Elizabeth: July 1581, 21-31

Pages 268-286

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 15, 1581-1582. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1907.

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July 1581, 21-31

July 21. 275. COBHAM to WALSINGHAM.
The king remains at Fontainebleau with the queens, his mother, his wife, and of Navarre, attended on for the present by the Cardinals of Bourbon and Birague, his Chancellor, the Dukes of Montpensier, Guise, Mayenne, and Mercur, with most of the principal personages belonging to the Privy Council, with whom his Majesty has sat in Council many times of late more than accustomed, having made sundry ordinances for the redressing 'in show' of the government of his estate. So now the lords are 'upon' scattering themselves again abroad. The Duke of Guise is looked for in this town within two days ; the Duke of Montpensier is ready to retire to his house in Touraine. The Duke of Joyeuse has already left the Court with his mother and wife, towards their house in Touraine by Chenonceau, where he leaves his wife for a while and returns himself to Court. During his absence the King means to pass his time at Saint Germain or Dollenville. Many bruits are spread in Court and in Paris of a disagreement and some words passed between Joyeuse and Epernon. However no effect of it appears. It is supposed by some here that the King of Navarre will 'pass' an interview and conference with Joyeuse in Touraine. I have been informed that the Lord of 'Weame,' surnamed Colvyn, was of late with the King of Navarre, treating about the marriage of his king with the Princess of Barn, and taking home with him her picture in a small little book. This Colvin is affectioned to the house of Douglas. He left this town three days ago by Dieppe for Scotland. As for the affairs of Geneva, the state depends upon the resolution presently to be 'had' at the Diet of the Cantons, now held in Baden ; which being accomplished, they of the town 'pretend' to send to her Majesty and all other princes of the Religion. Meantime they are promised aid by the Grisons and others of the vales between the Grisons and the Cantons who are of the Religion. As yet the Duke of Savoy seems not for the present to besiege them, but seeks to 'empesche' them of their commodities, and to fortify the bailliages restored to him by those of Berne, as near the town as his commodity may serve. By letters from Lyons and Turin it is written that he has taken out of Chambry 14 'pieces of battery' and sent them towards Geneva. The king imputes to him and the Catholic king the disagreement which appears among the Swiss, and sends them as I hear all persuasions to join themselves. It is certified that the Canton of Fribourg have apprehended in their town certain practitioners, who have been corrupted with the Pope's and Spanish money, and imprisoned them. The Duke of Savoy is 'served with' about 2,000 Swiss, led by Colonel 'Phyfer' ; which is much cried out upon at the Diet in Baden. The 41 companies of Spaniards, amounting to 4,000 men, who came from Naples and Sicily, are already arrived in Franche Comt, marching speedily towards Flanders ; and the 9 companies of horsemen of the bands of Naples and the 4 companies of the State of Milan amounting in all to about 800 or 900 horse, have likewise passed towards Franche Comt, and will be commanded, they say, by the Prince of Parma's eldest son, about the age of 17 years. The 6,000 'Alman' foot which John Manriques is levying in the County of Tirol and other provinces of the Archduke Ferdinand, part of these will supply the garrison of the kingdom of Naples and Milan, and the other part is to be sent to Portugal, with 4,000 Italians. This course was ordered in the Court of Spain on May 27, as is certified by letters from thence. It is advertised from Milan that although they write from Spain that Marcantonio Colonna is to be recalled from Sicily to become their governor, they, notwithstanding, judge that the Catholic king will not suffer him to stay in the Duchy of Milan but employ him in the government of the Low Country wars. This is conceived because the Prince of Parma has sought many ways to come from thence ; but this exchange will not as yet be made. The Prince of Parma's father lately made intercession to the King of Spain to have into his hands the citadel of Piacenza, but he cannot obtain so much favour. So there is miscontentment on that side, and ill-satisfaction given to King Philip in respect of the Prince [sic] at this time so earnestly suing for that citadel. Don Juan de Cardona is to depart out of the Kingdom of Naples with 1,000 Italians and great quantities of saltpetre to make gunpowder, to be transported in the galleys to Portugal. Cardinals Borromeo and Paleota have confirmed the confederacy the Pope has entered into with the Duke of Savoy for the enterprise of Geneva. The Pope, the princes and clergy of Italy will bind themselves to defray one-third of the charges, paying it monthly ; and this Pope dying, his successor shall be bound to the same conditions. Further, King Philip has assured 'by' the said Borromeo that he will bear another third part, binding himself to aid the Duke in all the wars which shall be 'offered' to him in his States by the French or Swiss or others, excepting no state nor commonwealth. By the last letters from Lisbon, of June 18, it is understood that there were in readiness 36 ships, 4 galleys and 10 galliots to depart 'presently' upon any advertisement of the approach of Don Antonio's 'army.' In them were freighted 8,000 soldiers, good and bad, all Spaniards. Letters are come to this agent of Spain from Lisbon of July 1, in which it is certified that the marriage between King Philip's eldest daughter and the Emperor is concluded. This agent now sends his letters by way of Calais to a Spanish merchant, by whom they are conveyed to Don Bernardino in London. The difference between the General of the Cordeliers and the Franciscans in this town continues. The Pope's nuncio often writes to the king in the matter, and the king answers him with his own hand, wishing that the General would accommodate himself to permit the Parisian Cordeliers to enjoy the privileges of their house and forget their past disorder ; which he must do if he is to receive that satisfaction he desires. The Chief President de Thou very earnestly withstands the Pope's nuncio and the General's endeavours against the Cordeliers. The same President has sent Friar Bousser and others to prison in the Chtelet, where they remain, for taking part with the General contrary to the king's authority and the privileges of the Gallican church. I am informed that the Englishmen imprisoned in Rome will not be released from captivity until there come 'relation' from England, giving notice what quality, condition, and profession each of them 'are' of. I hear that Don Bernardino de Mendoza deals very badly with her Majesty and her subjects in this cause, hearkening after all evil relations. There are come to this town two 'Alman' Barons, who are to pass into England to see the country. The Pope's nuncio 'did cheer' them the last day. They are somewhat 'a kynde' to M. Schomberg. The Bishop of Glasgow visited me yesterday, bringing with him M. de Ronsan, an advocate married to the Scottish Queen's secretary's sister ; who informed me he had the Queen's leave to pass into England and to visit the Scottish Queen, his mistress, having occasion to inform her of the present state of her dowry. I enquired of the bishop whether it was true, as is reported in this Court, that a composition and conclusion were passed of all matters and titles between his mistress and her son. He answered that some months since such a matter had been moved and imparted to the Queen my sovereign, wherein he said Mr Beale had conferred with his mistress. But since then he understands no further intention nor conclusion of those causes. The bishop made a large discourse to me of his mistress's sickness, wherein he 'showed' to doubt of her long life, considering her mother died of the like malady much about the 'years of forty.' I received letters from my lords Russell and Cheyney of the 9th inst. in which they write me that King Philip's forces are lodged in Spa and thereabouts, and that the Prince of Chimay, the Duke of Aerschot's son, was followed by the Spaniards to the gates of Sedan. Wherefore these lords have resolved to take the water there in Sedan, where the prince 'saved himself,' they being graciously entreated by the Duke of Bouillon.Paris, 21 July 1581. Add. Endd. 5 pp. [France V. 122.]
July 21. 276. INSTRUCTIONS for SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM, &c., sent into France.
Rough draft with many corrections, in Burghley's hand, and endd. by him : Copy of the first instructions for Mr Secret : Walsingham. 8 pp. [France V. 123.] (Printed in Digges' 'Compleat Ambassador.')
Since you are acquainted with the negotiations passed till now concerning the marriage desired by the Duke of Anjou with us, and know the causes of the delay thereof, we have no need to impart the circumstances to you, but to deliver to you in writing what by word of mouth we have declared in presence of such of our Council as we have conferred with, for an answer to the king and his brother, upon which our ambassador and Somers have treated with him. You shall first repair to the duke, and if Paris, or the place where the king is, shall be in or near your way, you shall either first repair to the king, or if you find it otherwise convenient, you shall direct our ambassador to him, and in either case let him know that you are expressly sent to deliver answer to such things as of late were propounded by him to our ambassador concerning the message sent by Somers ; yet because the matter principally concerns his brother, you or our ambassador shall request the king not to mislike your first repairing to the duke, as to the party whom your message most concerns. So our meaning is you shall repair to the duke, and let him understand that you are come to satisfy the French king in the matters lately moved better than by report of our ambassador and Somers it appears he was satisfied, and therefore doubting that the duke remains as much or more unsatisfied, you come to reiterate the substance thereof, and give him reasons to move him (though his affections 'percase' cannot at first admit our motives) to accept our manner of proceeding in such good part as reason ought to be the interpreter thereof. You shall therefore say to him that forasmuch as the king has now, after conference between divers of his Council and our ambassador and Somers, seeming not to allow the motions made on our part, delivered to them his mind in three points to be answered by us ; of which the first was, upon a supposition made by him that the marriage was agreed to, that we would 'take a day' within which it should be consummate ; the second, that the marriage being promised and the day assigned, the king would upon knowledge thereof enter with us into a league offensive and defensive, and cause it to be delivered to us at the instant of the consummation ; the third for a secret agreement to be made between the king and us for the matters of the Low Countries. To which points the king required our answer within a short time, for on it depended the course of his affairs. And though the motion made by our ambassador, being well considered, yielded reasonable answer to the substance of these three points, yet because neither the ambassador nor Somers was so well acquainted with the circumstances that moved us to propound such things as we did 'as whereby' they might have maintained the reasons of our overtures, we have sent you, as a person the best acquainted therewith 'of any other' by reason both of your office about us, and that you had in all this action for the marriage been appointed as one to treat and confer on our part with any sent either by the king or the duke, and that by reason of your office and our employment of you in our affairs you were best acquainted with our estate and so more able to make demonstration of the circumstances that led us to move the motion lately made. You shall therefore say that however the world may ignorantly conceive of us for the long prolongation of this action of the marriage, yet we desire it to be considered both by the king and by his brother that from the beginning we never inclined otherwise generally to marriage but to content our people when they importunately many times pressed us thereto for the continuance of the state of our realms in peace, and especially to stablish the succession to our crown in the children of our body ; and therefore after the motion made to us for the duke 'we did for his person and worthiness yield further to like of him that [than] ever we did of any other,' and so we think him to have better 'deferred' to be loved of us than any person living of any degree, and so we profess that we do love him more affectionately than we do any other person in the world. But yet to come to any perfect conclusion of marriage with him we never could be so resolutely and clearly induced to assent, but that we always directed ourselves to yield therein or to forbear as we might find our determination to be acceptable to our best subjects, and that in such sort, that we shall not 'mistrust cause of repentance,' after we had consented, because of misliking thereof by our realm. And that thereupon sundry accidents and varieties that have happened specially for a long time during the civil troubles in France in general and also for the duke's own particular troubles and of the lack of the favour of the king his brother towards him, contrary to his deserts, with many other such accidents adverse to the furtherance of this marriage, as things generally misliked by our subjects, have been the just occasions that at sundry times have altered the progress of it ; so that without any diminution of our love towards the duke himself, which till this day is as great as it ever was, we have been forced to vary in our inclination as sometimes more ready to like it than at other times, and never declining from it but when we found causes of doubt how it might content our subjects or be beneficial to our state. And for the time past we assure the duke that these have been the just grounds of our delay of perfect conclusions, and not any lack or change of love towards him, which by his desert as touching his person has rather increased than diminished. And so we hope while we live not to be found ungrateful to him otherwise than we would be to one more than a real brother. And you may say that though by our letters and by testimony of his ministers that have had long acquaintance with us, we hope he does so assure himself of our singular love towards him, we yet have willed you, as one that can of your knowledge give testimony of it, to deliver to him a full assurance thereof. And as hitherto, you may say, many accidents have impeached this matter from perfect conclusion, so at this time when we see that no further delay is convenient to be made, but our resolution is peremptorily required by the king to assent to marriage, we are at this instant more grieved than at all other times to see so apparent and present impediment to stay us from yielding to it at this time, considering how the duke is entered into an actual war against the King of Spain, and that also we cannot find it good for him either in honour or in profit, nor, to say the truth, as the King of Spain's greatness is growing, good either for the Crown of France nor of England that he should leave this enterprise, whereby the whole Low Countries would be left to the violence and tyranny of the Spaniard. And yet in no wise can we find this marriage more agreeable to our realms nor a contentation to our people who have desired us to marry for the preservation of our realms in peace ; for by direct consequence in marriage at this time with the duke we shall at one instant bring with the marriage a war into our realm which now is at peace ; and for continuance of it in peace the desire of our subjects is and always has been to have us marry. So to conclude, for answer to the first point moved by the king, which we are most sorry to deliver for a conclusion, notwithstanding our love is as great to Monsieur as can be imagined, we cannot satisfy ourselves that our subjects can like this marriage with the duke, bringing with it a present war. The very love we bear to him moves us not to let him feel the effect of that misliking that of necessity could ensue in our realm both of him and of us in bringing it to war, the burden of which must ordinarily fall on our people ; and from them grudging and murmuring must redound to us, whereof we never felt any taste from our good subjects ; and to give them just cause to yield it to us we ought always to avoid as much as we can anything that we can eschew. And if it shall be said by the duke that rather than he will leave the obtaining of us in marriage he will relinquish his whole actions in the Low Countries you may say that we take this his intention in the Low Countries so honourable, and if God give him success they may prove to him and his posterity so profitable, and adding thereto the benefits that may grow to the public estate of Christendom, that we cannot see how his marriage with us can be of that moment that it can overweigh the profit of his actions against the King of Spain and sorry would we be to have him marry so greatly to his loss of honour and apparent profit to his house and posterity. If it shall be said that notwithstanding his enterprise upon the Low Countries he may marry us and not bring our realm into a war, but as we and our realm may hereafter find the war to be necessary, and that there is a clause in the treaty of marriage providing that we shall not thereby be entangled in any war, you may say that though there be such a clause in words, it was inserted a long time ago, when the duke was not engaged in any actual war, and follows the form of treaty made for the marriage of our sister Queen Mary with King Philip ; and howsoever such words are in writing, yet no person can think that the duke, being at war with the King of Spain, and such a war that there will be no end of it until he has conquered by force the whole Low Countries, nor then also a full end, but that by war he must still maintain his conquest, can marry us, the Queen of England, and we suffer our husband to adventure himself and his state without relieving him, yea, without taking part with him ; for otherwise no man can think that there shall be any perfect love between us, nor is there any example of the like, although by like words King Philip was so bound to Queen Mary, yet experience taught us that the words lasted not long in strength, but were made void by a conjunction in war, and that both harmful and chargeable to the realm and notably to the misliking of the subjects, a matter also by some thought never digested by Queen Mary, but that it was one of the causes that hastened her death. You shall therefore beseech him not altogether to look to his private affection of the love he bears us, but to weigh these reasons, which withdraw us from such a disposition to marriage as that if we also only regarded our love to him we should readily assent to it ; but we have also to look to the consequences of a marriage so ungrateful to all our subjects that it is better for us both to have none at all than to have it with the general misliking of them, who will neither joy in us nor in him, and so we ourselves should lack the comfort that marriage ought to bring with it. And since the duke will perceive that it is not lack of good will to him that stays us, nor yet altogether a disposition to 'spare from' relieving him, we will be content, if the king his brother does the like, to assist him in the enterprise of the Low Countries with such a portion of money towards his charges as shall be thought reasonable for our part, upon nothing but [sic] what the States shall certainly yield him, and what he shall have of his brother, and what shall be thought a reasonable charge to maintain his actions ; and as the king shall think convenient for the execution of this, so will we have regard of the duke's estate, honour and success, so that he shall see a certain proof of the love we bear him and our good will to the success of his enterprises. And because this aiding of him by the French King and by us may seem a probable cause to irritate the King of Spain to use some violence and revenge upon some countries of the king's, not ours, we think it also meet, as has been heretofore moved by the king, that there should be first a strait league made between us both, offensive and defensive ; which is the second point moved by him, whereto we assent, as also to the third, for some secret agreement for the matters of the Low Countries. And in this sort you shall inform the Duke that you are expressly sent to the king to answer his three points and to 'enlarge the causes' at length, as matters best known to you, and yet that your charge has been first to repair to him, and make him first acquainted herewith. So we leave to your discretion how further to answer the duke to any questions not here remembered, for we know you are sufficient to do so ; holding you to these three positions : first that we think the marriage with a present war cannot be digested by our realm ; second, that it is impossible for him to continue a war, being our husband, and we live in peace ; thirdly, that it is not allowable that the duke should, for the marriage, abandon this enterprise. Now for your instruction how to treat with the king as to this matter of having this marriage forborne, which concerns the first point moved by him, and a treaty notwithstanding to be made for a league (which is the substance of the second point), and consequently an aid to be given to Monsieur secretly by the king and by us for the Low Countries, which is his third point, it is not needful to enlarge to you much more ; but, mutatis mutandis, to deliver to the king for answer to his three points these our motions and opinions, and first to declare that though our ambassador and Somers have moved the same as you are to deliver, yet since it appears that the king was not satisfied therewith but has required answer to the three points, we have sent you to satisfy him therein, which you shall do according to the course represented to the duke. You shall therefore beseech him to consider that as he himself is a king and owner of a realm and people, and those of divers sorts and capacities, we know he so prefers the possession of inward peace in his realm, but especially the assurance of the love of his best subjects, that we think no worldly respect grounded upon any private love of any person, were he never so dear, could make him prefer the private to the public ; being of such a nature that without the love of his subjects a king cannot account himself a natural king but a tyrant. You may say that we have willed you but to touch this reason to him, and not to stay upon it ; for such is the property of it, that though an orator had it to dilate, none can so sensibly feel it as natural princes of kingdoms and people, and specially such as are by succession in royal blood duly possessed of their crowns. You may also use the reasons mentioned in your instructions to the duke to purge us of what 'percase' is imputed to us, that we have prolonged this action in sundry sorts by showing ourselves sometimes willing, sometimes not so willing, and so forbearing always from final resolution. You shall also answer to what the king seems to touch in his speeches that he takes the marriage as concluded, which is probably because his commissioners here showed him a treaty for marriage without exception, under the hands and seals of our councillors. But you can tell him first how unwilling we were to suffer any such treaty to be in that sort concluded, and how we 'found lack' that his commissioners had not power to treat of a confederation between us as well as of a marriage, as had been promised us. But because we considered the honour of his commissioners and their long abode here, and since it was then uncertain to us whether the marriage might take place or no, though we were doubtful, we assented that in omni eventu it should be "articulated" and put in due form ; but with this condition, that if within a time limited we should not certify the king of our assent, it should be void ; and that condition is expressed in a writing of like authority with the treaty, and has power to make the treaty good or void. Therefore it is not to be held for a certainty, as the king seems to interpret it, that the marriage is concluded ; and for that purpose his first motion is that we would appoint a day for consummation thereof, which we cannot do till we have fully assented to marry, which hitherto we never did. And because it has been found strange that seeing there is a clause that refers us to consider certain things between the duke and us before we testify to the king our mind to allow or disallow the treaty of marriage, that thereby there was no cause why our ambassador should move anything to the king, of whom no mention is made in that clause, but only certify him, you may answer, as truth is, that the matters of doubt that are between the duke and us, that is, whether as his estate is, he being brother of the king, and entered into an estate of war, wherein without his brother's aid by all likelihood he will not prevail, might be thought at this time a meet husband for our realm, and therefore of necessity we ought in these causes to resort to the king and treat of this with him ; for by him and his favour the good or bad fortune of Monsieur does consist, and without treating with the king, we could not resolve those doubts that stay us from assenting to marriage. Lastly, if you could possibly, after you have declared the reasons why the marriage with the duke, as his state now is, cannot be acceptable to our realm, induce the king to assent to a league offensive and defensive, which is the second point moved by him, as you know has been 'motioned' sundry times already by him and his mother, if marriage should not succeed, and if also he will be persuaded to let his brother proceed in this enterprise, and be content to join with us in some secret sort to aid his brother to go through with it, which we take to be the third point ; and if also he will continue his aid for Don Antonio against the King of Spain as we also have entered into some charge therein, you shall let him understand that you have commission amply to treat of all these, and to make such speedy conclusions as the causes shall require. And so we would either have you send home John Somers with instructions 'what you shall have need of for a final instruction,' and he shall speedily return to you with all things requisiteand yet presently you shall have a general commission for yourself and our ambassador, joining Somers also with you, to treat hereupon, and you shall have a memorial of the general points appertaining to those three causes ; which as soon as we hear from you of the king's 'contentation' to treat, shall be enlarged. Draft in Burghley's hand. 12 pp. [France V. 124.]
July 22. 278. "Instructions for the treaty of a league offensive and defensive between us and the French King, and for other things depending thereon."
[Partly printed by Digges, so jar as 'further aid.']
Item, either prince shall solicit with convenient speed any other prince of power with who [sic] they [sic] are in amity to join in this league with them both, so that they shall become friend to our friends and enemy to our enemies ; in which case we both shall bind ourselves in like manner to defend them and their countries either with men or money as opportunity shall serve, if they so joining with us shall suffer any invasion in respect of it. Item, we shall covenant that we shall continue in peace and amity with the realm of Scotland as for these 20 years we have done, so that the said realm and its subjects keep peace with us and both of us ; or else, in case either of us have any invasion or hostile action committed against either of us or our countries, the other shall accept the invader as an open enemy. And because the realm of Scotland has had an ancient amity with France, and that with the straiter bond because of the often dissensions and wars between the realms of France and England, which now have long ceased, and intended [sic] never to be renewed, so that there is no need for Scotland to 'sue' for offences of England and in the favour of France, it will be well to covenant that Scotland shall be contained in a mutual amity with us both, and that either of us or both shall induce the realm of Scotland by the offer of our amity not to enter into any new league with any prince or potentate without our mutual liking ; and if Scotland will, contrary to our friendly advice, enter into any league with a prince that shall be our enemy or with any whom we shall have just cause to 'doubt' by reason of his actions to become our enemy, in such cases neither of us shall continue our amity with Scotland. Item, it is good to covenant that neither of the princes shall at any time hereafter give aid to any enemy of any other prince with whom they are now at peace, thereby to provoke the other third prince to make war because of the aid given ; but before the aid is given, the prince meaning to give it shall first advertise the other confederate, and have his allowance. In this word of aiding shall not be meant any aid but such as shall make the enemy aided able to use open hostility against the third prince. [Definition of invasion, cancelled.]
Item, it may be covenanted that if it shall hereafter seem necessary for both the princes and their states that some other prince showing actions that may induce both the confederates to doubt that without some means to stay him he will annoy either of them by means of his evident increase of power and of the probable arguments that he will become a dangerous enemy to both or either of them, then they shall both covenant that they shall join in some actions to interrupt or stay such growth to overmightiness, and by their conjunctions they shall impeach the other prince's fearful greatness in any sort 'to' them thought needful ; and this shall be maintained by virtue of this league offensive as though the aforesaid prince had declared himself to either of them by word or deed. And if it be said on the French king's part that no such secret aid can be given, but either it will do no good to stay the King of Spain's greatness, or else, however it be, it will as well provoke him to a war as his opportunity shall serve, as if the aid was open ; and further 'percase' the French king will allege that he has already given aid for Portugal, by levying men and sending ships, so that he cannot allow that course ; to this you shall say that we for our part, and as the state of our affairs are [sic], can only for this present yield to give reasonable aid secretly or indirectly, but at present to do what shall cause a war we can not resolve it meet for us. And so you may persist upon this resolution, adding that perhaps a further consideration of the matter may hereafter allow us to alter our mind. You may also say that the matter of Portugal and the Low Countries both import more to the king than to us, for as we hear the Queen Mother pretends some title to Portugal, which perhaps she may join to Don Antonio's, for preferment of some of the king's blood and hers. For the Low Countries, the acquisition of them will properly appertain to the king's brother, and the sovereignty of Flanders to the Crown of France ; so that evidently the king has another manner of interest in having these two actions proceed than we have, and therefore reason would that in our joint aid towards these both there should be a difference in our manner of proceeding. If you shall perceive that besides the treaty for a league offensive and defensive the king shall press to understand what we mean to do for the aiding of Don Antonio and also for the enterprise of the Low Countries, now at present, or after the relief of Cambray, you shall at first allege that as the league will serve both the king and us to strengthen ourselves against the King of Spain at any time that he shall offer either of us any wrong, so to enter into a present conclusion for giving aid openly either for Don Antonio's title to Portugal or for the maintenance of the war in the Low Countries must need bring a war upon either both or one of us ; which were good to be well considered beforehand, and that a war be not brought upon us by our own occasion, but rather provided for, to be defended when we are provoked to it. Yet you may say we think it good for the King of Spain to be impeached both in Portugal and in his Islands, and also in the Low Countries, whereto we shall be ready to give such indirect assistance as shall not at once be a cause of war. Draft in Burghley's hand and endd. by him, with date. 8 pp. [France V. 125.]
July 22. 279. Copy of the above with some variations. The clause as to invasion is retained, and reads as follows :
It shall be interpreted that no act shall be accounted an invasion but where the invader shall burn any towns or houses, with a force above 500 persons, or where the invader shall make any 'rode' or incursion by land with a number of men furnished for war amounting at least to the number of 1,000, and so as the number invading remains above two whole days in the country of the prince invaded ; or with ships to the number of six, armed for war, which shall land any men above the number of 200, so as they abide above two days on land. But if both the princes shall admit any lesser act to be hereafter counted an act of hostility, it shall be so judged and interpreted. Endd. by Burghley. 7 pp. [Ibid. V. 126.]
[July 22.] 280. "A Second Instruction for Sir Francis Walsingham."
Our meaning has appeared in our former instruction, as also by our speech to yourself, how desirous we are, for divers considerations which also you know, that considering the marriage with the duke cannot be acceptable bringing a war with it, you should therefore do your utmost to make it appear to the king and the Queen Mother, that notwithstanding we find the marriage not meet at this time, we are content to enter into a strait league of confederation with him, and also to aid Monsieur in his enterprise. Which if you cannot obtain, but shall be still answered as heretofore that the king will not enter into any straiter league without the marriage, and also without the marriage will not help his brother in the Low Countries, although he may 'percase' for his brother's honour 'yield' to help him to save the town of Cambray at this instant, then you shall, after some pausing, and using means to understand whether the answers that shall be so made shall be peremptory and not by any means to be altered, then our will and pleasure is [sic] for divers great considerations, whereof you are not ignorant, as if we shall be left alone without any aid from the king, subject to the malice of Spain, and not free from the evil neighbourhood of Scotland, and lastly uncertain of the good will of the French King or his brother or of both, you shall find some indirect means to renew some speech of the matter of the marriage as, if it may, by some importunity that shall be used to you by some of the duke's friends. And then you may for entry into a new treaty remind them that it is not lack of love for Monsieur, nor yet a lack of disposition to marry, that has induced us to declare our misliking of marriage with him, but the offence that we fear a marriage with a war shall bring to us in our realm. Therefore you shall pretend that if Monsieur's marriage might be free from bringing us into a war, you think we should not be found to refuse it, having it accompanied with a strait league with the king, as offered ; and by this kind of entry and 'projection' we doubt not but you can so use the matter that you may, with our honour, enter further into the following 'degrees.' First, if it can be obtained that the duke may be enabled to prosecute his actions in the Low Countries without any open appearance that our realm shall give him aid, so that our subjects will not think themselves, if he shall marry us, to be in consequence burthened with the charge of the war ; the marriage will then content both us and our realm. And though this we know will at first appear strange to the king or to his Council that we can be content he should continue his action and yet we will not contribute to his aid, but will seek to burthen the king and others, and go free ourselves, it may be answered that our marriage shall not be to spare our purse and only to charge others, which were not honourable, but because we would avoid the general offence of our subjects, which cannot be if the duke should be manifestly aided by us and our realm, because they will certainly look for a war to follow thereon with the King of Spain, which they will impute only to the marriage, and so grudge at it. But considering we think that the marriage taking place the king will continue his mind to aid Don Antonio, therein we will be more liberal in contributing ; whereby though the duke's enterprise shall not be directly relieved by our realm, nor thereby, as by a marriage, our realm burthened with a war, yet the King of Spain shall be made less able to withstand the duke's enterprise. And so it may appear that we do not mean to refuse the aiding of the duke for sparing, but to avoid the mislike of the marriage by our subjects ; and yet none will think that Monsieur, being our husband, shall want what we may yield without offence of our realm, which you may say is better left to our discretion than to any other speech. If this project should be allowed, then all other things thereto belonging, as the league offensive and defensive, as all other confederations to make the French king our sure friend, to provide that Scotland may not be drawn to Spain, to provide that our rebels may not be succoured in France, and such like, as may be better remembered hereafter, you shall then request the king that this last motion may not be too public for a few days, until you have advertised us ; for you may truly say that generally all our councillors, yea, all our noblemen and all others that have had any 'concept' of this marriage, have of late taken it either for fully broken, or very doubtful, and therefore it shall be necessary that before any public report 'by' your dealing there shall bring it hither, we consider how our Council and Noblemen may be acquainted therewith to breed a liking thereof, as reason is it should ; for you may assure them that all the Spanish fautors in England and elsewhere will repine at it, and hinder by all practices the allowance thereof. Draft in Burghley's hand. 5 pp. [Ibid. V. 127.]
[July 22.] 281. "Certain later degrees of proceeding, if the former cannot take place."
You shall use some means to be provoked to have a new conference, which we doubt not but by the particular friends of the duke you may have. Thereupon you shall say and for proof you shall have a writing signed by us, to show that we will be content to promise to marry, and that without unnecessary delay, according to the treaty already made, so as the king and his brother will devise how we shall not be brought into a war therewith, although Monsieur shall continue his actions in the Low Countries. And in offering this you may maintain that thereby we fully perform the treaty for the marriage ; for therein it is covenanted that our realm shall not be brought into war thereby. But that covenant cannot stand firm, as Monsieur is now entered into the action, except he may be maintained therein without drawing us and our realm into such an aid of him as our subjects shall interpret to be a just cause of war with the King of Spain. If it be said that to avoid this scruple Monsieur shall relinquish his actions in the Low Countries, you are sufficienty informed how that were a matter more hurtful to both France and England than the marriage can be profitable. Of this our offer next before mentioned you shall secretly make Monsieur acquainted with it before he has knowledge of it from the king, and you shall observe that order for the rest of the 'degrees' following, for we mean not you should deal any wise with the king, but that Monsieur should be made privy thereof by you, before he hears it from the king or any other. And if this offer of marriage cannot be accepted without war, upon your earnest reasons to make it seem probable, but that with the marriage some aid will be looked for from us, or else Monsieur shall not be able to prosecute the cause, you shall say that it may be reasonably conjectured by them that though we will not give him any aid openly, to offend our people, as thereby to bring our realm into a war, or at least to move our subjects to a general grudge against us, and the duke's self, being our husband, and against all our Ministers, we may so temper our actions that he may in secret sort be relieved of us, and that without open 'note' to breed either a war or great offence to our subjects. Upon this you shall persist, and declare to them that you can proceed no further. Draft in Burghley's hand. 2 pp. (and 1 cancelled). [Ibid. V. 128.]
July 22. 282. "Articles to be considered upon by degrees."
Marriage with war.First to declare that her Majesty cannot like a marriage with a war, as by marriage with Monsieur now she will have, in respect of her subjects' discontentment. Without marriage, to aid Monsieur secretly and openly.Secondly, she thinks it nevertheless good that Monsieur's actions in the Low Countries should proceed ; and to that end, the marriage not taking place, she will jointly with the king aid him under hand. If that cannot be allowed, then, seeing it will tend to abate the King of Spain's greatness, she will contribute with the king for her part reasonably in open sort, both to Monsieur, and to aid Don Antonio. Marriage to be with condition to avoid war 'of' England.If this cannot be accepted, the ambassador shall show under the Queen's hand an assurance that before the 1st of October she will solemnise the marriage with Monsieur, if it may be devised how without bringing her realm into an open war with the marriage the King of Spain's greatness may be withstood in the Low Countries and in Portugal. Marriage with secret aid.If this cannot be obtained, then may be offered that the Queen with the marriage shall secretly aid Monsieur so as to avoid open cause of war, that he may be with her aid sufficiently supported by the States and the king to execute the enterprises. Another way of proceeding.
That the Queen will marry and appoint the time of the contract, so that she may avoid the entry into war jointly with the marriage. If this shall not be allowed, then she is to marry and make a league with the French king to annoy the King of Spain ; and to induce her subjects to find it necessary to join with the French king against the King of Spain and the rather to allow of the marriage with Monsieur because the conjunction with France may be more sure to continue against the King of Spain's greatness. Rough draft in Burghley's hand, and endd. by him : Instructions and other writings upon Mr Walsingham's departure to France. 2 pp. and some fragments on 3rd p. [Ibid. V. 129.]
July 24. 283. List of documents 'in the box' and 'out of the box.'
Endd. : A note of . . . of writings touching the French causes, to be delivered to the L. Thr e. Date in Burghley's hand. p. [Ibid. V. 130.]
I received the enclosed at my landing at Gravesend by this bearer, an Italian captain, sent from Count Vimioso to Don Antonio. Since the contents of it minister no matter of discourse. I forbear to trouble you further. Only I am to beseech you to move her Majesty to have gracious consideration of Sir Henry Cobham touching his suit that has long depended. The gentleman for the maintenance of himself in this service has sold a good portion of land. His fidelity and 'painfulness' have not been inferior to his charges. If it pleased her Majesty to expend her goodness towards him, I should esteem part of the favour bestowed on myself ; and so being ready to take post horse, I take my leave. Gravesend, 26 July 1581. Holograph. Add. Endd. 1 p. [France V. 131.]
July 27. 285. J. GABRI to MARCHAUMONT.
In this letter I wish only to tell you that I have written to you once since my departure, giving you to understand the news of the place and also the desire that many have to see the Duke of Alenon in these Low Countries. Further I would tell you that the bearer of this, a smart young man, plays divinely on the lute, and is accompanied by another fellow who plays all instruments. Don Antonio had them found, and perhaps they will enter his service. If you like to hear the lute, you have only to command him and tell him that I told you about him. Yesterday my father heard from Venice that the Venetians have some dispute with the Pope over the distribution of Church property and benefices, which the Pope wants to have, and they do not want to allow. He is further told that the Grand Signior has sent ambassadors to the Venetians, the Emperor, the King of Poland, and the French, to stand godfathers to a little son of his ; which we cannot understand, on account of the difference of the law, namely, circumcision. Also he invites them to the wedding of one of his daughters. Touching Antwerp, all goes well. On the 24th the rest of the images and altars in several churches were taken away. It is said that they are beginning to get lodgings ready for his Highness, I mean the Duke of Alenon.Antwerp, 'in your house,' 27 July 1581. P.S.On the 22nd I had a letter from Monseigneur de Fleury, written at 'Moleen' [qy. Montlear] on May 26. I hear they are all very well. Add. Fr. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIV. 21.]
July 27. 286. GILPIN to WALSINGHAM.
Of my arrival and proceeding at the Emperor's and Duke of Saxony's Courts and the delivery of the Queen's letters, I doubt not you have ere this, by order from Mr Governor or his deputy, and the company, to whom I wrote from Prague, understood. So I need only advertise that I have since received answers from both princes for her Majesty, with which I intend to depart hence for Antwerp and there deliver them to Mr Governor, who I know with all convenient speed will send them over. Meanwhile I thought it my duty to write thus much, adding such news as I could hear in those parts. The Emperor is still so ill at ease that he keeps his chamber, and has not stirred abroad nor given audience to any these ten months. His disease is diversly reported of, and has been 'extremely handled' not without danger of life. It neither is, nor, as some think, can be clearly cured, so that the grief of mind and remembrance is so great as has driven such a melancholy into his Majesty that no pleasure, company, or exercise delights him, but he leads a solitary and pensive life. This as I credibly heard is the course of it : he rises commonly by 7 o'clock, at which time the physicians visit him ; and after he is ready and has somewhat exercised himself by walking in his chamber, and Mass has been said at another place, which he beholds afar off through a wicket, he dines at 10. After this he is used to subscribe letters, reads a book, or hears those of his Chamber or Council report what passes in affairs of state, with which he troubles himself little. He sups at 4 and afterwards commonly paints or works in iron, wherein he has most delight ; and so spending the day in this sort, goes to bed at 8, after conference with the physicians and their opinion heard. The Pope's legate who came to supply the place of the former, whose time being expired was [sic] called home, was some months before he could get access or audience, which he had at last on June 23 ; but as the speech went, saw not the Emperor, though he heard him. The Spanish, Venetian, and Savoy ambassadors were after long suit heard in like sort, the Emperor requesting them to be as short as they could. The Archduke Ernest arrived in post with 10 horses from Vienna, and supplies his brother's place, both in council and otherwise, as also about the furthering of the Empress's departure towards Spain. She was in a manner ready, and the day of her setting out appointed, the 16th inst. She takes her way by Vienna, whither the Archduke Ernest conducts her, and thence the Archduke Maximilian will bring her to Genoa, where shipping is ready for her to embark about the middle or end of August. The Queen of France also departs with her mother to Vienna, and there will go into a nunnery and lead a monastical life, yet not altogether take that profession on her. The Duchess of Bavaria with the young 'lady Marques' of Baden came the 21st ult. to Prague to take their 'leaves' of the Empress and stay till her departure. She takes her jewels with her, and leaves her plate to the Archduke Ernest, and to the Emperor 200,000 dollars in debt, which he must 'answer' in her absence, and also 60,000 dollars towards the charge for her journey, though he be very slenderly provided for the same. The Empress also had sent certain letters to the Electors, advertising her departure and requesting them to move their subjects for some 'prest' or present of money towards her clearing out of the country ; but her suit 'took no place'only sent [sic] among them 20,000 gulden of their own, which she received after a sort, and bestowed it among her Spanish courtiers, or household, towards their preparation for the journey. The Emperor's Court is very small, and no noble or gentleman of any great name or note save ordinary courtiers and officers. Great want generally amongst them of money, many debts and divers suitors for payment, credit very small, charge great and least provision. Not one nobleman of Hungary, a few or none of Austria or Bohemia, many Spaniards, certain Italians, and almost all the Court hispaniolated ; such force have the King of Spain's pensions, whereof most of those belonging to the house of Austria are provided. The garrisons and frontiers are greatly discontented and ready to mutiny for want of pay ; which moved the Archduke Ernest to come to Court in such haste. Most or many of the noblemen in Hungary are at the King of 'Powlle's' Court and follow him ; so there is some fear that he agreeing with the Muscovite will attempt some enterprise. Otherwise it is thought that Hungary of itself will fall to the Pole, so that Silesia is not without fear. The Empress being departed, it is hoped some other order will be taken by the Emperor to move the good will of his subjects ; to which end, as the report goes, he will go into Austria and Hungary in person, and against his return call a general meeting in Germany, whereat matters of religion will be debated and ordered, as also concerning the troubles of the Low Countries, which begin to be so felt in Germany, as well by the chief as by the common sort (the 'doing' falling so cold that all cry out against the Spanish government and such as hold with them), that divers stick not to say openly that if the Emperor were dead, the House of Austria should in that respect rule no further. The Archduke Charles who was with the Duke of Saxony for seven or eight days made his way home by Prague, and there took leave of the Empress and suddenly departed. The Archduke Ferdinand was on the way to do the like, but certain 'byles' breaking out upon him, returned to the hot baths whence he lately came, and sent the Earl of Symmern to make his excuse ; which some thought to be feigned, and that the doubt which he conceived lest money should be required and lent by him stayed his coming. The Emperor took occasion some months ago to write to the King of France touching Monsieur's coming into the Low Countries, which he utterly disliked and desired it might be hindered. To this the king answered in April or May last that his brother's dealings were against his will, and to him unknown ; and 'might be assured would do' all endeavour to stay anything might be attempted, or tend, against the King of Spain, and thereof instantly desired the Emperor to assure himself. The Duke of Saxony and the Marquis of Brandenburg are 'sporting' themselves in progress in the duke's country, and have agreed marriage between his grace's only son and one of the marquis's daughters. Sunday after Bartlemewtide or thereabouts shall be 'made sure,' and Martinmas after, celebrate the marriage. In Brunswick 1,200 reiters have been levied. It is not certainly known for whom, only taken to be for the States, because their leader has often served the Prince. Of other levies in the parts I passed, nothing is said, nor did I hear any other news. So far this time I may cease troubling you further, only to add that I heard in Prague of an English Jesuit called Father George Warrouse [sic] who 'keeps' there, and is greatly accounted of for his learning. I could not come to see or speak with him, but understood he had received letters from England, both from the Jesuit prisoners and others, advertising their estate and usage ; whereupon he spread a rumour how cruelly they were handled by commission from her Majesty. Howbeit, divers of their brethren, to the number of 30 or thereabouts, lay close among friends, and hoped ere long there would be more liberty and a better day for them, finding many thousands of their religion that longed to be doing. I tried to learn who were the writers, or favourers of their practices, but could not know them ; my abode being so short. I therefore dealt in such sort with a doctor who is the Earl of East Friesland's agent at Prague, and has good means to understand such like matters by reason of his acquaintance there with the Spanish ambassador's secretary and divers others, that I doubt not he can and will do some good service, and advertise you what he hears and what passes in those parts. To that end I left a note with him for safest direction of his letters, and will not fail as any come to send them to you. One of the Emperor's secretaries one day amongst other conferences with me enquired after the Jesuit prisoners, and how they were used, whether they had been tormented or not. I answered, the clemency towards such practisers and instruments to disturb commonwealths was but too great, for they were thereby the more emboldened to labour for the attainment of their wicked desires. I perceive they doubt lest by torture or like means some of their secret attempts and practises might be discovered, which I pray Almighty God confound and overthrow to the establishment of His Church and Gospel, which you may hereby perceive their enemies will not cease to impeach.Embden, 27 July 1581. Add. Endd. 3 pp. [Germany II. 22.]