, and also those
affecting Portugal, since it has pleased God to give that kingdom to
my master. Begging you to dispatch this case, and thanking you
greatly for the letter you sent me for the safety of the ships of
Laynes.London, 22 Nov. 1580.
Autograph signature. Add. Endd. by L. Tomson. Fr. 1 p.
[Spain I. 59.]