Elizabeth: July 1582, 6-10

Pages 137-148

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 16, May-December 1582. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1909.

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July 1582, 6–10

July 6. 142. Audley Danett to Walsingham.
On Friday the 6th, about 4 or 5 A.M. there came an alarm to this town of Ghent that the enemy was come to the trench of the camp, being about a mile distant from Ghent. The general of the English troops, and such English gentlemen as lodged that night in the town, repaired immediately to the camp, and leaving a sufficient corps de garde about the grade, joining their forces with the French and Scotch companies, marched towards the enemy, and in a fair field, about three-quarters of a mile from the camp, put themselves 'in battle,' looking where the enemy would charge. But finding our troops in so good readiness and order they retired, giving two volleys of shot, so that it appeared they were no small number. These men were the first that brought the news of the loss of Oudenarde, which was not 'by and by' believed, but is since confirmed to be true: for so have I been willed to assure the general, from M. de 'Riova,' governor of this town, being sent to him upon some other business. The place was yielded by composition on Thursday the 5th, between 3 and 4 A.M. upon what conditions is not yet certainly known, because no burgher nor any person within the town is yet come hither. The people here are much discontented with the loss of this town, that no succour was sent to them in time; and speak very broadly of the present government.
The soldiers here are growing to a mutiny for want of pay, having scarce bread or drink, being barred from all relief of foraging in the country, which is kept, and lately burned, by the enemy.
Our new English troops have stayed for their pay at Antwerp, and are not yet arrived here, but are said to be marching hither, having received one half month's pay and no more.
This evening are arrived here great numbers of the soldiers in Oudenarde, who were permitted to depart with their arms, bag and baggage, and are now suffered to refresh themselves in this town, but are received with very hard terms by the burghers.
There is great speech of great companies in the enemy's camp, both horse and foot, given out by these Oudenarde ensigns that have arrived here, and a certain assurance by them of Mondragon's arrival very shortly with a supply of great forces, and an intent of the enemy's forth with to besiege Brussels; but it is thought these people have lately been taught their lesson, and therefore no great credit to these reports.
Captain Williams with his cornet of horse, and others, is this evening gone towards the enemy, to understand as near as he can the certain number of their forces, and their purpose for their next enterprise.
By the next convenient messenger, which will not be found here so readily as at Antwerp, I will trouble you with such further matter as I shall have touching their proceedings.--Ghent, 6 July 1582.
Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XV. 57.]
July 7–8. 143. Herle to Walsingham.
Last Sunday the Prince of Parma gave a terrible assault to the town of Oudenarde, not without great slaughter on either side, for those of the town lost above 100, and the gate withal that hitherto they had so well defended, whereby they were driven to keep within their new fortification, made before the gate, wearied with watch and travail, and continually beaten with great ordnance that discharged upon them.
The day following, the prince offered the town a parley; which on Tuesday had some ear given to it, yet not such that the governor would consent they should proceed in it.
Wednesday about 5 P.M. there arose so vehement a storm and tempest (which we had also here), of thunder, lightning, wind, hail, and rain, the day therewith being changed as it were into night, and the hailstones were of the compass of English shillings, in some portion flat, yet thick and hollowed on one side. In which boisterous storm those of the enemy that were within the ravelin and gate, before the new trenches of the town, entered that part while the guards were withdrawn to 'give place' to the storm, and upon this opportunity ministered (the 'harquebusery' and great ordnance standing. them within in small stead), became masters thereof before they could be repulsed. Yet with a valour that is worthy of perpetual commendation, the burgesses and town soldiers continued in that place fighting the whole night and part of the next morning, till overcome with weariness and fresh supplies of the enemy, that won upon them by 'inchmele,' they were forced to retire to the inner parts of the town, divided from the rest by the river and its branches. The bridges they had broken down before, to assure their town from irruption. But being thus reduced to the place of their last refuge, without more hope of relief. they begun to consider of their state and danger, and compelled their governor 'du Burgh,' whom else they would have slain, to harken to a treaty, by which, upon certain conditions, not yet known, the town was delivered up the same Thursday; and thereupon a bracado made before our camp at Ghent by the enemy's horse and foot, who offered proudly to have entered the camp. This bred such a confusion within Ghent, and such a division withal, that if our camp had not been near, some great discord would have followed; 'which yet is not well assured,' in respect of the number of mutinous and 'dyssalltered' number of inhabitants within it.
All the pioneers that could be had out of the land of Waes and the places near thereto were sent for, to fortify the camp speedily.
This town is become so passionate for the loss of Oudenarde, that it openly 'exclaims of' the French, and of Monsieur, uttering plainly that they find nothing but treasons and deceits in them. The Prince of Orange is also charged with insufficiency and want of good dealing, which is a shrewd presage of the alterations and revolts that may follow, and of the decay of the means to furnish money withal. And at present both our friends are discouraged, and the States waver in their resolution: also Guelderland is like to become Malcontent, and they 'deny' to pay any more excise or impost.
Bruges sues to have some English ensigns put in garrison in 'their' town lest they be surprised or besieged; whereto Col. Morgan's companies are like to be employed. Cotton's ensign, and Dalton's are sent to Diest, and the war on our side reduced to be defensive.
The French king, as he has 'drawn things in length,' and not performed the shutting up of the passages of Méziéres and Calais hitherto, may be ready upon this ill-luck, and beholding Italy, Spain, Germany, &c. to be banded against us, to abandon us altogether; which is the fruit of 'connivencies,' and of the council which he retains as most secret to himself.
The Count of Mansfelt departed hence towards his troops on Thursday. Monsieur has promised him a month's pay on their arrival. They are now but 1,000 horse 'of service,' 700 French horse, and 1,500 French shot; Fervacques being said to be as yet at 'Muntz' [qy. Mons].
It was 'delivered' here that those troops would not pass from Marcoing and Arleux, through Artois and Meenen, as was first intended, but 'plain west' to Auxy on the river Authie, and thence by a great 'wyndles' to 'Muttrell' [Montreuil], and by Boulonnois and the country of Oye to Gravelines, where on Thursday at the morning ebb they were to come over that passage to Dunkirk. But it will be easy for the Prince of Parma to be at the seasands before them, and if he defeat them, he will cut off the hope of our camp, and designs for this year; with an inevitable loss to these countries and the reputation of the government.
The Bishop of Liége has ridden in post to Germany, and the Prince of Parma has 3,000 foot and 600 horse, Burgundians, come to him within these two days. His Italian and Spanish forces are on their march hither; so are certain regiments of horse and foot from Germany, with pioneers from Bohemia.
Our assembly of the States-General proceeds slowly, and at this instant with small devotion to do good. Those of Holland and Zealand are come, but the rest of the countries beyond the 'Mose' are not.
Monsieur was much amazed yesterday morning, at his going to mass, when the news was brought him of Oudenarde; wherewith he left mass and all, and went suddenly to conference with the Prince at the castle.
The old and new bands of French in our camp were like to have been in arms among themselves, for difference of religion.
Mr North's companies at St Bernard's are in mutiny, and have refused to march with the rest into the camp. His lieutenant, Salisbury, arrived here this afternoon from England, having brought over soldiers.
Italian letters contain that the King of Spain has made Marcantonio Colonna governor of the state of Milan, John Andrea Doria viceroy of Naples, and another Italian viceroy of Sicily; whereby may be gathered with what favour and confidence the king seeks to hold Italy in. Sundry great personages of that nation come down to these wars, in honour of the king, and in respect of religion and justice of the cause.
The Imperial Diet will now have 'his' course, and Plessis is stayed till the 14th; it being judged that now the Diet, when it beholds King Philip's forces here in the field, his right and power joined together, will the easilier 'judge of his side.'
Du Vray is by Quinsay's means 'discharged into' France to serve there from henceforth as superintendent over the Duke's appanages, which has troubled him very much. He is to depart next Tuesday.
One thing may happen to trouble this victory in the King of Spain's army, which has happened often; that is, mutiny for lack of pay and booty.
One Goodriche, commissary of the Scottish king's guard, came hither six days since, with letters of credence to Monsieur, carrying superscription to the Duke of Brabant. His message was congratulatory, with many good speeches of affection and friendship, and desiring that his Majesty might be in perfect good intelligence with Monsieur, as his ancestor had ever been with the House of Valois, but now by a double respect. He spoke particularly in favour of Col. Stewart, so charged by the king, touching the difference between Stewart and the captains of his regiment; and withal for his leave and dispatch to come over to Scotland. What else Goodriche may have treated privately of, either from the king or d'Aubigny, or for making of provisions of munitions here, I shall be able to 'understand' and will advertise accordingly. I find some 'matter to presume of,' for one George Hackett, factor for the Scottish king, and 'conserge of the nation,' is come from Zealand with Goodriche hither, and has been since conferring with some principal 'doers' in munition. Both Stewart and Goodriche have been found to complain that the king their master is very hardly dealt with by England, and so were the principal ministers of his Council; which would force the king to make other princes judges thereof and to ground his own estate better. In conclusion, it is evident that d'Aubigny nourishes in the king the worst humour that may be towards her Majesty, and stirs up others to the like; striving indeed to come to matters of execution.
The Duke of Guise and all that House are at present assembled together in Normandy, for special consultation. They sent a messenger within these three weeks into Scotland very privately. Roger Aston is here in Goodriche's company; and wrote a letter to my lord of Leicester from Ley stock [Lowestoft] where they touched in their journey hither.
Col. Stewart departs towards Batemburg tomorrow.—Antwerp, 7 July 1582.
July 8. Postscriptum, 8 July 1582.—St Aldegonde is appointed President of the Privy Council, but he has not as yet accepted the charge, which is his modesty. When the new Council is sworn, I will send their names, and certain intercepted letters, which are to be printed.
Our camp at Ghent is not mustered. It moved yesterday towards Bruges, there to join with the reiters, leaving certain garrisons in Ghent, to assure the town.
It was debated yesterday in Council to have Monsieur in person at Bruges with the camp; but the better part judged it neither convenient nor honourable to thrust him out 'to the fieldward' before he was master of it. There is no fault or imperfection that can willingly be noted in him, which is not now openly objected to him by the people; crying to have the French 'frippons' and their master to be 'discharged by billet' to their country again.
The Governor of Oudenarde with his captains and soldiers, except Captain Vermyll, who was slain, came to Ghent yesterday. They made an honourable composition, departing with arms and necessaries. The burgesses have 3 months' respite to order their things, and then to depart whither they would. Such as submitted to remain there might have their former privileges and state.
The preparation of Don Antonio's fleet here is 'quylled.' You understand by 'Christovallett' his secretary, now arrived in England, when his master 'departed' France, and how accompanied.
I shall humbly desire you to impart this letter 'with' my lord of Leicester, to whom I have not at present written, by reason of the hasty departure of Wm Paige; and also because he told me once that he desired not to hear too soon of ill news.
Add. Endd. 5 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XV. 58.]
July 7. 144. The Duke of Lützelstein to the Queen.
I have commanded my 'present' son, Duke George Gustavus, that after having seen Hungary, Italy, France, and other countries he was to go into England, Scotland, and Ireland, to present you both his and my very humble duty, and also to learn some of the virtues of a young prince, in order that hereafter he may the better do service to you, Madam, to his country and to Christendom.
Wherefore, knowing that there is at this time no princess in the world so endowed with the virtues and other graces of God as yourself, and remembering the good affection you have always shown to the princes of our house, especially those who have the heart to serve you in your honorable desires and designs, I have repeatedly commanded my son not to pass through England without saluting you and assuring you of what I have said. I beg you to regard him as recommended to you, and believe that neither he nor I will ever forget any favour that may be done him.—Pfalzburg, 7 July 1582. (Signed) Georg Jehan, Palatine of the Rhine, Duke of Bavaria, and Count of Veldentz.
Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Germany II. 33.]
July 8. 145. The King of Sweden to the King of Poland.
John III, by the grace of God King of Sweden &c., to Stephen, King of Poland &c., health and increase of goodness. Most serene Prince and beloved cousin; whereas by your former envoy you made most unjust demands of us, even to the point of threats, we learn from the later one that you obstinately persevere in your most unjust proposal. Whereat we cannot sufficiently wonder, seeing that it is not only contrary to the bond of kindred that is between us, but also to all equity, and what we deserve. For you demand of us the Duchy of Esthonia, part of which we are defending at great cost from the Muscovite tyranny, and part we have even taken from the enemy, and it has nothing to do with anyone but ourselves, as could be proved if need were by documents. But having given your envoys a definite answer, whence you can understand our mind, we do not think it necessary to repeat that here, especially as we are and shall be of the same mind, and so you may be altogether persuaded, seeing that our cause is most equitable, and based on justice itself. We have heard too that there are some who charge us with negligence for not sending our envoy to that pacification. But how were we to do that when not only were we not informed in time by letter or messenger from you of that meeting between you and the Muscovite (Moschum), who was then the common enemy of us both, but we never had the least idea of entering into any peace with the said Muscovite until he had with the divine aid, nolens rolens, complied with your will and ours, as we had already expressed our mind on this point. For we saw it was not then the time to make any terms with an enemy who would not be able to press us any further if you had consistently continued the war in our company; but rather that we should utilize our fortune against him, until we had turned him out of lands and provinces, or made him subject or tributary; whereby the peoples divinely placed under our rule might enjoy not a three years', or ten years', but a perpetual peace. Nor need you think that we regret not having sent any representative to that pacification; for what could our people have done there when both of you were standing against us. But how well on this principle you consulted the interests of your own reputation, to say nothing for the moment of what we expected, and what you promised, you may see. But as for what you write that such things have fallen from us behind your back as are wont to sunder the closest friendship between nearest allies, as if we had not before, both in writing and by your envoys signified that everything should belong to the party in occupation, and that we were willing to hold and defend what we had occupied from the enemy, you must also know besides, that we did not attack our enemy from the rear, but from the front, not secretly, but openly, and took fortresses and munitions from him. Nor was Plescovia (? Pskov) situated so directly between Moscow, Novgorod and Narva that the Muscovite could not, if he had dared, have come thither with his army; or as if we had not with our army tried an assault upon Narva before ever Plescovia was besieged by your army. And if we could have occupied from the Muscovite all the fortresses in Livonia we should be under no obligation to give an account of our action to you or any living man.
This being so, we seriously exhort you to abstain in future from this most unjust demand, which in itself is absurd and unfair. It is surely a great injury which has been and still is being done to us by the States of Poland and yourself, and cannot but be most highly displeasing to God and men; it is now therefore time that we should receive some appeasement, not that we should be in any way further ill-treated. And although we see that you hold us and our realms cheap, you will nevertheless see that we do not fear your threats. But if you still wish to cultivate peace and friendship with us, take steps as soon as possible to satisfy us, and advertise us thereon by letter or envoy. Unless this is done, let no one wonder if we try all means appropriate the circumstances.—Upsala, 8 July 1582.
Copy. Endd. Latin. 2½ pp. [Sweden I. 2.]
July 8. 146. Stokes to Walsingham.
My last was the 1st inst., since when there is evil news happened here, which I am sorry to write you of; and that is, upon Thursday last, the 5th of this present July, at 3 P.M. the town of Oudenarde was delivered up into the hands of the Prince of Parma by agreement, viz. the governor and captains with the soldiers to pass out with their ensigns, arms, and weapons. They were 6 ensigns of foot and 50 horse, who all came into Ghent on Friday afternoon. And the burghers of Oudenarde, all their lives and goods are pardoned and saved; but they must pay within 8 days 40,000 guilders in ready money, and until this is paid, none of the burghers may depart, but when it is paid they may depart with their goods whither they will.
By all reports this town of Oudenarde might have been kept yet a month longer, for they wanted nothing in the town. But it seems they had no letters or advice from this side in three weeks' time; whereby a great doubt entered into the burghers' heads that they could not be succoured, whereupon they cried daily to the governor and soldiers to take the agreement that was offered. Besides, there was some discord between the soldiers and burghers. So the town is lost, to the great grief and discontent of all the commons in these parts.
The Gandners are greatly moved at the loss of this town, and use marvellous bold speeches against Monsieur and the Prince, but specially against the Prince; so that it is greatly feared the loss of this town will turn to some further displeasure, for generally the speech goes here that it might have been succoured.
The day after Oudenarde was lost, in the morning, at break of day, the whole camp of the enemy came 'hand' to the trenches, of Monsieur's camp under Ghent, and called to them to come out to Oudenarde. But M. de Rochepot and M. de Villiers would suffer no man to go out; so they returned quietly to their camp.
Now that Oudenarde is lost news is come of 2,000 horse, reiters and French, and as many foot, that are come between Calais and Gravelines for the aid of Monsieur. These, if they can, will pass over the river of Gravelines; but it is doubted they will hardly pass that way, for it is thought they are not so many in number, not by a great many, so posts are sent to hasten them forward with all the speed that is possible. God send them well into the country.
There are also many speeches here of great forces that the enemy have coming from Italy; 'which that' and other doubtful dealings make all those of the Religion and others that bear good will to the cause fear very much their estate, so that many secret fearful speeches go here.
And though Monsieur be in no fault for the loss of Oudenarde, yet the loss of it has lost him the hearts of a number of the commons. Surely there is here a great 'alteration' among them; God send it better, for a great number, Protestants as well as Catholics, are going out of the country, most of them of the chiefest and of good callings.—Bruges, 8 July 1582.
P.S.—Pray have me in remembrance for my licence of beer, according as my brother in London has presented it to you.
Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XV. 59.]
July 8. 147. Stokes to Walsingham.
On a sudden the Prince of Parma has sent his whole camp that lay before Oude arde in great diligence towards Gravelines. They passed this night through Corttrick, to keep the passage at Gravelines, that Monsieur's forces which lie between Calais and Gravelines might not come over.
Also this afternoon at 5 o'clock the whole of Monsieur's camp that lay beside Ghent passed through this town in great haste towards Dunkirk, to the number of 48 ensigns of foot and 20 cornets of horse, esteemed to be about 3,000 foot and ½00 horse; for the ensigns and cornets are not as full as they ought to be by a great many. These companies are going to join with those that lie between Calais and Gravelines, if they can, to the end the rioters may the better come over; for it seems the enemy will do what he can to keep them asunder.
Further, this afternoon the magistrates of this town have received etters from Antwerp that Monsieur will be at Ghent within 3 or 4 days, there to be sworn Earl of Flanders. There he will not tarry above 4 or 5 days, and thence he will come to this town, and here it seems will remain a long time, because he will be as near his forces as he can. The Prince of Orange and all the Council of State come with his Highness, so the magistrates are preparing lodgings as fast as they can.
Advice is also written to the magistrates of this town that those of Ghent have written his Highness a most friendly letter, that notwithstanding the town of Oudenarde is lost, he should not despair nor lose courage, for they, for their parts, are at his command, and will spend their lives and goods to the last man to maintain his enterprise. This letter is very friendly taken by his Highness, and also as strange to all men that the rude Gantners have written so friendly to him; by which it is hoped they will amend their rude conditions.
M. de Rochepot, M. de Villiers, and General Norris are all past with their troops. God send them good speed.—Bruges, 8 July 1582.
P.S.—General Norris most humbly desires you to write him an answer to the last letter that he sent you. He would have written to you from this town, but he did not tarry here. Truly I fear some quarrel between him and the Frenchmen, for I see it goes not well between them.
Add. Endd. 2 pp.[Ibid. XVI. 60.]
July 8—10. 148. “The note of the numbers of the Spanish king's army which is embarked for the enterprise of the Isles of the 'Tarzeres'; of which companies the Marquis of Sta Cruz goes for captain-general both by sea and land, and general of the Spanish galleys which departed from Lisbon the 10th of July 1582.”
The terzo of Don Lope de Figuoroa, coutaining 1,527 soldiers
That of Don Francisco of Bovadiglia 1,806
The companies of Estremadura 497
Three companies of Christofano de Erasso . 419
The companies of D'Oporto 520
The Allmaines 520
They which are entertained, serving out of the ordinary bands, whereof 80 have accepted pay, the others serve without wages, which are all in number 157
Gentlemen and private persons who go without wage or entertainment 64
Servants of gentlemen adventurers, being able men 120
There are, beside the 31 great ships appointed to carry this army, 2 great Portuguese galleons, 7 zabras, A caravels. with 1,901 mariners 1,904
Total 7,346 men
This army departed victualled for six months, with much artillery and munition, carrying with them 50 great boats, in every one of which may be shipped 100 men, which are to be rowed with 8 oars on a side, having certain high boards to be set up upon occasion on the sides for a defence to the soldiers at their landing.
The other navy, which is gathering on the coast of Andalucia and in the Port of Sta Maria, 'are' compounded of 12 Spanish galleys with 21 great ships, whereof the lesser is of 400 tons and some pass 1,000 tons. In the same navy there go the two galleons of the Marquis Sta Cruz; in all which vessels they have embarked 3,000 soldiers in 19 companies, of which 14 are levied in Andalucia, commanded by Antonio Moreto, the master of the camp, and the other five are of the 'Tarze' of Don Hernando de Toledo, which have served in Flanders 3,000
The mariners in this navy are in number 1,527
Total of this army 4,527
This last navy left the Port of Sta Maria the 8th of July last, victualled for a year, well appointed with artillery and munition.
The men-of-war in both these armies amount to the number of 8,442
And the mariners amount to 3,541
which are in all 11,873
There are in both navies of great ships with the 2 galleons of Portugal, 54; Galleys, 12; Zabras, 7; caravels, 4; great boats with eight oars of a side, 50.
In L. Care's writing and endd. by him. 2¼ pp. [Spain I. 100.]
July 10. 149. Cobham to [Walsingham].
About the latter end of May there came to me one who called himself John Gower, apparelled alter the manner of the Jesuits, when they disguise themselves to pass abroad somewhat unknown. He gave me to understand that he was one of those who took arms in the North, with the Earls of Westmorland and Northumberland; which he did then, provoked, as he said, only for the affection he bare in his conscience to the Pope's religion, and not upon unloyal malicious intent towards her Majesty. So then, escaping out of the realm, he had sought ever since in the most part of this time, by reading, for the further knowledge of the papist religion, which he professed; saying he had, notwithstanding ever abstained from those who were factious and seminary men. A year ago, by the means of his friends, especially Lord Chief Justice Wrey, he had recovered her Majesty's pardon, having, whilst he continued the same conversation among the Catholic priests, through reading and studying the Scriptures, grown to doubt on some points which they hold for religion. Lastly he came to this town with a letter from Dr Allen, addressing him to Dr Darbishire and other Jesuits, to obtain a supply of money to transport him into England; and resorting to those Jesuits, according to their accustomed order in the like case, they demanded his opinion of certain articles. To which he said he answered something contrary to their expectation, rendering them doubtful of his opinion, whereby he at that time failed to receive relief at their hands, and thereon began with himself to think to repair to me, beseeching me he might have means to go into England, and enjoy the benefit of her Majesty's gracious pardon.
After he had uttered thus much, I asked him what were the points he found in reading the Scripture, whereon he varied from those of the papists' profession. He told me he thought not well of their having candle-lights, bells, and their images in churches. Then I told him I was glad the reading of Scripture had in any sort benefited him; and demanding further what he thought of the Pope's authority, he answered that he esteemed his power was as other bishops'. Then I enquired what his opinion was of the mass. He told me that he thought it was 'a high point to answer resolutely,' but desired that through conference and disputation he might grow to some settled opinion. Thereon I further said that since he was coming to God, and also 'showing' to have a mind to be restored to her Majesty's favour, he was right welcome to me. I exhorted him to be of good courage; for I would not only seek that he should have conference with some well-informed and learned in the Scriptures, but would also give him means to pass into England. He then declared that he suspected the Jesuits would seek means in some sort to trouble him. I desired him not to fear. So he went, and resorted to me again in the afternoon; when I went with him apart into my garden, taking with us the New Testament both in English and French. We turned to the places concerning the Lord's Supper, beginning with St. Matthew, until we came to the place of St. John, the sixth chapter, where it is read how 'It is the Spirit that quickeneth; the flesh profiteth nothing' etc. upon the showing of which words he grew vehement and obstinate. Therewith I left dealing with him concerning the Supper of the Lord, and 'entered' to enquire of him his opinion what he thought of the authority of the Bishop of Home. [Note in margin: popery.] He told me that that bishop had been taken of long time by the ancient fathers to be the Head of the Church; wherewith he alleged those words of Scripture Tu es Peterus [sic] et super hanc Peteram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam. I showed him they were only to be understood for the confession of Peter's faith upon the question before asked of all the Apostles, so that it was no particular grace to Peter more than to the rest, because Christ gave them all the Holy Ghost. Notwithstanding, Gower remained 'apacionnated' in the opinion of the Pope's supremacy, through which I was moved to say to him that he varied from the speech he had delivered me at the first meeting, wherefore now finding him wavering in his doings, it made me 'doubt of his dissembled meaning.' So I said I could not deal further with him then, until he resolved to speak more overtly, and that with 'trawthe.' He then very earnestly persuaded me to have some learned person to dispute with him on the points of controversy in religion; which I showed I could not now yield to, because it appeared he came not to me with a clear mind, nor resolved in the principal points which concerned her Majesty's high authority and his due obedience to his natural prince. In this sort we parted.
I have been informed that afterwards, upon the Jesuits' complaint, he was put to the Bishop of Paris' prison, where he has been kept secretly in such manner that I could not have him spoken with, and lately has been removed to the Conciergerie. Now 'recovering' the copy of his examination (see No. 66) I thought good to send it to you, that upon sight of it you may direct me whether I shall by way of complaint to the King, or otherwise underhand, procure his liberty and so send him into England, or else leave the said John Gower to himself. I attend your pleasure.
I have deferred to write anything of this till I had understood thus much of their manner of proceeding with him; the rather because Gower and his disposition was altogether unknown to me. —Paris, 10 July 1582.
Add. and endt. gone. 4 pp. [France VII. 124.]