Elizabeth: October 1582, 26-31

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 16, May-December 1582. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1909.

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'Elizabeth: October 1582, 26-31', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 16, May-December 1582, (London, 1909) pp. 410-426. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol16/pp410-426 [accessed 28 March 2024]

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October 1582, 26–31

Oct 26 421. Cobham to Walsingham
Having on the 18th obtained access to the king, I informed him of the Queen's letter which I had delivered to his mother, showing him further how her Majesty requested he would direct his letters to his ambassador resident with the Turk to favour the agent she had determined to send to Constantinople about the dealing of her merchants' trade, who traffic into the Levant and those territories of the Grand Signior's.
To which the king answered, he was desirous to preserve all such dignities as his predecessors had left him; wherefore the prerogative which he maintained through the intelligence which he had with the Turk he was desirous to reserve entire to himself, for the most part of those of the Christian nations had been accustomed to trade under the banner of France and his safeconduct. And as heretofore, so now, he should be willing to favour any of her Majesty's subjects when she should let him know there were need of his favour for their business, of merchandise. By these speeches it appeared to me he doubted 'there might' some of his dignity and prerogative 'be' diminished through giving any credit to an English agent to reside in the Turk's Court. Whereon to give him better satisfaction, and to 'frame' his mind the more tractable to her Majesty's desire, I declared to him the occasions which had induced her to send this agent, as I supposed. As first, because she had been informed how her merchants through sending into those Levant countries their sons or servants, who were but young, and altogether ignorant of the manners and trade of those parts, they [sic] had committed many errors; whereby it seemed that for want of one person of judgement and experience the merchants hitherto had suffered loss, through which the trade became to them not so profitable. This last year, of those English merchants' ships there were stayed some in Cyprus, others in Morea, others in Malta; and hecause there was no English agent or dealer in Constantinople who had credit and favour from his ambassador, the ships and goods were detained till they sent to England, with excessive charge and detriment.
Herewith I signified to the king that in all places where the English merchants have any traffic there is an agent to negotiate their causes, who serves to direct and advise them of the prices and worths, aiding and assisting those factors who are to enter into their voyages from time to time, sent in the ships laden with merchandise. For the abovesaid intents only the Queen desires to send a person of some knowledge in the trade to reside in Constantinople, who might be favoured by his ambassador resident in the Turk's Court.
Upon this my further particular declaration the king said that if there were no further matter intended than the negotiations of the merchants, he would confer with his mother, and on Saturday following, the 20th, I should receive an answer by Secretary Brulart; whereon I waited till the day appointed, to hear tell of the king's further resolution. I therefore sent Brulart a memorial touching her Majesty's request in the matter, desiring him to 'remember' the king for an answer; which I did not receive till yesterday, when M. Brulart certified me that the king was pleased to write to his ambassador in Constantinople to favour by all manner of means such of her Majesty's merchants as did or would traffic with the Turk's dominions. But to deliver me any letters in favour of any particular person to negotiate any causes in the Turk's Court, the king found not convenient; which was his resolute determination.
As I had dealt with the king, so in like sort I moved this matter earnestly to the Queen Mother, whom I found unwilling to send any letters to the king's ambassador in favour of the agent for her Majesty's merchants, being methought not contented with the motion, because the name of an English agent to be at Constantinople is held suspected by their Majesties, doubting the title of agent would breed in time emulation with their agent.
Now I am to let you understand how in the same audience of the 18th I likewise informed his Majesty that considering the ambassador M, Mauvissière had intermeddled to convey letters to and from the Scottish Queen which concern matters of practice, and importing much otherwise than the affairs of her dowry or the comfortable salutations of her friends, the Queen, my sovereign, found it strange his ambassador should deal in that sort, but hoped he had done so without direction. Otherwise she might have cause to enter into suspicion that his late protestations touching his intent of entire amity with her were not so faithfully meant as she wished. Wherefore to the intent that hereafter the like occasions might be taken away, she requested him to give order that from henceforth his ambassador might not receive or convey any letters belonging to the Scottish Queen, but that all letters might pass through the hands of her own ambassador residing in France.
Wherewith the king said he hoped his ambassador had not given offence to her by sending any letters; but since he was his ambassador, he might not refuse to shew himself willing to pleasure the Scottish Queen, considering she appertained to him as to be the widow of his brother, who had been King of France, and so remaining 'Douger' of this Crown; whereby she had many servants and officers who were willing to write to her on her affairs, and likewise desirous to receive her letters, which passed always through the hands of his ambassador. Besides, he and the Queen Mother sometimes wrote to his sister the Scottish Queen, which letters, seeing he had his ambassador there, he thought most convenient to address by his means. As for the intelligence his ambassador had in Scotland, it was, he said, to continue the amity which his predecessors had long continued with that Crown, which he was to entertain as it behoved him. He was sorry to hear tell of the late disorders happened in that realm, which it belonged to all princes to consider of, and especially to the Queen.
To this I answered, concerning the first point that under colour of sending the ordinary business of the Scottish Queen his ambassador had sent letters which were of that effect that the Queen my sovereign had occasion to think those late troubles were moved through such conveyance as his ambassador had 'passed,' so far as I judged, somewhat had come to the certain knowledge, and perhaps to the sight of her Majesty before she commanded me to make this demonstration to him; she being only desirous the fire should not be kindled in Scotland, being 'firm land' with England. As for the second point, I showed him that the Queen had employed her means to appease the late alteration in Scotland for the good respect she bore to the honour and welfare of the young king, whom she had in recommendation as one nigh in blood to her.
The king further said her Majesty should do much to see the young king returned to his former estate, so that he might not continue a prisoner to his subjects; wherein he was willing to join with her, hoping that through both their means the troubles would be easily appeased. Which speeches moved me to enlarge to him how the violent actions of d'Aubigny had occasioned the king and the nobility, with the whole state, to desire his departure out of Scotland, in respect that he had by evil means brought the Earl of Morton to his death, banishing the Earl of 'Anguishe,' and had through practice overthrown the children of the Duke of 'Chastellerowe,' accounted the next heirs to the Crown of Scotland. These causes the king thought, he said, sufficient to make broils in Scotland, considering the Scotch have been always subject to alterations. I 'returned' to beseech him again that his ambassador might not further intermeddle in the conveying in any sort of letters belonging to the Scottish Queen; on which request he said he could not resolve till he had spoken with his mother, finding it convenient his ambassador should have the conveying of the letters which she or he should send to his sister. He wished me to go and speak with the Queen Mother in those former causes.
Thus after leaving the king, I enlarged as much to his mother as to him, adding how the Queen my Sovereign had so particularly deserved well of them for her assistance given to the Duke of Brabant that she merited to be respected above the amity of Scotland; which her friendship for the present is to be thought the surest consideration for her and her sons. I assured her that the Scottish King's welfare so nigh concerned her Majesty that she ever had and would take princely care of it, having lately sent two principal gentlemen to assure the young king of her means to defend and stand him in stead and 'reduce' the affairs of Scotland to some reposed estate.
The Queen Mother said she hoped that M. Mauvissière had given no occasion to the Queen to be offended; because she presupposed he would but accomplish those offices of amity with her daughter the Scottish queen and the realm of Scotland which had been customary of long time. Therefore she thought the king would 'not like but' that his ambassador might perform such services as belonged to him. I thereon declared to her how under colour of sending their letters there had been conveyed certain practices which presently bred these alterations in Scotland; which course being continued was like to bring forth greater troubles. Therefore I besought her to have just consideration hereof according to the amity he professed to my Sovereign. So lastly she said she would confer with the king, wherewith she 'licensed' me.
So it seems hereby their Majesties remain as yet coy and unwilling enough to gratify her Majesty; which may seem strange considering the good deeds she bestows in their causes and in the assistance of the Duke of Brabant, the consideration of which I leave to her judgement.—Paris, 26 October [o.s.] 1582.
Add. Endd. 6 pp. [France VIII. 86.]
Oct 26 422. John Cobham to Walsingham
It is credibly reported that the Marquis of 'Rouborough' [Roubaix and Risbourg], alias the Viscount of Ghent, is dead, and that it is suspected he was poisoned by consent of the Prince of Parma. The Prince of Orange is sick of an ague, and has been these five days. These are all the 'accurrants' that are here at this present.—Antwerp, 26 October 1582.
Add. Endd. ½ p. [Holl. and Fl. XVII. 46.]
Oct 27 423. Cobham to Walsingham
After Salcedo had been some days in the 'Bastillion' he was brought to the square tower in the prison of the Conciergerie, from whence they led him first to the Palais, where he was condemned on the 24th, having 'his process made' by the President of the Parlement. And on the 25th they conveyed him from the Conciergerie in a cart guarded by 'the king's and the guards of the town' a-horseback and afoot to the number of 300 or 400 to the marketplace called the 'Greave,' where just before the 'Town House' there was a scaffold made, on which he was laid. There he first turned himself to the king, standing at a window in the 'Town House,' at whose hands he craved some mitigation of his painful death. Which being done, after his prayers said, and that he had delivered certain speeches concerning the cause he was put to death [sic], which were then in public and here put in writing by an officer of the king's, as it seemed, and signed by Salcedo, the particulars of which are not yet come to my knowledge, then 'consequently' he was drawn two or three plucks by four horses, then strangled, quartered, and 'bowelled.' There were beside the, king both the queen, the Dukes of Guise, Mayenne, Joyeuse, and Epernon, with the greatest part of the ladies and nobility of this Court. They say the most part of his goods, are given to Madame de Sauve, at the instance of the Duke of Epernon, and the rest to Salcedo's wife, at the request of the Duchess of Mercœur, save 4,000 francs which are to be employed on the reparations of the Palais.
During the execution the people wished that Monsieur had so many warlike armed men as there were people to see it; speaking many 'reprovable' words against the Spaniards.
There were sundry named, before the king arrived, to be sent into Scotland; as Secretary Brulart, the Abate de Guadagno, and 'Manningvil' of Normandy. But now lastly the king has appointed M. de la Mothe-Fènelon to pass into Scotland, as it was first meant, by sea; who has been sick of an ague. He has commissions to negotiate, under colour of entreating the nobility to carry themselves well towards the young king, a new league or association with the king, and particularly with some principal personages of Scotland. Whereof being advertised I went to visit him, as 'understanding of' his sickness, and found by his own words that his first sending for to the Court, before his 'quarter entered,' was to have gone to Britanny with some others of the King's Council. But lastly he is directed to take this aforesaid journey, to which purpose a commission is already drawn for him. In his speeches to me he made demonstration that he wished the king would in all causes give satisfaction to her Majesty, since the present course of the time gave many occasions to have that amity well fortified.
The Bishop of Glasgow has uttered many lamentations in Court, accompanying his speeches with his sorrowful countenances to move some pity; the rather, as they say, for grief that his queen's malice cannot be further executed against some of the nobility, than for any zeal he has to benefit the king; whispering that he is young, inconsiderate, and not kind enough to his mother. The Bishop doubts that la Mothe-Fènelon will not repair in convenient time into Scotland to serve d'Aubigny's turn. In this matter the nuncio has earnestly provoked the king to deal speedily, and offered money to the Bishop of Glasgow, to be employed that way.
The Queen Mother continues in her disposition to set forth four ships, to be sent to the Terceras with some little supply of men under the command of the Chevalier la Chartre of the Order of Malta, and cousin-german to M. de Joyeuse; who was employed this year to Malta by the king for the understanding and dealing in the affairs of the late Master of Malta. And therewithal there is some opinion that the Duke of Mercaur or Joyeuse will in the spring command by sea for the 'fortifying' of the right the Queen Mother pretends to Portugal. Meantime they write from Spain how they suffer great want of victuals in the Terceras; so they are disposed to surrender to King Philip, lie having there both practice and a party.
The Duke of Épernon has brought the diamond which Don Antonio engaged before his departure to M. de Rousselieu [Richelieu] the king's provost, for 45,000 crowns.
The Duchess of Braganza has sent a gentleman of hers to the Duke of Savoy, to 'do accomplements,' she being his aunt: and as it is thought, with some motion of marriage, which is done without order from King Philip. And this day the Count of Montreal is arrived in this Court, sent from the Duke of Savoy, as they say, to obtain the king's favour in the matters of Geneva. Howbeit, it may be suspected he comes to treat somewhat about the Spanish causes, considering the aforesaid gentleman is sent from Portugal, as from the Duchess of Braganza.
It is said the Swiss are sending ambassadors to the King; and in their Diet which is to be held at Baden in November the differences between the Duke of Savoy and those of Geneva will be decided and treated on.
MM. Mandelot and 'Hotford' [Hautefort] are returned to this Court, from their legation passed among the Cantons.
They have written from the Levant coast that the Duke of Ossuna, going to the Viceroy of Naples, stayed in the road of Marseilles with 27 galleys about the middle of this month, waiting there for more galleys to safe conduct him to Naples.
I am informed that Marshal Biron has put a larger garrison into Cambray. Likewise that M. de Puygaillard has consigned to the Marshal all the bands of foot and companies of horse that he had under his command on the frontier of Picardy.
William Nugent and Leonard FitzSimons, Irishmen, departed hence on the 24th towards Rome, with letters of commendation from the ambassador of Savoy to his duke and to some of his friends in that Court. Likewise they had letters from the Secretary of Florence in their favour, and from the Spanish agent to Milan and Rome, and from the nuncio to the Cardinal of Como, the Pope's secretary. The king, as I am credibly informed, has given Nugent and 'Maghogannan' assignment of 100 crowns at the instance of the pope's nuncio.
It is certified from Rome that the only son of Jacomo Boncom-pagni, Duke of Sora, is lately deceased, which will greatly grieve the Pope.
I send enclosed the note of the Duke of Savoy's 'pretences' against those of Geneva, with their just defence, with a particular note of the forces prepared for the relief of Geneva. Also a summary of the complaints for the depredations committed by the English on the French, which M. Joyeuse caused to be brought me upon the making up of this packet.
Advertisement is just come to this Court that Marshal Biron has led his army over the Somme, passing onward into Flanders to join Monsieur's forces. I pray these doings may turn to the profit of the country, the satisfaction of the Prince of Orange and the contentation of her Majesty.—Paris, 27 October 1582.
Add. and endt. gone.pp. [France VIII. 87.]
Oct 27 424. Cobham to Walsingham
M. de la Mothe-Fènelon came to me yesterday evening, declaring to me how since my being with him he had seen their Majesties, by whom he was commanded to prepare himself to pass into England to negotiate affairs which 'imported' them and her Majesty; whereof part concerned the restoring of the realm of Scotland to peaceable state. But he said he had besought the king that he might not pass by sea, nor take any other way to do him service in those parts than by 'intreating' with her Majesty; though he found the king had been persuaded to take some other course. This was the effect of what he delivered to me. Before this I heard the Guises had wrought with the Queen Mother that M. de 'Mannyngvyll' should have been sent, who governs the Cardinal of Bourbon, to the Guises' profit. Howbeit, la Mothe is chosen, as one having the ability to win grace with her Majesty, and to wrork those causes 'slyeghly,' as that likewise through some persuasions, and laying before her certain allegations of honourable dealing, he is to induce her mind to the king's desires; being one who has been benefited by the Scottish queen so far that it is esteemed her cause will be much recommended to him, and zealously cared for. I hear moreover he has order to convey money to Scotland from Calais or London, as he may 'find the commodity.' Howbeit, if her Majesty entertain la Mothe with as little conference as this king does the ambassador, and answer his negotiations with that determination and resolution 'as' this king shows to be obstinate in the demands 'is' exhibited to him, it may fall out they will the more esteem her amity and graciousnese, and hope less 'on' their own finesses, and French ruses and crafts. They inform me M. la Mothe will begin his journey the beginning of November at furthest, taking his way towards Calais.
They of the Scottish Queen's faction, and the Bishops of Glasgow and Ross have made a dispatch sending letters to the Pope, and to the princes and prelates of Italy, and into Spain, certifying that the Scottish King has been taken and held prisoner by his nobility. The courier stayed with his dispatch at Lyons, sending thence certain of his packets into Spain. Upon which advertisement given me, I caused the Lords' of Scotland remonstrance against d'Aubigny to be translated into French and printed, which is distributed. I have sent one to M. de Foix, another to Venice, to Geneva, and into Germany, as pamphlets sent me out of Flanders. I enclose one of those little books in this packet.
The Duke Joyeuse sent a gentleman to me on the 25th to declare to me that upon the complaint I had made against d'Armeville he gave order to compel him to make restitution to the Queen's subjects of such goods as he had robbed from them. But whilst his officers of the Admiralty were doing thus much, he was informed that d'Armeville had passed into England, and now he perceives by the letters of M. de Mauvissière that the Queen is satisfied by d'Armeville, and 'is' to return hither shortly to be employed in some service for her and the Duke of Brabant.
This gentleman further showed me that the Duke of Joyeuse had of late received many complaints of depredations done by the English, desiring that I would write of it to his Highness. And because I answered the gentleman to the last point that I could not certify anything of those complaints unless I had delivered to me some notes or memorials, the next day I had a fellow 'directed' to me with the notes enclosed in this dispatch, giving me to understand how sundry captains on the coast had rigged out ships to go to sea to be revenged on the English sea-rovers. Wherefore upon the mistrust I have these French captains under this colour may transport themselves to Scotland, I am at present sending one to the sea-coasts to understand their dealings, or to discover whether this will prove one of their accustomed brags to induce some easy compounding of the Scottish cause in the negotiation of M. de la Mothe-Fènelon.
M. de Joyeuse, in his late journey into Languedoc, conferred with the Duke of Montmorency, having made him divers great offers from the King; and sought to accommodate the unkindnesses which there were between his father and the Duke; which being performed, he went to Coutras, and the other strong towns of those parts.
The Duke of Savoy has, as I hear, again sent the Baron of Bellagard to the King of Navarre, about the treating of the marriage with the princess. M. Clervant is to pass into Germany, and so to the Swiss, and to return by the duchy of Savoy, where he is to treat of the King of Navarre's causes.
On the 21st inst. the ambassador of Ferrara visited me, bringing in his company Count Octavio Landi, lately the entire favourite of the Prince of Parma. In our conference the Count showed the cause of his departure from Flanders, as I certified in my former letters, giving in his speeches to understand how he misliked greatly King Philip.
M. de Châtillon has sent M. de Vacquyers (?) to the King, complaining of the Count of Toulouse, who has made an 'arrest' against him for the levies proposed for the service of Geneva; requesting the King to allow his doing therein. Which his Majesty has done, as I hear, giving good words of M. de Châtillon, and promising to be his gracious lord and king.—Paris, 27 October 1582.
Holograph. Add. and endt. gone. 4 pp. [France VIII. 88.]
Oct 27 Lettres de C. de M. viii. 68. 425. The Queen Mother to Walsingham
Recommendation of M. de la Mothe-Fénelon. (Begins: Monsr. le Conte [sic]). [Signed] Caterine.—Paris, 27 October 1582.
Add. Endd. Fr. 6ll. [Ibid. VIII. 89.]
Oct 28 426. Stokes to Walsingham
This week I received yours of the 13th inst. wherein you write me that no good will be done to move her Majesty for a license of pins; which I am sorry for, notwithstanding you wish me to devise some other convenient suit, in which you will yield me the best furtherance for the obtaining of it, for which I thank you. And I beseech you to favour me in something, for unless it be for wheat or beer, I know nothing to 'axe' a license for.—Bruges, 28 October 1582.
Add. Endd. ½ p. [Holl. and Fl. XVII. 47.]
Oct 28 427. Longston to Walsingham
By my last letter I signified that Stephen Lesieur was come to Antwerp, und of his purpose to depart for England, and that, according to his desire, I meant if I could to furnish him 'of' 100 guilders for his transportation. But afterwards I had some conference with Mr Danett hereof, and my money not in my hands, remembering also your restriction of commission in that behalf, I told Mr Lesieur that I could not help him with above 20 guilders. And though he urged me much for 100, saying that you would repay it, my answer was that my money being out of my hands, and 'disposed' by my friend in my absence otherwise than I thought, I could not furnish it, though you had been here in person. How he took it, or how he was furnished, I know not; but I heard no more of him, nor had he the 20 guilders that I offered him. I trust that in respect of the 'premises' you will hold me excused herein.
I doubt not that Mr Egerton our deputy has acquainted you with the writings from hence sent by our last post. These writings, from Augsburg, were sent hither by Mr Gilpin, who is now come home with letters from the Emperor to her Majesty, and an answer or admonition, under seal, upon the Hanses' causes; both which are sent to Mr Deputy by this post. You may have understood by the former writings what resolutions passed at the Imperial Diet touching the traffic of English merchants at Embden and throughout the Empire; the first thing reasonable, viz. that ambassadors should be employed into England etc. before any prohibition of traffic. But the second, being done, as it seems, after the Princes were departed, by the deputies, through the 'leaude' [qy. lewd] reply and 'unhonest' dealing of the Hanses, is a resolution utterly unreasonable, and such as I think none of the Princes will allow to be their doings. And therefore, under correction, I think the latter resolution is of none effect, for it is not said as the first is to be the resolution of the Princes, but of the deputies etc. to whom her Majesty, I think, committed no judgement of the matter, though the Emperor may be contented to have it so understood. But the judgement of these things appertain to you, and therefore I crave pardon for this boldness, not doubting that the Hanses, for their 'leaude' slanderous and unhonest dealing, whereby so much as in them is they 'bend' to bite at and vilipend her Majesty and the good estate of her realm, shall be 'plucte' yet otherwise to abate their intolerable pride.
If the execution of the latter resolution should but prohibit our personal traffic in Germany, and should permit the sales there of English commodities by other merchants, as I think it stretches not further, I should think it would greatly amend our main sales in our 'mart' towns; but Embden may not yet be missed. In all which I beseech you to have in memory that the Merchants Adventurers being many in number may be maintained in their honest vocations and just causes against those that by subtilty or malice seek to abridge or subvert them.—Middleburg, 28 October 1582.
Add. Endd.pp. [Ibid. XVII. 48.]
Oct 28 428. Audley Danett to Walsingham
On the 25 inst. the posts arriving here both together, I received three sundry letters from you. Concerning the business of the merchants of Lyme, I have already dealt with the burgomasters and the rest of the College; at whose hands I have received many goodly words, and have some reason to hope the merchants will receive indifferent good contentment.
Since the taking of Keppel, of which I advertised you in my letter of the 21st sent by Captain Astell, the lord of that place, a man of great wealth, and prisoner to the Count William, general of the forces in Guelders, has died of the plague, and so Count William disappointed of his ransom, for which the Count's friends are very sorry.
The forces there are in great misery; so much that the regiment of Gascons under la Morrie (?) which lately went to the relief of Lochem are all for the most part either dead, or so sick that there are not at this present, of 1,000, 400 fit to follow the ensigns. The forces have passed the Rhine, and are to repair to the castle of Blicnbeck in Guelderland, belonging to Schenck, now prisoner; which place, being very strong, is not to be attempted by force, but by composition, of which there is good hope, because the Baron of Anholt, who had the commanding of that castle, being lately slain before Lochem, it is thought the soldiers within will easily yield the place. Thence they are to come to Meghen and Batembourg, which places being 'gaigned,' it is resolved the forces shall repair hither, to remain with the other companies at Borgerhout.
Since the taking of Cambresis there has been no expectation that the French army should march forward into those countries, nor any certainty of their being. Some speech there is that the army will winter en la Franche Comté, but I cannot write it for a truth; albeit some secret reason is given that their stay there 'grows' from the French king's sickness, to withstand the attempts of some who might trouble that state, if the king should fail. But I rather judge their stay to be partly for want of money and means to maintain them here this winter, and partly for their unableness to encounter the enemy upon their entry, who is awaiting them very strongly upon the frontiers; for it is believed here for a truth that the French forces are nothing so strong as was reported, and for their horsemen, the enemy has on the frontiers thrice as many.
M. de 'Secevall,' a gentleman of good account and of very good 'value,' as he showed in the late service before Ghent, is this last night gone about an enterprise for Louvain. He has from Borgerhout 500 French and 200 English, and out of the garrisons at Brussels, Malines, Diest, and other places thereabouts, to the number of 1,500; but the horsemen who go for this service are so few that it is feared they will fail of their purpose. Upon the 'success' you shall be advertised.
The Merchants Adventurers have already presented to his Highness, and to the lords of this town, the reasons of their removing to Middelburg, whither they are already for the most part removed; so that those of this town being no more suitors for their stay, it will be now somewhat too late to add for a reason the fear our merchants had of an arrest to be made for the interest of the debts due to Pallavicino and Spinola. If any other occasion be presented hereafter, it shall not be omitted. That debt is now in question before the General States, and as I hear, in some terms to receive a good dispatch shortly, as I understood yesterday morning from a merchant of this town, one that follows the cause.
The States-General have had many assemblies of late, and long sittings. They have accorded, as I learn, 3,600,000 florins yearly to Monsieur for the maintenance of the wars, and are now busied to take order as they may for the payment of their debts; which being done, it is thought they will reform their army, and henceforward pay the soldiers duly. All things now decreed by this assembly they say shall be truly and inviolably observed. But such as have heretofore seen the proceedings here do not expect better effects than have followed former reformations.
I must not omit to let you understand how much his Highness makes of Mr Norris, in calling him often to his consultations in his chamber, especially in any matter of service, in making matches with him at tennis, playing at cards, and taking him with him to his feasts and banquets in the town; so much, that were he not an Englishman, I should think he would be one of his best minions. Saint-Luc, 'L'Avernie,' la Barre, and the rest who are in greatest favour with the duke, use him all generally with great courtesy and familiarity; and in truth he is of good fashion and behaviour, and has so many good parts in him, carrying himself with so good discretion and judgement among them, that he deserves of them to be liked and loved. Nevertheless, seeing what slender account is made of the poor English soldiers serving under him, how they envy his credit and reputation which he wins in service, and how unwilling to employ him here in any place of command, where he might make his profit and increase his estimation (as may appear by the refusal of the States of Guelders to have him general of the forces in thai country), it were to be wished some good occasion fell out to call him home. And by some speech of his not long since, I am of opinion that had he his debts in these countries paid to him, or were he able to maintain himself in some reasonable cost at home, he would not long remain here; for he begins to find already that the French must by little and little have all, and that for himself, the longer he tarries here, the worse. But I leave the consideration of the gentleman's estate to you, who for the good opinion you have conceived of his many deserts and the good affection you bear to him, will of your own inclination be ready at all times to assist him.—Antwerp, 28 October 1582.
Add. Endd.pp. [Ibid. XVII. 49.]
Oct 28 429. The Duke of Lützelstein to the Queen
I wished to write this line to you by 'your' servant John Leonard Holler, and to thank you for all the favour you have shown to my son George Gustavus, with so many honourable receptions, entertainments, and the like, desiring only that my son has conducted himself towards you as his duty required, and that I and he may requite your benefits with our humble services. And although our means are not such as to enable us to content you as you deserve, still our goodwill will not be wanting; and in order that you may receive a beginning of our faithful services, you will hear from my servant what I have agreed, at his request and that of John Sturm, to communicate to you of affairs which greatly concern you; at the hazard nevertheless of my person and goods, unless according to the promises given me by Sturmius and your servant Holler, the affair is not handled secretly, and with such confidence as it merits. You will also hear more at large from your servant, on what it has depended that you have not earlier been advertised of it, and my faithful advice, and the antidote which at this time I am sending you, the opportunity being ready to my hand, of which you can make use.
I desire that you may receive my advertisements and counsels with contentment to match the faithful affection with which they are drawn up and communicated by me; praying God ever to maintain you as the solace of His poor Church, and the flower of Christendom.—Pfalzburg, 28 October 1582. (Signed) George John, Palatine of the Rhine, Duke of Bavaria, etc.
Add. Endd.: The Duke of (Petitepierre erased) Bavire. Fr. 2 pp. [Germany II. 47.]
Oct 28 430. Mauvissière to Walsingham
I have been informed that fully a year ago some French merchants placed in the hands of a serjeant of the Admiralty named 'Suyt' certain judgements and condemnations which they had obtained to their advantage, in order to put them in execution as provided by them. Being unable to get anything out of him, and after waiting for a year and more, they are said to have withdrawn them and revoked the powers which their factor had given him, entrusting it to another of the Queen's officers named 'Acquinston' to make execution as rendered necessary by the judgement. This becoming known to 'Suyt' [Swift] he is said to have uttered sundry calumnies against 'Acquinston' and one Peter Pallet [Pallye], whom he is said to have summoned before you. And whereas the Frenchmen have good reason to complain of 'Suyt,' for his lack of goodwill towards them, and their factor has come to me to complain that lately in presence of the Judge of the Admiralty 'Suyt' offered to draw a dagger on him and his wife, calling him 'French dog' and other insults not worthy to be recorded, that has kept their petition for a year without letting them know what he was doing nor rendering any just account of what he had received, that while he had the matter in hand, he and his people have taken several pirates who were liable under the commission, and have let them go without informing the complainants; also that 4 months ago the factor for the merchants gave a commission to a servant of 'Suyt's' named Baynert, out of whom he has been able to get nothing, although he has had every means of executing it, though he has been requested several times and had the person liable shewn to him, but on the contrary he has shewn himself as insolent as his master: I beg you therefore to consider this and on the merchants demanding that 'Acquinston' shall be continued in the execution of this commission, if it be only not to fall again into the hands of 'Suyt,' out of whom it is impossible to get anything, and who is only an official of the Admiralty, while the other is that of the Queen, and has much more influence in these affairs. Further as to the travelling-expenses which 'Suyt' pretends to have incurred, and not been paid, the factor of the merchants tells me that he received from one side and the other a great deal of money; for the verification of which he begs you, as I also do, in order that the truth may be known, that a commission may be issued by the Council to obtain information thereof.—London, 28 October 1582.
P.S.—Besides what I have said above, I have been told that one Jackson, a servant of 'Suyt's,' bought on board the pirates who had stolen from the aforesaid Frenchmen certain 'Willeci' [qy. woolseys] which he brought to London to sell. Further he has a servant called 'Hatfill,' who has been with a pirate named Granger. Please examine 'Acquinson' and 'Paillette' for two letters from the Council necessary for the recovery of the goods of merchants at Bristol and in Wales.
Add. Endd.: On behalf of David Atkinson. French. 1 p. [France VIII. 90.]
Oct 29 431. Adolf de Meetkerke to Walsingham
The singular affection which I always found in you towards me, both at the time when I was in England with the Marquis of Havrech and when I was with you at Louvain to treat of the peace with Don John, makes me bold to write this to you, in order to refresh in you our old friendship, and present my humble service. And as Mr Nicholas Carentzoni, the bearer of this letter, is just going to England on matters greatly concerning the weal of England and of these countries, I wished to accompany him with this word of recommendation, in order to beg you to favour him with your direction (adresse) and authority in that which he has in hand. I do it the more willingly, having always known him for an honest man, dexterous in business, loyal, a friend alike of your nation and ours, a favourer of our good cause, zealous for God's Religion and glory, and who is aiming at nothing that you will not find reasonable and serviceable to the public weal.—Antwerp, 39 [sic] October 1582.
Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XVII. 50.]
Oct 29 432. Rowland Yorke to Walsingham
The enclosed was returned to my hands from Flushing, and I thought good to send it that you might see my fortunes, which I doubt have had like 'inconteres.' The Estates have now agreed to have a 'Conselle de ettats,' but the oath is not yet fully agreed upon. I desire to hear from you, for as I still mean to follow your 'address,' so I desire to hear your opinion, both touching the enclosed and my 'partycollere.' Divers troops went forth yesternight to do an enterprise upon 'Hoc' and 'Engine'; God send them good success. “Thus these only serving to hold me in your accustomed good opinion, I humbly take my leave, kissing those virtuous hands of my 'musterer' [qy. mistress].”—Antwerp, 29 October 1582.
Add. Endd. 1 p. [Ibid. XVII. 51.]
Oct 29 433. MME de Mauvissière to Walsingham
I take the opportunity of writing this letter to salute your wife and daughter, to whom I should like to render some good service in recompence for all the honour and favour I have received from you and them when I have been in England.
Consider therefore if when I am in France you can give me any commands, and take it in good part if I make a request which I thought to make at my departure; namely to gratify with your aid and favour Mr Stendin and his wife, who are among my good friends in England, for the lease, of their house at Molesey, the reversion of which to her Majesty they desire to have postponed by your means. Her Majesty is much honoured in all this Court, where there is nothing so excelling as she in all things; but I do not think we shall be so fortunate as to have her for our mistress and our duchess in Berry. For which reason I wish you would send M. de Mauvissiere back to us, to look after his affairs here. He would keep his little girl, who has been at nurse most of the time since I have been here with Mrs Stendin to whom I entrusted her; who has taken great care and much trouble with her. This makes me ask you once more to extend your favour to Mr Stendin, and I and my English children shall hold this kindness to them as done to ourselves.—Paris, 29 October 1582. (Signed) Marie de Bochetel.
Add. Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [France VIII. 91.]
? End of Oct 434. Cobham to Walsingham
Dr Beutrich has been among the Cantons and at Geneon, to propound to them on the part of his master certain demonstrations to confederate all the Churches of the Religion within Europe, washing they would accord therein, and join to write to her Majesty on that behalf; assuring them of the good liking hereof of the King of Nararre with his best friends, and of the Princes of Germany. I suppose that Clervant's 'voyage' is to that effect; which may more serve, I hope, to the good of the Low Countries than the dealings of the French king and Monsignor, especially if the Kings of Denmark and Sweden should become fautors of the same.
Since the death of Salcedo, the king has made more open show of familiarity to the Duke of Guise and his allies than ever heretofore; so far as to repair to their lodgings. Which is to be noted, or else the king dissembles exceedingly.
There are sundry opinions had of Pinart's long absence from Court, because he is not at his house, where he was first 'named' to be.
Queen Mother said after my last conference that it seemed the affairs of the 'wordle' were still 'intermeddled' with good and bad events.
Fragment. Endd.: Sir H. Cobham, cypher. 1 p. [France VIII. 92.]
435. Decipher of above, except last par, in hand of R. Beale. Endd. 1 p. [Ibid. VIII. 92a.]
Oct 436. Letters from the Duke of Anjou in the matter of Salcedo.
(1) To the king.—As soon as Salcedo gave me to understand the matter touching your person and estate, my natural affection and loyalty towards you compelled me to inform you of what was going on and how it came to my knowledge. Now being advertised that he has dared-to advance certain threats and compulsion and accuse my servants, I was not ignorant that this was aimed at myself, and I thought it a fair occasion for desiring that the sincerity of the procedure here should be known to all, in order that under the name of my people my reputation might not remain involved, in the opinion of those who do not know the facts. For I make no doubt that the simple statement of what has happened will show clearly enough that this man had tried all manner of knaveries, and thinks that by this new artifice he can entangle everything in contradictions, and meanwhile prolong his scoundrelly life. Anyhow, you know how easy it would be for those who do not love me to extract from this a subject of evil speaking, which perhaps might do injury also to your affairs, if the matter were to remain where it is. I beg you therefore to have the thing further cleared up, in order that by the device of certain people I may not be deprived of the fruits of my good intent, and of the service which I desire to render you all my life.
Letters de C de M. viii. p. 417. (2) To the Queen Mother.—If Salcedo's actions had not taught me what a subtle and bold craftsman he is in all knaveries, I should be amazed that he should lastly have dared in your presence not only to deny what he had so often testified here for true, but also to burden my reputation with an inference, under the guise of attributing it to my servants, as if he had wished to give me the pleasure of saying that I knew nothing of it, and as if there was any likelihood that any of my people would have undertaken such a thing of himself. And although before the departure of M. de Bellièvre, induced by various reasons, I foresaw what I now see, and thought it might give grounds to various ill-affected (or ignorant) persons to speak of it to my prejudice, nevertheless I preferred to obey the king's commands and yours than to stay upon any such doubt; holding it for certain that my intentions in this matter would sufficiently appear, and that the sincerity of the procedure would be clear to every eye. Thus I will not believe that those who know what has passed wish to judge of it otherwise, or take any notice of the new contradictions which a man of that sort has dared to mix up with it, in hope of prolonging his life thereby. But I am sure everyone will deem him more guilty, in that after having many times maintained and written down one thing only, he now thinks fit to advance that he was threatened and compelled; wherein he cannot meet with acceptance, because he said nothing of it to me, nor to the commissioners deputed by me, any more than to those whom the king sent, for at least he would have given some sign that he was penitent for having falsely avowed so great a crime and burdened the honour of so many notable personages, and those to whom it is well known how deeply he is obliged; and since he feared the threats of des Pruneaux and la Vergne, it is too strange that he would not deliver himself from them by exposing them to me or the king's servants. But I should wrong myself to say more, since I doubt not that there are plenty of other proofs from the documents, and even from his own confession, to indicate that this can have sprung only from himself, and not from those charged by him; whom I know to be rather well than ill affected towards the lords named in his writing, so far were they from being able to think of serving them such a cowardly turn.
This is why I desire to guarantee my own reputation and that of my servants from all blame, that the honesty of the proceedings in Salcedo's case may be known to all, and he compelled to admit the truth of what he said and of the reasons which moved him to do it; and if it turn out that this knave has deceived us all, that at least everyone may know that I have not willingly put anyone to the trouble of justifying himself, but that having the honour to be the king's brother and vassal, I could not, without being guilty of a great fault, conceal from him a matter so nearly touching his safety, as soon as I knew of it. I beg you therefore to see that my honour be not involved, in the opinion of men, in any trickery which might intervene in this matter, instead of the praise and favour which I think I have deserved.
Copies. Endd. in the embassy at Paris. Fr.pp. [France VIII. 92 bis.]