Elizabeth: December 1582, 11-20

Pages 495-513

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 16, May-December 1582. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1909.

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December 1582, 11–20

Dec. 12 506. The Prince of Chimay to the Queen
Having some weeks ago withdrawn to this place, as well to make profession of the Reformed Religion, to which it has pleased God to call me, as to assist and employ myself in the re-establishment of this our poor desolated country, I would not have failed, for the strait obligations by which I find myself bound to your Majesty, to transport myself over there, in all humility to kiss your hands, and assure you in person that there is no lord or gentleman in the world who has in more sincerity dedicated himself to your constant service. But owing to an infinity of urgent business which daily presents itself here, I have up till now been hindered from accomplishing my desire. This I beg you to believe, and to grant me notwithstanding some place in your good graces and honour me with your commands, which I will promptly accomplish.—Antwerp, 12 December 1582. (Signed) Charles de Croy.
Add. Endd. Fr. ¾ p. [Ibid. XVII. 80.]
Dec. 12 507. Cobham to Walsingham
Last week the king employed his time almost altogether in dispatching the Swiss and feasting them. Towards the end of the week he spent two days in his church ceremonies and devotions; so that on Sunday the 9th he, accompanied by the three queens, his mother, wife, and sister, went to Sainte-Chapelle, where after they had heard their mass, they passed thence to Notre Dame in a most solemn procession, made by all the orders of their Churchmen, with their crosses and relics, carrying on men's shoulders, in arks or silver coffins, the bones of Sts. Honore and Genevieve with much pomp, a matter seldom used in such order 'as it was reformed.' Therefore some hold opinion the king has commanded this to be done to merit such grace of God that he might thereby obtain children; some imputed it to have been ordained for the joy they had of the league made with the Swiss, through which they esteem the force of France to be increased and assured.
After their Majesties had passed the morning there in their Church traditions, they commanded I should have access to their presence; when at my coming to the king the same afternoon I declared how M. de Mauvissière had signified to the Queen that for the advancing of the marriage with his brother he would be content to do all such things as she could demand. Which great offer nevertheless fell out only to this particular, that he meant that when the marriage was consummated with Monsieur, if afterwards the Spanish king because of it should 'move war' or attempt anything against her, then he would join his forces with hers for the better defence of her states, which offer had already been delivered by his commissioners in England, as also oftentimes spoken by other his ministers. Of this negotiation of M. Mauvissière's the Queen had advertised Monsieur, waiting thereon to answer it, because this action most especially concerned him. But meantime she was sorry to understand that it had been 'delivered forth' in this Court that his Majesty for the better compassing of the marriage had yielded to all such demands as were required by the Queen, so that thereby, if the marriage should now not take place, the dishonour of breaking it would in this sort be imputed to her. Yet nevertheless he had never satisfied the demand which she had always made, which is that she desires to know of him in what order or by what means the charge of his brother's wars in the Low Countries should be defrayed, because she understood that neither Monsieur nor the Estates of the Low Countries, especially being lately more enfeebled, have sufficient power and ability to continue the war against King Philip. So that necessarily if she join in marriage with Monsieur the whole burden of the war must be sustained by her, which in her judgement she found to be 'overburdenous' and intolerable to her people. Wherefore she had commanded me to know of him in what sort the charges of his brother's wars in Flanders might be defrayed; wherein being satisfied, she knew no cause why the marriage should not go forward.
The king answered, that he esteemed this cause to be of such great moment, 'importing' his brother and consequently himself and his state, that he thought it convenient to take 'advisement,' and to consider thereon with his mother and others. Perceiving he stayed his speech herewithal, showing thereby, as it seemed to me, that he intended for the present to give me no further resolution, I thought it good to move him to consider how this cause of the marriage was of such consequence that the Queen desired greatly to know his intent, the rather since the blame of the stay of the marriage had been imputed to her through reports, beseeching him that on the consideration hereof I might receive answer; which I the more earnestly importuned him for, because at other times when I had treated with him on the same affair I seldom received any resolution, though it seemed he said sometimes I should, which 'I took' came to pass because he was pressed with many affairs.
To this the king replied, that perhaps it might be it fell out sometimes he had given me none, because he was 'impeached' through occasions, as likewise at times through other considerations I was answered, though not as the Queen would, yet in such sort as he thought good for himself, dealing warily by the example of her Majesty, for as she was unwilling to have her subjects burdened, so he found it not good to have his people encumbered with wars. But now, since he had intended to go from hence for a few days, he would consider hereon and cause me to have answer the next day by Pinart. He wished me to repair to the Queen Mother, to declare as much to her. Whereon I went to her, 'showing' her that I was come to treat on the matter of the marriage, wherein she has always shown herself affectionately bent. With that she began to make show of a cheerful countenance, confessing it was the thing she most desired in this world might be accomplished, because the protracting of it had grieved her 'very entirely,' seeing there were many occasions presented which made her find how necessary it were for this realm, and convenient, for her son to be married.
Therewithal I began to declare to her how M. de Mauvissière had made the Queen believe that the king would be content to give all the satisfaction he could for the advancement of the marriage; howbeit he offered only an assurance from his Majesty that if the marriage took effect, and on the cause of it King Philip should invade any of her territories, or make war against her, then the king would join his forces with hers against the Catholic king in defence of her states. But no further matter was propounded by M. Mauvissière, and therefore it imported no further meaning than heretofore had often been delivered from the king to her Majesty by his commissioners and ministers. Wherefore thus much only being signified by their ambassador to the Queen, showed apparently that it was delivered for no other effect than to serve for a purpose whereby the treaty of marriage might be for the present entertained, which could nothing content the Queen; considering further how it is understood that both in this Court and elsewhere it had been bruited the king had offered and 'accorded to' all things her Majesty might demand for the effecting of the marriage, whereby, if that were so, the dishonour of breaking it off would light on her. Therefore she had now commanded me to deliver to the king the 'same self purpose' which she has always shown to be 'the impediment of the stay that' the marriage has not hitherto been accomplished; which is that she having ever perceived how 'Monsieur nor the Estates' were of sufficient ability to sustain the charges of war, she requested it might please the king to let her know by what means the expenses of Monsieur's wars in Flanders were to be defrayed. This difficulty being cleared, she knew no cause why the marriage should not go forward. I besought her moreover to consider that seeing her son, whose little ability was best known to her, nor the Estates, had means to continue the war, the burden was like, after the marriage, to light altogether on her Majesty; otherwise Monsieur would be constrained to give place to his enemy the Spanish king, to his great dishonour, and to the utter ruin of the Low Countries, which she could not endure nor abide, Monsieur being become her husband, but would be forced to relieve him and supply his wants herself, which she might not do without giving extreme discontent to her subjects, as has often heretofore been declared. So, since the Queen deals so clearly and resolutely with their Majesties, I trusted she would be 'the means the king will be' contented to open his mind, how far he is disposed to deal in deeds for his brother, and prayed her likewise to have the Queen's honour in consideration, in such sort that if it may not stand to their liking to go forward with the marriage, yet that her Majesty's sincere dealing may so be understood that the blame of the breaking it off may not be imputed to her. Further I trusted she would shew her princely and motherly affection towards Monsieur in helping forward the marriage, as also take care for the preservation of his honour in the enterprise he had undertaken against King Philip.
To which the queen answered, she rejoiced that the negotiation of the marriage was come to this ripeness, and hoped the king would perform as much as he could, asking me what he had answered. I told her, nothing, but that he said he would confer with her and others, and cause me to receive his resolution the next day. Whereon she promised to deal effectually in this cause, desiring to see an end of it.
On the 11th M. Pinart came to me from the king, declaring that his Majesty had commanded him to inform me that he had well conceived and understood what I had delivered to him, rehearsing in effect as before is written; whereon the king had willed him to confer with me, that he might find whether his Majesty had remembered the full message which I had signified to him and his mother, and moreover to demand of me if I would add anything further to what I had said, declaring that the king and his mother had been in some debate about my speeches, because she thought I had informed her that as the king had assured the Queen 'to join' his forces with hers against King Philip upon occasion of war offered to her after the marriage, so she thought [sic] I had said the Queen would unite her forces with the king's upon the like occasion offered by the Catholic king. I answered M. Pinart that I had said nothing touching that last point, 'for the Queen my sovereign aiding the king, because it was a matter we had never spoken of, to my knowledge, in the treaty of the marriage. As for the Christian king's abovesaid offer, it was a thing to be looked for at his hands though the marriage with his brother should not proceed, in remembrance of the princely friendships which King Henry VIII, of famous memory, father to her Majesty, used towards King Francis I, his grandfather in anno 1527, after he had been detained prisoner in Spain by the Emperor Charles V; at which time King Henry sent his ambassadors into Spain to treat with great offers for the deliverance of King Francis' sons, which not taking place, he by his herald 'Clarentius' jointly with the French herald Guion 'pronounced wars' unto the Emperor Charles. The like dealing is to be expected of the king for the 'avoiding' of the Catholic king's rising greatness, being his only 'scompetitor.' Therefore in this offer there is no singular kindness shown towards his brother, nor any especial desire to advance the marriage.
Wherewith M. Pinart seemed to be somewhat moved and told me how he had said when he was in England, to the lords, that he found them nothing warmly bent to the marriage, nor yet could he obtain direct answer from her Majesty that she would promise to marry Monsieur, but receiving dilatory answers, as referring the matter to the consideration of Parliament, and to further consultations, with which he returned. I requested he would deliver me a note in writing of what their Majesties had caused him to signify to me of so much as they had conceived on my speeches, whereby it might appear I had dealt sincerely and clearly with them for the taking away of the difficulty which remained as the only 'impeachment' through which the marriage was not 'effectued.' He said he could not deliver me any such note written, without the king's express command; which I said I desired because it had been signified from hence that in delivering the negotiations of the marriage, I had spoken so coldly or in such manner that I was not well conceived. He said that the king and his mother had so well understood my zeal and inclination to the marriage that I was the more acceptable to them; promising that at the king's return, he would procure his resolution touching what I had propounded.—Paris, 12 December 1582.
Endd.pp. [France VIII. 116.]
Dec. 12 508. Walsingham to Cobham
La Mothe requesting that you might be directed to report also to the king of the details of his negotiation here, the Queen has thereupon willed me to acquaint you with the whole proceeding therein. It consists chiefly 'upon' these three points. First, to have leave to pass into Scotland: secondly, to maintain the king's last answer to the difficulties objected by her Majesty in the matter of marriage; and lastly, to desire some order to be taken for redress in matters of depredation. For the first point, which concerns his repair into Scotland, her Majesty has made answer that when she considered the request itself, to send to visit a prince confederate, the prince that makes it, her special friend, his intent also, of sending to appease the troubles of that realm, and the good choice he has made of the messenger, being one that has ever shown himself well affected to do good offices between the two Crowns, she did not see how in reason she might deny it. But on the other side, weighing the time and the present state of things in Scotland, it manifestly appeared to her that his repair thither could not, instead of compounding and quieting the troubles lately happened there (which, thank God were now well appeased) but be a cause of the reviving of new troubles. On this she grounded her judgement upon the following reasons and circumstances: first, that d'Aubigny gave out that he was promised support from France, and that one would be sent from the king to give him and his party assurance of this; for further confirmation of which matter they had been given to understand that a French gentleman was embarked at a port of Holland, to repair to the duke in Scotland, with letters addressed to him from the king, the Dukes of Guise and Joyeuse, and others, which gentleman, understanding that the duke had embarked, had 'presently' returned with his dispatches into France; and that a letter of the Scottish queen's had come to her Majesty's hands—which she showed la Mothe apart—containing the particulars of the assistance they looked for from France, required by former letters to 'Glasgow.' Upon these grounds she judged it to be very likely that the noblemen who are enemies of the duke, and others of their party, being jealous of the arriving thither either of la Mothe or any other sent from the king, there could not but presently upon his arrival some dangerous alteration follow in that state; which if it should so fall out, as undoubtedly were likely, the king himself might consider that his intent of sending should then be accompanied by contrary effects. She desired him to weigh with himself how greatly it imported her to have that realm continued in peace and quietness, for that no fire can there be kindled, but the flame of it must of necessity reach hither into this realm, being so near a neighbour as it is. She prayed the king not to interpret the deferring of giving leave to his minister to pass into that realm, as a denial of his request; being meant but as a stay for a time, till she had made him acquainted with these reasons that moved her to judge that his going thither might better be spared than stood upon. Yet notwithstanding all this, perceiving by his instant persuasions that the king earnestly desires she would suffer him to pass, rather than that he should think she is either unwilling to gratify him, or that she conceives any jealousy or distrust of his sound, honourable and friendly meaning towards her in this action, she is well content to yield to his request, though she 'apparently' sees that some notable inconvenience cannot but follow for the reasons abovementioned.
For the second point, touching the matter of marriage, he did but confirm and maintain to her the king's promise heretofore delivered to her in writing by the ambassador ligier (a slight kind of warranty expressed in this word, that “the king's intention is”) of which I send you herewith a copy, containing only that she or her subjects should not bear any part of the charges of the war in the Low Countries, and that in case any invasion or act of hostility should be attempted against her by the King of Spain, by reason of the marriage, he would then join his forces with hers for her better defence; whereto she replied as heretofore she has done, that this would not satisfy her, unless she might also understand by whom the charges would be supplied, having to make head against so potent a prince, in case Monsieur and the States should not be able to hold out, as it was very likely they would not, their present state being duly considered. Otherwise she did not see but that either Monsieur would be dishonoured in the action, or else she herself as interested in his fortune, if the marriage took place, must relieve him in his want out of her own purse, which she has ever signified to the king she cannot do without the 'grudge' and offence of her subjects.
It was answered by la Mothe that the king could neither in conscience nor policy bind himself in that absolute manner to take part with his brother against the King of Spain. In conscience, by reason of the leagues between them, which they were mutually sworn inviolably to observe; and in policy, since he would thereby make the King of Spain his open and professed enemy, and so draw the war upon himself. Nevertheless he would not forget to perform towards Monsieur the part of a natural and loving brother, by assisting him under hand in the best sort he could, to make him the better able to maintain himself in the action.
Hereupon it was thought meet by the lords appointed to confer with him, as a thing proceeding from themselves, without her Majesty's direction, to enter into conference with la Mothe and the ambassador resident for the setting down of a qualification of the article in this point (whereof I send you herewith a copy), by which that scruple should be removed from the king to his satisfaction, and yet so much should be performed in effect as her Majesty for her part desires for her assurance in this behalf. But this manner of proceeding by way of this qualification she did not like to yield to, finding it dishonourable for her, her sex especially considered, that she or her ministers should go about to devise the means of bringing this point to some facility, whereby she might seem of herself to seek the marriage 'upon' Monsieur; foreseeing also that if the said article by the king's ministers here qualified, containing in substance as much as by her was desired, should afterwards by him not be allowed of, they having no authority to treat or conclude it, it would be reputed by the world greatly to her dishonour a refusal on the king's behalf; adding further that treaties set down in general terms were subject to cavillations. And therefore concluded that the king knowing his own state best, and whether he might in conscience and policy remove the difficulty and yield her satisfaction in that behalf, she thought meet to refer it to his consideration to take such resolution therein as he should think good.
For the last point, touching matters of depredations, he has received his answer in writing, of which by the next you shall have a copy.
Thus having acquainted you with la Mothe's whole proceeding in the cause committed to his charge, that you may according to her Majesty's pleasure impart them to the king and his mother, I commit you, etc.
P.S.—Upon her Majesty's refusal to allow of the qualification of the article, it was demanded of her by la Mothe what she would do in case the king yielded to that wherein she desired to be satisfied; whereto answer was made by her that when she received knowledge of it she would advise upon the matter. You are to frame your speech to the king and Queen Mother in like terms.
Draft, with frequent corrections in Walsingham's hand. Endd. with date.pp. [France VIII. 117.]
Dec. 13 509. Walsingham to Cobham
Whereas Queen Mother has by la Mothe written both to her Majesty and to divers of my lords here, requesting to have twelve of her Majesty's ships either lent, let out to hire, or sold to her with their furniture of ordnance, tackling and other like necessaries, but not furnished with men; to be employed in her quarrel for the title she pretends to the Crown of Portugal, she has in this sort condescended thereto, that the said queen shall have, upon caution, four of her own ships, and eight others of the best of her subjects', her own to be furnished with English captains, soldiers and mariners. The whole English fleet to be commanded by an English admiral, under the charge and direction notwithstanding of the French general. And this she grants upon condition that the king shall bind himself by sufficient promise to her, that in case the King of Spain picks any quarrel 'unto' her for lending out these ships to his mother, he shall join with her in assistance against the said king; and that 'the English ships, nor any of them,' shall be employed upon any place of the King of Spain's dominions of which he is possessed as King of Castile. The soldiers, captains and mariners her Majesty's subjects to be sworn to the Queen Mother only in this service; their flags, ensigns and streamers to be of her colours and bear her arms only.
This matter they desire should be kept secret, and therefore we give it out here that it is not yielded to.—Windsor, 13 December 1582.
P.S.—It was 'showed' herein withal to la Mothe that if Queen Mother would have this cause to proceed, it were fit that some man of experience in these sea-causes should be sent hither to join with the ambassador in treating thereof.
Draft. Endd. 1 p. [France VIII. 118.]
Dec. 14 510. Walsingham to Cobham
After making up my dispatch, I received yours sent by Mr Barrington; with the contents whereof having made her Majesty acquainted, her pleasure is you shall deliver for answer to the gentleman from whom you received the cipher and letter directed to her, containing a request that you should 'allow of' the articles he was to propound to you, that she finds his demands very strange and extraordinary, such as are not propounded to princes, and as seldom by them yielded to, to give authority to their ministers to condescend in their names to things wherewith they have not first been made acquainted. Wherefore she wishes that if according to the profession he makes of devotion and service towards her, he have any matter to deliver to her by you, which may be for her advantage and the furtherance of her service, he should open himself frankly and confidently to her by you; remembering that in dealing with princes, men must not seek to capitulate first with them and to stand upon terms and conditions as merchants do among themselves in the passing of their ordinary bargains. For if the matter he has to deliver concerns the increase of her profits or revenues he must think that, accepting of it, she will have that honourable and princely consideration to recompense him for it, that may be to his content and satisfaction. If it concern the benefit of her service otherwise, he can of himself consider that she for her own behoof will use the matter with that judgement and secresy that appertains; assuring him withal that if the service he shall do be such as may deserve thanks, he may hope of so bountiful and liberal a prince as her Majesty that she will not leave it unrewarded, in such sort that he shall find his travail therein well-bestowed. Upon the delivery of which speech, if you find him inclined to write to her Majesty, you shall encourage him thereto and promise speedy sending of his letter.
And whereas you write that the king has of late established a new Council, to introduce a kind of Inquisition that shall put in execution the decrees of the Council of Trent, we marvel not a little here that at this time especially, when the king should seek to frame all things to a quiet and peaceable course, and to remove all occasions that may breed any diffidence or jealousy of his intent and proceedings in those of the Religion as well in France as in the Low Countries, whereby his brother may be the better enabled to go forward with his enterprise, being strengthened therein by the party of those of the Religion, he should now go about to attempt a matter likely to breed so great discontent and suspicion against him and his brother and the subjects of both countries, especially in those provinces of the Low Countries that have embraced the Gospel, as will make them have very small 'affiance' in Monsieur's sincere meaning towards them, whereby he will in short time find little 'comfort' to continue among them. And hereupon we note the more how earnestly the king presses her Majesty to suffer his ministers to pass into Scotland, to the encouragement of the ill-affected there that follow the Spanish party, whereby may ensue some general breach and dangerous war between these two countries. Wherefore it is thought expedient you should look substantially into this and seek to discover the 'mistery' thereof as you may in your own discretion consider the importance of it requires.
We hereupon fall into consideration that one of the King of Spain's two sons being lately deceased, and the other but weak and sickly, one of the daughters who by this means will now 'be great marriages,' may perhaps be used as a good means to stop the present course in the Low Countries.
Over leaf. And whereas la Mothe has promised us that he would not but in the presence of our minister enter into conference with any nobleman or other person of quality in that realm touching the state and government of it, we think meet you should put him in mind of his promise and charge him with its performance.
Lastly our pleasure is that you shall deliver in our name such further matter to the king or any other person of quality about him as by our servant Bowes shall upon conference had between yourselves be thought meet that you deliver to them for the furtherance of our service.
Draft. The last two paragraphs appear to refer to the mission of Randolph and Bowes some months later. (Qy. part of Walsingham's instructions in the following August.) 2¾ + ¼ pp. [France VIII. 119.]
Dec. 15 511. Pedro De Zubiaur to Walsingham
As there is no other gentleman but yourself to whom I can have recourse I wish to relate my fortune. For about a month I have been in prison because they do not wish to obey the licenses [sic] or orders of the judges and officers. The Lord Chancellor ordered that they should bring me into Court, and so four sergeants and the secondary take me; one was enough. They keep me here in Coldbath (? Colburque). Pecock (? pecoque) demanded of me £2,200, now asks £1,000; he does not ask a just thing, but a false, alike the first demand and the second. I beg to speak to the Lord Chancellor, and that he deliver me from this captivity, and make them keep me my licenses, and let three sergeants go back; one is enough here, I do not want to absent myself. They have intimidated (?) the sheriff (lo riseñor conde: qy. lo señor visconde) of London, not to send to set me free; and Thomas Wilford they have treated him very badly, who did not do badly what you ordered him. I am grieved that through my so many troubles and controversies have come about.—In Coldbath, 15 December 1582.
P.S.—John Borne went to the Lord Chancellor to persuade him not to set me free, although you wrote to him.
Add. (to Windsor). Endd.: From P. Cebure. Spanish. 1 p. [Spain I. 109.]
Dec. 15 512. Roger Williams to Walsingham
Since I knew the wars, I never saw the like misery amongst soldiers, nor do I see any redress like to be. Now I think the general does favour me as he has done heretofore, according to my promise to you, I have reconciled (?) myself to him and will maintain it without dissimulation.
I see such dealings toward us that for my part I would fain quit all, if I knew any means to live. If it do not mend shortly, rather than I will follow further, I will carry a 'harquebuiser' in Ireland or some other place. Here are so many brave ministers that take his Highness by the cloak every hour for crowns that I and such other poor men despair to see the colour of his crowns, being sure to receive part of the knocks, afterwards to have neither honour nor profit. I think 'you nor no man else' will condemn a man 'to quit' such service. When I come to 'your speech,' I will tell many 'passages' which I dare not write.
They say there is like to be great stir in Germany. If you will look once at my letter written from 'Weysell' [qy. Wesel], some of it is fallen out, and more like to be shortly. I heard Count Charles Mansfeld and 'Houtpen' with 500 horse and some foot are marched towards Cologne.
The enemy lies 'ranged largely' by Hal, Ninove, Oudenarde and Gasbeck. They say there are come to 'Engyne' [qy. Enghien] certain battering-pieces. Belike they mean to attack Brussels or Vilvorde. They say they mean to supply these with as many Italians and Spaniards as they can, and to put in those places 'the most part Allmen,' I mean in Italy.
Duke Montpensier and Marshal de Biron are looked for here tomorrow. M. de Laval and divers others arrived yesternight. I perceive by some of them they are liker to return than to tarry. The most part find great fault with their 'treatment,' 'shreyng' “Morbue [sic] nous volons pointe [sic] paliser pour luy [sic] que soite.” If we were able to endure it, I think the Netherlanders would bid us better welcome than 'never': but I fear me when they have paid half so much for Monsieurs as they did for Señors they will not be worth the serving.
They say the castle where Count Rochepot was hurt is sold to the enemy by those he left in it.—Antwerp, 15 December 1582.
Add. Endd.pp. [Holl. and Fl. XVII. 81.]
Dec. 15/25; 513. Pietro Bizarri to Walsingham
The Prince of Orange, though for a month he has not been out of his palace owing to certain indispositions, nevertheless has often, when he felt better, left his chamber and supped in the company of Count Schwarzburg and his sister. Among other ailments he has been not a little troubled with a cough. But now, thank God, he is mending every day. The gate of his palace at dinner-time and towards evening is kept continually locked and well guarded, contrary to past usage, owing to recent accidents.
Many French personages are expected here every day from Flanders.
I send you the enclosed, and wish you a happy New Year.—Antwerp, 15 December, on which day, unlike what has been usual in times past, is being celebrated here the birthday of our only Saviour and Mediator.
P.S.—The mother of 'Carlo Franco,' a young man of Antwerp, who is now in your service, begs me to send you her humble respects, and thank you for the kindnesses and courtesies which you show her son, and for which she recognises her great obligation.
Appended (recently) to the above. Copy of the Latin inscription affixed to St. George's Gate at Antwerp in honour of the Duke of Anjou. 'Many beautiful verses were made in honour of his Highness, and placed on the triumphal arches.'
Ital. 1¼ + ¼ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XVII. 98.]
Dec. 16 514. Audley Danett to Walsingham
The French army abides still in Flanders without anything done by them since their arrival. M. Laval, the Counts of Rochefoucault and Saint-Aignan, with some other gentlemen, are come to the Court, but the Duke Montpensier and Marshal Biron have not yet been here, but are daily looked for. There is some secret cause of their stay, which is not yet known. Some say Biron and Fervacques may not well 'keep' together, car l'ung dit qu'il est blanc, l' autre qu'il est noir. By all circumstances it would appear there are great jealousies among them, and great emulation who shall have the greatest credit with his Highness. Fervacques is greatly made of, and at present does all. Upon his arrival, Chevalier Breton and some others 'presently' departed the Court and are returned to France. So did Saint-Luc a little before, upon some words between Goville and him, touching Fervacques's coming. There is some whispering here that Biron has some secret instructions from Queen Mother, not yet known to Monsieur. Meantime divers of the gentlemen find themselves greatly 'grieved' with him, saying, qu'en sa colére il dit tout plein des injures à tout le monde; for which cause, or rather 'finding not here' as in France, many of them demand leave to return home. Monsieur with very good judgement accommodates himself to content them all, desirous to retain them here, and to keep them in good terms one with another; for which respects, and to avoid all matter of contention and quarrel he has caused this proclamation which I send enclosed, to be published with sound of trumpet both in his palace and in the town.
There is no more talk of giving battle to the enemy, but 'rather thought,' upon the arrival of the great personages at the Court, some order will be taken to bestow these forces in some place convenient, until the spring.
The enemy, upon the bruit of the French forces arrived, withdrew from all action; but it is thought being once thoroughly informed of their just numbers and strengths he will attempt somewhat ere long, and by common conjecture most likely Brussels or Alost, having already taken most of the castles and strong places about those towns.
The Prince still keeps his house, and with the rheum and cold he has taken, looks very ill. The duke visits him often, and sometimes holds consultation there.
Among the rest I would not omit to advertise you that of late many of the chief of the English mutineers who last summer revolted to the enemy, have been taken and executed at Brussels and other places. At Ghent three or four are just lately apprehended, and 'namely' one Venicome, a chief seducer and leader of the rest. One Norreys, who was indeed the captain, and had the leading of a company at their going and being with the enemy, embarking at Calais for England was by tempest driven to Flushing, and there stayed by some Englishmen that knew him. Being sent for hither, it is advertised that he is suddenly dead; otherwise the secret authors and practisers of that mutiny had been easily discovered.—Antwerp, 16 Dec. 1582.
Add. Endd. by Walsingham.pp. [Holl. and Fl. XVII. 82.]
Dec. 16/26 515. Masino Del Bene to Walsingham
I have received the letter you wrote me, to which I know not what to answer. We are doing here many things which we could very well dispense with, as perhaps we shall have to do; but I can only in my opinion speak with great sincerity, after having, with what little judgement I have, mitigated them with reason, and what ought to be done—things all contrary to what is going to be done today—by anyone who would hit the mark, for it seems, with all respect be it said, that on every side everything is being done contrary to well, and so as best to suit the King of Spain's affairs, so that he could wish for no more.
As for what you say, that the king is after introducing the Inquisition into this kingdom, I have heard no talk of this; and as regards the Council of Trent I quite understand that they intend to reform the life and customs of the priests according to one of its decrees, without in any way touching the edict of pacification. But herein too, let it be said under sufferance, it seems to me that his Majesty has not been very well advised, and that he ought not to, nor can, approve anything done by that Council, against which his ambassadors with all solemnity protested as null, and departed from it. Would to God that as I have known and know that this and the Scottish journey can serve to no utility or convenience but that of the King of Spain, I might have remedied it. Of this you may be sure that I spoke my opinion freely, and got such reply that I recognised in it (congnutola ho) the humour of which we are compounded here. I hope that with God's favour neither from one thing nor the other will any harm come, save that with these ways of going on, we augment more and more the distrust there is between you and us; which is already too much, and I consider it with the greatest grief and displeasure, and am all the more afflicted, that I consider that if it were possible to find a means of uniting these two Crowns, the ruin of the King of Spain would infallibly follow; but it has not so pleased God. I pray Him to have pity on those poor Low Countries, whose calamity I deplore as if I saw them already ruined and lost. The wherefore I leave you to think, for you should know it better than I. It is very true that Fervacques on his arrival will be able to put some good order there. It is understood here that he has already begun to do so. I was on the point of setting out, but hearing how things were being managed in those parts, I resolved to rest myself both mind and body.—Paris, 26 December 1582.
Add. Endd. Ital.pp. [France VIII. 120.]
Dec. 18 516. Stokes to Walsingham
This afternoon a trumpeter of Tournay came to this town about certain prisoners that lie there. He brings news that the Prince of Parma departs for Italy and has taken his leave at Tournay; and he says the speech at Tournay is that a Spaniard shall be governor, and some say an Italian. If it be a Spaniard, it seems he will not be so welcome among them as an Italian. And the report goes that the Prince of Parma's departure is so sudden that it seems very strange to all on that side. The speech goes he durst not make his departing known, fearing the soldiers would have made some stay of him for their pay; which he has so often promised to pay them, and never performed it. Therefore it is greatly feared by that side the want of pay to their soldiers will turn them to some new displeasure ere long. All this speech is come this afternoon in a secret letter from Tournay.—Bruges, 18 December 1582.
Add. Endd. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XVII. 83.]
Dec. 18/28 517. Cobham to Walsingham
The king returning on the 14th inst. kept the next day the Feast of the Birth of our Lord, according to their new computations. So it was yesterday before M. Pinart came to me; of whom I 'received' that the king had considered the negotiations which I delivered to their Majesties in my last audience, concerning the defraying of the charges of Monsieur's wars in the Low Countries as the only impediment which impeached [sic] the effecting of the marriage. He was now to declare to me how the king had resolved to make this answer: that he thought it sufficient for him to perform, in defraying the charges of those wars, so much for his brother as the Queen my sovereign should do, because it seemed to him he could not be nearer to his brother than she, when she should be united with him in one body by the knot of marriage. Whereupon he concluded with himself that it would be enough for his part to assist his brother in those affairs so far forth as the Queen; therefore further than so he would not deal. Thus much the king had commanded him to write likewise to M. Mauvissière to be declared to her Majesty as his determination.
M. Pinart 'enlarged' moreover to me how they looked daily for the return of M. de Rambouillet, who was dispatched by the king some weeks past to Monsieur, to be informed of his disposition concerning his marriage and such other like matters of importance.—Paris, 18 December 1582.
Add. and endt. gone, and a wrong flyleaf attached. ¾ p. [France VIII. 121.]
Dec. 19/29 518. Cobham to Walsingham
Their Majesties have not passed these Christmas holidays with any show of cheerfulness, neither was there seen any dancing or pleasantness as at other times. It is understood that Don Antonio has in these days past had secret conference with the Queen Mother, first at Saint-Maur, being brought thither by the Abate di Guadagno, 'pretending' as I hear to pass into Flanders, and having for that purpose appointed his ship to attend on him about the coast of Boulogne. And Captain 'Escalin' is said to be returned to 'Dolona' with the prize of two rich Spanish ships which came from the Indies.
The Duke of Lorraine is looked for here at the beginning of next month.
The ambassadors of the Swiss departed on the 12th. I send their names in a note enclosed herewith, together with the king's oration made to them at the confirmation of the new league.
The Duke of Florence's secretary seeks by all means to recover their Majesties' good opinion towards his duke, having given them to understand that the Duke had favoured the Queen Mother's process which has been lately judged in Rome, against 'the old Madame de Parma' for the yearly revenue of 8,000 crowns which were the possessions of Duke Alexander di Medici, the Queen Mother's brother. This process has been one of the principal causes of the unkindness between the Duke of Florence and the queen.
They give out in Court that d'Épernon thinking it not good to stay so many years for the queen's sister, she being yet but a child of eight years, seems to resolve to seek to match with Mme de Vaudemont, mother-in-law [sic] to the young queen, and sister to the Duke of Aumale: whereby he will give satisfaction to the king, and incorporate himself in the alliance with the House of Guise, establishing through that his estate.
The Princess of Lorraine is sick of an ague, and the Duchess of Joyeuse after she had been dangerously diseased lately the measles have appeared [sic]. Whereon a sure hope is now conceived of her amendment.
They have bruited in Court that the Prince of Orange, these days past, has been very 'evil indisposed' of his health.
I have been informed that the Bonvisis of Lyons have orders from Spain to send 150,000 crowns to the Prince of Parma, which is to pass by the hands of the 'Masseys' (?), Lucchese bankers in this town, who have already paid part of it to certain Flemish merchants, and to a 'Captain Bollonese.'
It is signified to me that the king intends to make six knights of his order of Saint-Esprit; the Dukes of Maine, Joyeux, and Épernon, Lavalette, governor of Saluces, Mandelot, governor of Lyons, and another whose name I have not yet learned.
The steward to the Spanish agent returned the 12th inst. from Spain in great diligence, bringing confirmation of the Prince of Spain's death, and that likewise his younger brother was somewhat sickly.
There are letters from Lisbon dated Nov. 30 in which it is specified how a little vessel had arrived which had fled from the Terceras, wherein certain friars and priests were transported, by whom the king was advertised of Don Antonio's departure towards France. They declared further to King Philip that the most part of the people of the Terceras showed themselves weary of the Frenchmen's insolence, and that Don Antonio had left only 600 French there, and how there was little current money paid other than certain pieces of brass, the island being poorly provided with munition and victuals. As likewise that those of the Terceras began to have intelligence with them of St. Michael's. They write from Lisbon that the Catholic king had sent from thence 500 Portuguese and Spanish soldiers with captains and munition to the Madeiras. The 'voice' continued in Lisbon that if King Philip did not marry the Reine Blanche of France, he meant to take for his wife the eldest daughter of the Duke of Braganza, which was to be concluded and declared upon the return of the Baron d'Aspre, a German sent from the Empress to the Emperor and her daughter the abovesaid queen. The king intended to leave Lisbon after New Year's Day, towards Madrid. Moreover it is certified that he had agreed with the Milanese bankers for 300,000 crowns to be delivered in January at Cologne for the use of the wars in Flanders.
Letters are come from Rome of this month, in great diligence, showing that the Pope according to expectation had not before the beginning of this Christmas made election of new cardinals, but promised to do it this next quatuor tempora.
It is written that in Florence above 50 persons have been apprehended by the Inquisition, being all gentlemen, some of Florence, and of 'Pissani and Tarrantini.'
The Archduke Charles has commanded all those of the Religion to depart out of his territories, or else to acknowledge the Pope to be supreme head, and follow his ceremonies; which it is thought he has done, encouraged by the league he has entered into with the Pope and the Venetians.
Enclosed are advertisements from sundry parts. — Paris, 19 December 1582.
pp. [France VIII. 122.]
Enclosed in the above:
519. “Names of the ambassadors sent from the cantons of the 'Swishes' to treat of the confederation and league to be concluded with the French King.”
From Lucerne, Seigneur Jean Ludovicus Pfiffer, knight, échevin, and guidon of the army.
From Uri, Seigneur Jean Zum Brunnen, an old écherin, and Peter Gischlar, Ensign-bearer and councillor.
From Schwyz, Balthazar Kyel and Rudolf Trubbach.
From Unterwalden, Melchior of Flu, knight, with Melchior Lussy, also knight and échevin under the Kermpalet (?).
From Zug, Gaspar Meyenberger, governor.
From Glarus, Fridli Schuller, captain and councillor.
From Basle, Marx Russinger, councillor.
From Fribourg, Monsr. Ulrich of 'Englispar,' councillor.
From Solothurn, J. Jeronimus of Roll, councillor.
From Schaffhausen, Seigneur Jean Conrard Meyer, councillor.
From Appenzell, Joachim Meggeli, échevin.
From the Abbot of St. Gall. Balthazar Tschudi, governor of 'Liechteastag.'
From the town of St. Gall, Leuchardt Hallinkhoffer, steward.
From Obern Grawen Bund, Sr Castelberger, judge.
From Gotteshaus Bund, Monsr. de Planta.
From the 'Ten Justices,' Captain Florin, échevin.
From the Province of the Vallais,
Captain Jehan in Albon old captains.
Captain Antony Maynnthar [qy. Maynhart]
M. George uf der Flu, lieutenant at 'Sieton' [Sitten].
From Mülhausen, Peter Hiegler, Alderman.
From Biel, Cristoffel Wyrmbach, Mayor.
Endd. at Paris. 1 p. [Ibid. VIII. 122 a.]
Dec. 19/29 520. Cobham to Walsingham
I think it convenient to let you know that M. Pinart at his first access to me, on the 11th, as at his last being with me on the 16th, both times wished her Majesty had some niece to be married to Monsieur, enquiring if the Earls of Huntingdon, Hertford, Derby, or Lenox had any daughter whom the Queen might give in marriage to his Highness, 'pretending' to understand that the meaning was not to suffer the Scottish king to become successor to the Crown. And in his last conference he 'uttered' to me how since the time the king perceived that the treaty of marriage was 'trained on' with allegations of difficulties, he had not so entirely affected it, but only wished it might happen to his brother's contentment.
I trust I shall not give cause of offence in delivering truly what is spoken to me by the mouth of a person who is secretary to this king, and to whom the humour and inclination of his prince is so well known; so that upon the just consideration thereof, I have confidence my sovereign will be pleased I shall in this sort discharge my loyal duty, from which I cannot depart or leave it unsatisfied for any respect of my own, or doubt of hinderance. Therefore I desire this much may be, if you think good, 'informed to' her Majesty; of which speeches of M. Pinart's she can best judge, and apply the knowledge to do her service.
Moreover on further debating of causes, and rehearsal of the robberies which were committed by sea on her Majesty's subjects, this chanced to escape in speech from M. Pinart: that they did not mean to speak of the injuries 'were' done them daily, because for the present they found themselves too weak; alleging moreover, how when he propounded in England to have some general order taken in England for the avoiding of piracy hereafter, it was answered him, that the conclusion of the marriage would bring with it the remedy for all those and suchlike disorders. Whereby it may be conjectured M. Pinart did not return well-edified and satisfied, and how he has informed the king may be doubted.
Count 'Mountreal' renews the Duke of Savoy's suit to the Princess of Lorraine, and seeks the king's favour for the appeasing of the Bernese, by whom he is braved and put in fear.
The ambassador of Venice had audience the same day I was with their Majesties, when he delivered to the king letters from the Signiors, in which they desire to renew the league they have long had with this Crown.
The king 'pretends' to recall M. de Germigny from Constantinople, and send another in his place. There is named for that legation M. de Sancy, late returned ambassador from the Swiss, and brother of the new president, M. de Harlay.
I have been informed that the Governor of the Jesuits has this last week given to Mr Copley 400 crowns towards his maintenance; and he has as I hear delivered to Lady Morley both letters and money to be conveyed into England.
Understanding that there has come to her Majesty an ambassador sent from the Muscovite, and a gentleman of the King of Poland, I have thought it good to let you know that there is in my hands the full advertisement of those things which Antonio Possevino the Jesuit negotiated with the King of Poland and the Muscovite, being sent this year by the Pope in embassy to those princes. This advertisement I am ready to send when your pleasure shall be to have it, if it may profit.
I hear that their Majesties seem not to be well contented with Don Antonio's return from the Terceras.
Alerde pretends that he can discover the 'intentions intended' against her Majesty.
'Mahoganan' requires to understand what he may trust to.
Lastly, I recommend to your devotion the writer's suit and estate, being, I assure you, more than weary to linger in this beggarly estate. I am driven to importune her Majesty and you to be my mediator, so much as God knows whether the reward may con . . . the grief. Your last letters have put me in some hope.—Paris, 19 Dec. 1582.
Add. Endd. 3 pp. [Ibid. VIII. 123.]
Dec. 20/30 521. Bernardino De Mendoza to Walsingham
I must trouble you once more about the injury of extortion done to one of the subjects of the king my master, which fell out in this wise. A Spanish merchant coming from El Cabo Bianco met with two French sea-rovers (escumeurs). His ship was entered and carried off by force with all the goods. It has been brought into Falmouth, where it still is. Now since I should wish that the wrong be, as according to reason, repaired, I beg your help to that end; beseeching you to have all the plunder sequestrated, and order taken for everything in equity and justice. Which I hope you will do cordially, without my putting more pressure on you.—London, this last but one of December according to the reformation of the calendar, 1582.
Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Spain I. 109.]
Dec. 20/30 522. Masino Del Bene to Walsingham
I replied to your letter by way of the ambassador, and told him that I could only 'conduct' my own opinion with great sincerity and base my discourses on reason, grounding my arguments on what ought to have been done and not on what is done; as I again reply to you. I told him further that I in no way marvel nor find it strange that our actions are suspicious to you; rather I confess that if we deliberately wished to render our actions suspicious to you, we could not do better than we are doing, not contenting ourselves with sending to Scotland, where I do not think we have much business, M. de la Mothe by way of England, but we send off at the same time another by sea, as if the business was of such importance that fearing lest la Mothe should not be allowed to pass, and as if it was necessary that by all means someone should pass; in such wise that, as I have just said, I cannot deny that you have a thousand reasons to suspect our goings-on, considering the aforesaid diligence which we have used to send a man into Scotland, and the quality of the persons, and especially of this last, who has gone by sea. But when against all these things you set the good and easy nature of our king, you will perhaps incline to my opinion, which I will tell you with the same sincerity that I have told you the other things. His Majesty is so good and so easy that I do not think he knows how to deny those who wished this journey to take place, the dispatch first of M. de la Mothe, then of the other. And to obtain this of his Majesty, it is to be presumed that they asked him under some pretext such that he could not refuse them, as giving him to understand that the king was not at liberty or the like. So I doubt not that the instruments that have been selected for this negotiation will work as those desire who have procured the setting of them to work. I hope to God, and time will show it, that they will not do anything to the prejudice of your state; and I am sure that our king is not only averse to causing you trouble, but that he desires nothing more than quiet. And there is a person who perhaps thinks he holds him in his grip, who when he comes to tighten it will find himself some way off his reckoning.
As for the matter of the Council, as I told you, you may be easy, for there is no talk of Inquisition, nor of interfering in any way with the edict.' Howbeit, I confess that you and the others have reasonable cause to find this action suspicious, anyone especially who would argue that this was an introduction towards ending this business, and in time bringing it to the completion which you desire they shall not make if it please God, who I hope will cheat them of this hope wherein they are held. And they will have, as I understood from someone, to draw something from them, and then leave them in the lurch.
This is all I have to tell you, as a repetition (replica) of the answer which I made to your letter, begging you to believe that I tell you nothing, which I do not mean as I say it. Would to God I could reply viva roce to any objections which you might make to my opinions, because I think I could make you, with reasons which I cannot write, agree to them. However things pass, I beg you to be assured of my sincerity.—Paris, 30 Dec. 1582.
Add. Endd. Ital.pp. [France VIII. 124.]