Elizabeth: April 1583, 16-20

Pages 268-281

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 17, January-June 1583 and Addenda. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1913.

This free content was digitised by double rekeying and sponsored by the Arts and Humanities Research Council. All rights reserved.

Please subscribe to access the page scans

This volume has gold page scans.
Access these scans with a gold subscription.Key icon

April 1583, 16–20

April 16. 248. Horatio Palavicino to Walsingham.
My friend at Paris writes me, besides what I told you orally, that he has a very poor opinion of Monsieur's power to come to terms against the States of the Low Countries and get on (comportarsi) with them, even though they received him anew, for good and all, because he more than ever employs the same instruments that have brought him to ruin and are seeking to do so. Besides, he cannot maintain himself in Flanders without aid from the king his brother who thinks so little about it that it amounts to nothing; wherefore my friend doubts that Monsieur will end by passing into France, and then embroiling everything. In Languedoc the state of things is full of suspicion of alterations, and the rest of the administration, foreign and domestic, is conducted in the worst fashion.
He writes further that two fleets were ready in Portugal, one Portuguese, under the Marquis of Villa Reale, the other Spanish, commanded by the Marquis of Santa Crux; and it is feared they will be beforehand with those of Terceira, and cut off from them the succours which are slowly being got ready by Don Antonio.—London, 16 April 1583.
Endd.: 30 March. An extract out of an Italian's letters from Paris. Ital. 1 p. [France IX. 89.]
April 16–26. 249. Mauvissière to Walsingham.
Signor Roco, the present bearer, having addressed himself to me on his return from Scotland, where he has been staying for some time, has requested me to write to you, begging you to give him your aid and favour in any recourse he might have to you to recover the goods of his wife, who died last year, and a trunk with some clothing and leather articles, which have been taken from his boy. Further he tells me that he is threatened by the people of the Earl of Oxford, which puts him in great trouble and despair of ever being able to live securely in this realm, if you do not kindly help him, according to the courtesy which you are wont to use to every one, and especially to those of his nation. Please help him so far as you deem just and reasonable.—London, 26 April 1583.
Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. IX. 90.]
April 17–27. 250. La Chapelle-des-Ursins to Walsingham.
I have delayed writing to thank you, in hopes that M. de Marchaumont, coming here, would tell me more in detail the kindness you have done me, and what I had to thank you for. But since he does not come, I would not fail to write this line to recall myself to your good graces.—Paris, 27 April 1583.
Add. Endd. Fr. ½ p. [Ibid. IX. 91.]
April 17. 251. Audley Danett to Walsingham.
Last week was spent in receiving the pay for the English companies, and in distributing it among them. It was one month in ready money, and obligations of the State to pay one month more within six weeks. This being delivered to the soldiers, they left the Land of Waes and passed over the river into Brabant; and on Friday last the general with his regiment and others followed Marshal Biron, who that same afternoon had repaired to the camp. Next morning they battered a small castle called 'Virseale,' about two leagues from Antwerp, which they took in the end by composition. Before that place was slain M. de la Garde, by a musket-shot from the castle, while the artillery was planting to make the battery.
On Monday the 15th M. de Bonnivet arrived here from Eyndhoven, with the captains who had been besieged in the town. They surrendered the place on the Saturday morning to the enemy; who permitted them to depart with their arms, their bags and baggages, the fire in their 'mesches,' and in all points observed the composition. They report the enemy to be some '14 or 15,000' strong, his horsemen about 2,500, and very good, but the foot companies poor and out of heart. Nevertheless it is thought within a few days they will seek to encounter the forces on this side, which are very strong in foot, and by the time the whole companies of horse are arrived at the camp, they are judged to be 'upon the point of' 1,800 or 2,000 horse. The States think they have well disposed of their business, being able so soon after their late broils to 'make' an army into the field.
The Prince of Parma is said to be in Maestricht, but it is not yet known what course he will begin this summer; and therefore no certain resolution for the employment of the forces on this side. But it is thought they will stay about Rosendael, where they now are, not far from Bergen-op-Zoom, which is no unfit place to lodge an army; and now and then be employed in surprising small places in those parts, until it appears what course the enemy will attempt.—Antwerp, 17 April, 1583.
P.S.—I thank you for your letter received by Mr. Thomas Norris, and will not fail to accomplish your pleasure touching your servant Martin Couche.
Add. Endd. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XIX. 17.]
April 17–27. 252. The Prince of Orange's Advice to the States.
27 April, 1583.—The Prince of Orange being requested by the States-General of the Low Countries to give his advice touching present affairs, especially as to what ought to be done and negotiated further with his Highness; and also being on his part desirous to aid so far as was in his power the resolution of matters concerning the good of this country, has stated in writing what seems to him at this time best suited to effect that. He begs the States to take it in good part, as from one whose only desire is to employ himself in their service, submitting it to their judgement, and praying them all, generally and individually to put forward on their side what they shall judge to be most appropriate and salutary.
First, he thinks it necessary to keep in permanent garrison 15,000 foot, distributed into companies of 150 'heads,' each company to reckon at 1,700 guilders, which makes per month for the 100 companies 170,000 guilders
2,000 horse, at 100 lances per company, paid at 2500 guilders a month, making 20 cornets, coming to 50,000
For the governors of the towns, sergeant-majors, cannoneers, and transport 6,000 [sic]
Total for the ordinary garrisons, horse and foot 223,000
For the army which ought to be kept in the field, the States will be unable to pay out of the 4,000,000 agreed upon more than 6,000 men, making 40 companies of 150, which comes in money to 68,000 guilders
1,500 horses and 25 companies come to 37,500
For the artillery train 15,000
For victuals 10,000
For the officers 10,000
Total for the camp 140,500
Total for camp and garrisons 363,500
The States have agreed to 4,000,000 per annum, making per month 333,333 guilders. They would thus be 33[sic], 167 short per month, but by paying every six weeks the 4,000,000 would suffice.
If then the States are content to avail themselves still of their own resources, and pay every six weeks, it will be found that beyond the ordinary garrisons they cannot maintain more than 6,000 foot in the field and 1,500 horse. These will be insufficient to carry on the smallest defensive war, so far from any enterprise being possible with so small a force. His Excellency does not think it possible to defend the country without putting in the field 10,000 more men, in 50 companies or thereabouts. This would cost 190,000 per month, or 2,292,000 [sic] per annum; and by paying every six weeks, 573,000 might be saved. There would still remain 1,719,000 or thereabouts.
Copy in later hand. Fr. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIX. 18.]
April 18. 253. The Consuls of Lubeck to the Queen.
We have received with due observance, and caused to be read before us your letter calling upon us either to make restitution to John Chapell of his confiscated goods, or, if we so prefer, to let the matter be tried through our proctors in your Court of Admiralty. Now though we hoped that by our late reply we had fully satisfied not only Lord Willoughby, then on his Danish embassy, but yourself, yet since Chapell does not cease to press his case, contrary to all law and justice, and to slander us immoderately and unendingly to the neighbouring kings and princes, we have thought further answer ought to be given to the charges.
In the first place then, while we by no means deny the confiscation of the copper, the pickled herrings (halecum) too, and part of the ship, we affirm that the same took place not violently or unjustly, but in pursuance of an edict put forth by the Emperor and all the Estates of the Holy Roman Empire: seeing that, as a favour to the Livonions, and for the convenience of the Christian commonwealth, every sort of exportation of arms or the removal of metal from which arms might be made to the stranger (alienigenas) peoples of Muscovy has generally and without exception been forbidden to traders of every sort. The neighbouring kings too, whenever goods of this sort have come into their power, have always confiscated them (fisco suo applicarint). We, too, after the example of our forefathers in like cases, have not undeservedly put the same confiscation in force against Chapell, as a transgressor of the Imperial Edict.
Now this just execution of the law having come about through his own fault will place the loss on himself. Nor has he any ground for complaining that the penalty has been exacted from him alone; for we have taken steps in proportion to the nature of the offence, indifferently against both our own people and foreigners, who have been convicted of this illicit exportation of arms and metal to the Muscovites.
As regards this controversy, the state of the case turns chiefly on whether copper is included in the goods which were forbidden to be exported and sold to the Muscovites. But that it is so appears more clear than noonday. For no one can question that it is of the greatest use and necessity in the manufacture of large weapons of war, and that very great harm can be done with them. Wherefore though in the Emperor's Edict there was no special mention of copper, the common law and the general clause in the Edict prove that its exportation to the Muscovite was implicitly forbidden as pernicious, as for the rest were arms, guns, powder, saltpetre, sulphur, lead, corslets. There is also the Declaration of our Emperor Rudolf II, which he caused to be given in writing to the Muscovite envoys; a copy of which we enclose for the Queen's information. The same testimony is given by the Declarations of the Estates of the Empire over the settlement of the war between Denmark and Sweden, and those of the neighbouring kings, frequently made verbally and in writing; on which we believe we may safely and with just cause rely.
Now seeing that the Emperor's Edict was unknown to none of the traders setting out for Muscovy—indeed by common judgement and admission the exportation to the Muscovites of the aforesaid arms, and of copper, wrought or raw, was not merely forbidden, but as dangerous in the highest degree to the neighbouring Christian nations, regarded as disgraceful, there is no reason why Chapell alone, who has for so many years traded in these parts, should require any more solemn proclamation of the Edict, or should be able to protect himself by affected ignorance of a well-known law.
Furthermore, although the Duke of Muscovy has frequently written to claim the confiscated copper as his property and has asserted that it had been bought with a view to roofing churches, yet seeing that copper, which was cast and not beaten was more adapted for weapons of war than for church-roofs, we have under the prohibition of the Imperial Edict, hitherto resisted; and of late the Grand Duke of Muscovy has been compelled to acquiesce in the answer given by the Emperor to his envoys on this point. The Edict, however, having been issued with the common consent of all the nobles and estates of the Empire, the Emperor himself allows that it cannot be rescinded or altered save by their contrariwise dissenting from it. Also it can be shown in many ways by writing and by the sworn testimony of living people, some of which have at the present time been cast in his face, that our people when dealing with the Russians have been brought into much risk of life and property through the treacherous, false complaints and machinations of Chapell and his accomplice 'Rotbart' Simpson, an Englishman by birth and now a citizen of Wismar; and this very matter is now under discussion in the public Court of Wismar. How much their counsel will be able to rely upon the Duke of Muscovy's letters and other evidence, and protect themselves thereby, the result of the case will show.
Moreover, Chapell having come before our Court, on account of the violation of the Edict, and having been convicted on sworn evidence of threats uttered to our injury and that of our State, we thought it necessary to require a caution binding him to offend no further, but to try the matter of the copper rather before our own competent judge, or by the Emperor himself, or the supreme judgement of the Imperial Chamber, and abide by the judgement there. But he, having given indeed, but not keeping the stipulated caution, left our city for Wismar, where he left nothing untried with either the Senate or the lord of that Duchy to avenge himself, and dared to accuse us falsely of rapine and violence. It is clear enough that he is trying the same thing with the Queen by false accusation, as he formerly did with us, on an alleged judicial skirmish (justitiœ velitatione) in regard to wax. But since this is falling out to our injury, we are confident that Chapell cannot justly bring any complaint against us for a refusal of justice or anything other than due administration of it.
For the rest, it will be plainly shown by much evidence in the trial of the case at Wismar, that the giving into custody of certain of our citizens at Novgorod (? Novogardia) came about through Chapell's insidious machinations; and we rely more on the justice of our cause than on any man's opinion, or Chapell's alleged authority, whereby he boasts of the great influence he has with the Duke of the Muscovite people, to show that we are not liable to make any restitution of the confiscated goods or bound to appear by our proctors as accused persons, in view of our domicile, and the admission of the offence, to try the case in your Court of Admiralty, which is certainly incompetent.
With all possible submission we beseech your Majesty to deign not only to hold us excused, but also by no means to suffer yourself to be constrained by Chapell's shamelessness, or the unjust importunities of others, to grant what ought not to be conceded, or to ordain or permit anything in anger against us or our fellow-citizens contrary to law and equity; but rather to compel Chapell as a subject of the Empire and a citizen of Wismar, though English by birth, to try out his cause with us before a competent Court, and bring to a finish at Wismar the suit that has there been begun. For if any injury, grievance, or loss is inflicted on us contrary to equity and for no fault of ours, by your Majesty, we shall have cause not only for complaint within the Empire, but for avenging it and defending ourselves by lawful ways and means. But whereas we have hitherto had no doubt of your kindness towards us and our State, we are confident that you will embrace us, after the laudable example of your predecessors, in the rights of friendship.—Given under the seal of our city, 18 April, 1583.
Endd. in Walsingham's office. Latin. 10 pp. [Hanse Towns I. 72.]
April 19. 254. Cobham to Walsingham.
The king returned from his pilgrimage on Sunday night the 14th inst., but because he would repose himself after his weary journey, and observe on Wednesday his devotions with the confraternity of Penitentiers, he did not grant me access till Thursday the 18th. I then told him the Queen had considered the articles which had been propounded concerning the remedies to be had against the rovers, as likewise that she had thought good to add, too [sic] other articles to those which were sent from hence, which were so necessary and convenient that they could not but be acceptable to him.
The king thanked her very much that she had condescended to so profitable a matter for the quietness of his state. He had received of late divers complaints by his subjects who had been robbed by the English, as his brother M. de Joyeuse would declare to me; with whom he desired me to have conference. I moved him further for the English merchants of Rouen, who are very much oppressed by the farmers of these new impositions, as I particularly delivered by speeches and written memorials. I informed him also of the complaints of the English merchants trading Bordeaux and Rochelle; the copy of which demonstrations I send herewith, save that of Rochelle, having sent a note of their cause to you last March.
The king said his intention was that her Majesty's subjects might be treated as his own and enjoy their privileges as in times past; willing me to give those memorials to M. Pinart to be seen, whereon he would take present order. In this sort he licensed me, making a sign to M. Joyeuse, who was then in the cabinet; whereon he came towards me, accompanying me forth into the next chamber, since the Venetian ambassador was to enter to have audience in the cabinet at that instant. First M. de Joyeuse complained that an English pirate had taken before the haven of Havre de Grâce, he being there, a ship belonging to M. de Bours, wherein were wines of Bordeaux for sundry principal personages of this Court; as may appear by M. de Lansac's letter enclosed. I beseech you that there may be some restitution made to give them satisfaction; which coming to pass in good sort, I should be glad to be the reporter of that 'contented' news to M. de Lansae.
M. de Joyeuse gave me further to understand that 'd'Hermeville,' brother to Racqueville, was come to this town with him from Normandy, being ready to answer to whatever could be laid to his charge concerning the 'depredations of' Walter Caffey of Dublin and John Adenton of Southampton. Whereto I answered that those poor men, having been here a long time, at their great cost and expense, 'and could not procure d'Hermeville' to appear, nor get any justice, were constrained by necessity to return unsatisfied; since which time 'd'Hermeville' has shown himself in Court. I assured M. Joyeuse that I had written to England that they should send someone to follow their causes, upon the promise which he made me that justice should be administered to them; and in the mean time besought his Excellency that 'd'Hermeville' might put in sufficient caution to make restitution of the goods which had been taken by his ships, upon the return of the parties, or their sufficient deputies. This he promised to cause him to perform.
Then lastly I gave him to understand the order which I had treated of with the king for the redress of piracies, which his Majesty had then wished me to communicate to him, and to deliver the note of it to M. Pinart, to be seen by the king and him at their better leisure. Which articles for the abolishing of pirates he professed to recommend to his Majesty with much affection, acknowledging they would be greatly for the king's honour and much contentment to his people, and assuring me that he would answer for all such vessels as 'were to' depart hereafter from the coasts of Picardy, Normandy, and 'Britain' where he had jurisdiction; 'showing' that he did not command in Gascony or Guyenne, because it belonged to the King of Navarre. The consideration of this is to be remembered, if you please, that further redress may likewise be taken in Gascony and Guyenne.
Thus much being performed, I resorted to M. Pinart's house, and delivered to him the 'order' for the piracies with the other memorials; craving his forbearance in these English causes (with very little conference, because he had been 'travailed' with a long fit of a hot tertian ague), and receiving from him good promises and words of well-meaning.
Since writing thus much, M. de Bours has delivered me certain reports and 'approvances,' which I now send, concerning the depredations of the wines.—Paris, 19 April, 1583.
Add. Endd. 3 pp. [France IX. 91.]
255. Enclosures in the above :
April 18. (1) Lansac to Cobham.
I have heard that M. de Joyeuse, M. de Bord, lieutenant of the artillery, M. de Villeroy and others complained to you yesterday that an English pirate has lately taken in the neighbourhood of Havre-de-Grâce a vessel laden with wine on its way hither, which M. de Gourgues had freighted at Bordeaux for carriage to this town. They belong mostly to the above-named gentlemen, but part belongs also to me. I should have been very glad for it to have been taken by any of my good lords and friends whom I have in England, to whom I would give it with all my heart, but I cannot stand being pillaged by a pirate (pilate). I am sure it is not the wish of the Queen of England, whose very affectionate and very humble servant I am, nor of the Lords of her Council; wherefore I beg you to have right done and restitution made as soon as possible, that we may have no occasion for complaints or reprisals.—Paris, 18 April, 1583.
Add. Endd.: Received 19 April [N.B., Lansar using old style] and in England. Fr. 1 p. [France IX. 91a.]
April 7–17. (2) Report of a Piracy.
On the 17th of April, 1583, before us, Robert le Roy, clerk for receiving reports at Quillebœuf.
Appeared Arsilles Dehuvelloude, master of a ship of about 45 tons burden, named La Chaine of Quillebœuf aforesaid, who reports that two months ago he left Brouage laden with salt for Rouen; and that as he was yesterday crossing the bay of the Seine, he was laid aboard by an English pirate-ship with some forty armed men in her crew, who came on board his vessel, and took it away from him, leaving him in place of it a small rotten (faillye) bark of about eight tons in which they were, not leaving them any of their clothes, victuals, or otherwise. Having done this, they instantly set upon a vessel of about 40 tons burden called the Dauphin of la Tremblade, laden with wine for M. Jehan Mallot, lord of la Mothe, and other goods pursuant to the charter-party made here and carried by the said master to the first deponent, named Jehan Debonneau of la Tremblade aforesaid, who has deposed before us that on the same day he was laid aboard by the said English pirates (pillarts) who took and stole (robbé) his ship and goods and all his things and those of his crew without leaving them anything, and made them all go on board the same boat that they had given to Arsilles as aforesaid; and this done, sent them off without any victuals or anything. And the pirates went off shaping their course for England; while the deponents having reached Quillebœuf, the said master informed us that he was about a month out from Bordeaux. And further they depose nothing.
This has been attested by Ellie Mallot, Michel Dubour, Jehan Ilaire, Michel Fontenaux, Isac Bour, servants for M. de la Mothe, Pierre (?) Groseau, of the ship's company, all of whom have signed with the said notaries.
Collation of the present copy has been made with the original on paper by the king's notaries. (Signed) Peronne, Permez(?).
Fr.p. [France IX. 91b.]
(3) Extract from the reports of the office of the jurisdiction of the Admiralty of France in seision at Dieppe, of what was said on April 20, 1582, at Dieppe before us, Antoine le Moyenne, licenced agent [sic] in laws, lord of Aubermesnil and Aumerle(?), lieutenant-commissioner for our lord the king in the Admiralty sitting at Dieppe.
Appeared Jehan Dybonneau, master of a vessel of la Trouslande [sic] of Brouage, named the Dauphin, about 40 tons, and reported that coming from the said place laden with wine for M. de Bore [sic] 18 barrels, and for M. de Gourgons 8 barrels, for M. Reux, Jurat of Bordeaux 8 barrels, and certain goods, such as 9 casks of oil (?) belonging to M. le Lièvre of Paris, at sunrise last Sunday, the travers(?) of Havre de Grâce being about two leagues further (vers léans) he was taken, boarded by a pirate vessel manned by English, of about 15 tons burden, with 40 men on board her, which having previously taken a vessel of Quillebœuf and manned her in like manner with English. The aforesaid testifies that a pirate vessel thus manned took away his ship with all the goods, the clothes of the ship's company, victuals and munitions that were in her; which done, the pirates compelled deponent and his crew, together with the crew of the Quillebœuf vessel, to go into the little English pirate vessel, into which they sent all the two crews, who landed at Quillebœuf, without handing them anything beyond a half-basket (? corbillon) of biscuit and half a barrel of beer, so that they were in danger of dying of hunger if they had not reached land. They were in all more than 20 persons. Thus he reports, says, and signs.
Done in the presence of Michel de Mussy, Sieur de Sane(?) officer of artillery, who says that he embarked at Bordeaux in Dybonneau's vessel for the service of M. de Bore, and said he lost in her more than 50 crowns' worth of clothing. He disembarked from the ship 10 leagues from Havre, and a little before the depredation in question. This he says upon oath, and affirms that Dybonneau's report is true and has signed it for such.—21 April, 1583.
Compared with the original, 29 April, 1583. (Signed) Peronne, Prine(?). Fr.pp. [Ibid. IX. 91c.]
(4) 'In the Name of God be it, Amen. Know all present and to come, that this day before me, Pierre Thibault, royal notary and tabellion in the city of Bordeaux and senate of Guyenne, by the undermentioned witnesses has been presently and personally established [sic] Jehan Debonnean master after God of the ship called the Dauphin of la Tremblade, who of his own free will has declared that he received on board his vessel at this fort and harbour of Bouroc of M. Jean de Gurdin, at present dwelling in the parish of Saint Massene, and of M. Mallet, citizen and merchant of this town, acting for and in the name of M. Auger de Gourjues, president of the treasury of the generality of Guyenne, accepting it then and there to the quantity of 26 tuns of good merchantable wine in good condition, viz., 18 tuns from M. de la Mothe, marked at both ends with this mark (merche) [symbol] belonging to M. de Borcq, lieutenant-general of the French artillery; from M. de Mallet to the same name 6 tuns marked with this mark [symbol] and 5 tierces, making 2 tuns, marked with this other mark [symbol] making up the number of 26 tuns of wine, to carry the whole, with the grace of God, and saving the perils and fortunes of the sea, sailing from this port and harbour of Bordeaux with the first good weather that may suit, with his ship well and duly manned and fitted as far as the port of Rouen, the place fixed upon between them for their discharge, without leaving his direct course except in the case of bad weather. At which place the said master having arrived with his ship shall, etc., etc. (doubtless the charter-party referred to above).
Copy attested as the last. Fr. 3 pp. [France IX. 91d.]
(5) M. de Born's wine.
There were 62 casks of wine, marked thus [symbol] which are the armes (armes) of M. de Born [sic], lieutenant-general of the artillery of France.
The Englishmen told the master of the Quillebœuf ship after they had captured her, that if he wanted to get his vessel back which they were carrying off, he should bring money to the place called La Poule [qy. Poole], or the Isle of Wight, or the neighbourhood of those places, where he would hear news of them. And afterwards they took the ship, in which M. de Born's wine was, out at sea, and put all the Frenchmen into their English vessel, and sent them away, and carried off the two French vessels, laden the one with the king's salt and the other with wine belonging to M. de Born aforesaid, and other private persons.
Endd. by writer; and by Cobham: received the 19th of April, 1583. Fr. 2/3 p. [Ibid. IX. 91e.]
April 19–29. 256. Thomas Doyley to Walsingham.
I doubt not but that Mr. Somers has informed you that the duke has restored Dixmude to the States; who according to their manner being too slow in their affairs, lost the town of Eyndhoven last Saturday in the forenoon by composition, the captains and soldiers coming out with baggage and armour, sounding the drum and displaying their ensigns, with four days' respite to march from the town.
On the Friday before, Marshal Biron as general went from Antwerp to begin to march with the camp; but all men of judgement might perceive that he did not go to the succour of Eyndhoven; because he had with him five pieces of artillery, not for the field, but for the battery. Insomuch that they presently beset Viersel, a castle between Lierre and Herentals on a branch of the same river, which enduring not the fury of the cannon was soon gotten, and the captain taken prisoner; but M. de la Garde, being shot with a musket, was brought dead to Antwerp next day.
On Sunday our camp dislodged thence, and came back towards a castle between Rosendael and Bergen-op-Zoom, which also they mean to batter, being a place much prejudicial to the country.
Col. North's regiment stayed till Sunday in the land of Waes, and has not so much money as the other troops in the same place. Our general with his companies marched with the camp at the first.
At Dunkirk there was a great quarrel between Bacqueville and Chamois, governor of the town.
The wars of Germany are not 'appointed.' I have not this week received other particulars thereof.
I caused Mr. Lock, servant to Mr. Henry Knollys, to hasten his return to England to advertise you of the loss of Eyndhoven; who, being of an honest disposition and learned, it may please you in part to ease his charges, for this week we had no post.—Antwerp, the 29th of our April, 1583.
P.S.—Don Diego de Botelho, ambassador for the King of Portugal, arrived at Antwerp the 25th of our April. He brought letters to our general from the king, and has twice communicated with him.
Add. Endd. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XIX. 19.]
April 20. 257. Duke Casimir to Walsingham.
I have seen what you send to my Councillor Beutterich regarding the Cologne affair, and am very glad that you have it so much at heart. I am writing two words of reply to her Majesty to advertise her that I want to send a man to her expressly, to satisfy her in respect of that which you know she requires of me.
For the rest, they send us word from Berne that if the Bernese cannot, in the Diet now being held at Baden, get satisfaction from the Duke of Savoy, who does not cease to practise against their state, they have decided to take arms against him. Good-bye (à tant).—Lautern, 20 April, 1583.
Add. Endd. Fr. ¾ p. [Germany II. 63.]
April 20. 258. Duke Casimir to the Queen.
I have received the letter which you were pleased to write to me on February I, and thank you humbly for it. I praise God to see you so well disposed in regard to our affair, provided that you are duly informed as to those who take part in it. I do not do this by this bearer for certain reasons; preferring to send a man to you on purpose, as I will do as soon as I can. From him you shall hear in detail the fundamental facts of the position in which we find ourselves, and the fair appearance there is of doing some fine things, on condition that your Majesty will lend a hand.—Lautern, 20 April, 1583.
Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. II. 64.]
April 20. 259. Cobham to Walsingham.
Because by your letters you recommended to me the troubles of Mr Edward Unton, I have thought it convenient to signify that I am informed by his servant who remains here that Mr Henry Unton is in hope, by giving money, to release his brother, through Pyne's means, who is at Milan travailing and soliciting Mr Unton's cause, in which 1,500 crowns are already disbursed, or more as they say, and yet his estate is not amended. So I doubt, because those of the Inquisition receive money in so open a manner of Mr Pyne, that they intend to draw all they can from Mr Unton, to employ it on our English Jesuits; the rather through the lewd instructions of Aldridge. So that except Mr Unton is otherwise helped by her Majesty, so as to have attached or apprehended by his friends or otherwise in England one or two such as have good friends in Italy to sue for his deliverance in respect of those who shall be stayed in England, it is to be feared that he will have much money drawn from him to little purpose. I am the rather induced to this opinion because 'it is informed me' the Inquisitors of Milan last required that Mr Edward Unton should before his deliverance put in sureties to return at all times before them, to answer such articles as shall be propounded against him; which shows that they mean to make his cause 'depend' before them, and that they would have Mr Henry Unton remain obliged to their tribunal. Herein methinks her Majesty's prerogative and dignity is touched, in that they would constrain any of her subjects to be answerable in that sort in the Courts of their pretended supremacy. It may be that if Alonzo de Basurto or some better party should be apprehended, the Spanish ambassador, Don Bernardino de Mendoza, would make diligent means to have Mr Edward Unton delivered.
I have not moved the French king in his cause, because Mr Henry Unton has resolved to try the course they are entered into, and otherwise I suppose the king would write but coldly in any case that might be offensive to the Pope, as he now 'frames his progressions.'
This is as much as I could think of for the present fit to write concerning Mr Unton.—Paris, 20 April, 1583.
Add. (seal). Endd.pp. [France IX. 92.]