Elizabeth: May 1583, 26-31

Pages 366-381

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 17, January-June 1583 and Addenda. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1913.

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May 1583, 21–31

May 26. 332. Henry Ker of Gremland to Walsingham.
Your humanity in giving ear and steadfast assistance to all honest persons on their reasonable requests, has moved me the less to fear to salute you most humbly by this present, and crave most 'effectusly' your favour, which heretofore it pleased you oft-times to bestow on me both here and there. My luck has been so evil hitherto that although I be put a poor gentleman, ever meaning honestly, yet such surmises have been 'given up' against me from time to time to the Queen of England, that she has had thereby small occasion to like of me anywise. Now being informed that this manner of calumny daily takes increase by the malice of some my unfriends, in such sort as I am able to incur 'heir thereon' her Majesty's wrath, to my great harm, I must of necessity beseech you that by your favourable offices I may 'eschew' the danger hereof. The special heads reported of me to her Majesty, as I understand, are that my profession of religion made when I was in Scotland with my lord of Lenox is dissembled, that I prefer the weal of strange countries to my own native country and to that isle, and that I tender more the service of foreign princes than of my natural sovereign the King of Scotland. In refuting these heads, I will not trouble you with particular discourse (although this were easily done); I will only beseech you to believe the contrary and to move her Majesty accordingly. If you please to show me this favour, I shall ever be ready to advance her services at my small power, praying God it may be so conjoined with that of the king my sovereign that increase of their friendship, stability of the Religion, and quietness of their subjects, with good estate of the commonwealth, may prosperously continue; in maintaining whereof if God would grant me the grace to do any good offices as a poor member of that body, being born within the isle and having somewhat to live upon therein, I should have the greatest contentment I crave in this life. And verily my meaning and actions, though of small consequence, shall tend ever this way only. 'Mary' I will have the better occasion to be the more diligent herein, if I understand that I am not so in her Majesty's disgrace but my humble service may be somewhat acceptable to her 'henes.' Wherein if you please to let me know the truth by your first dispatch, my duty shall the more abound to your service whenever you shall command me.
Necessity commands me thus to trouble you with my bold request in our rude Scotch language, because I have no other whose favour I can crave in these parts; wherein if I commit any offence, I crave your pardon. I meant to have spoken with you when my lord of Lenox was there, but opportunity served not.—Paris, 26 May 1583.
Add. Endd. Scottish. 2 pp. [France IX. 112.]
May 27. 334. Gilpin to Walsingham.
By that written on the other leaf may appear the advices received from Cologne since the last I sent you; for his of the 11th, mentioned in that of the 16th, I never received, and doubt it is intercepted. He still makes difficulty about committing matters to pen, and yet affirms them to be of importance. I 'wrott' by my former from Antwerp what I 'writt' to draw him forward, and wait to understand your pleasure thereon, entertaining him the while in good offices by my letters.
The obtaining of the Emperor's last 'iterative' letters to her Majesty and the Earl of Embden against our Company 'are' practised by the friends of Sudermann, and forwarded by those that wish some further controversy might fall out between her Highness and the Hanses; hoping thereby to 'work a feat' for the King of Spain and his allies. This I doubt not but will be prevented, and their purpose and practice contrary to their expectation thwarted and overthrown; and if Hamburg would harken to enter into treaty with our Company, methinks they could not do amiss diligently to labour that matter; for as the state of this country stands, and the discommodiousness of Embden considered, for sundry causes not comparable for the 'vent and good utterance of our country commodities' in comparison with Hamburg, it would not be amiss to be provided in time 'of' so fit and sure a place, which would ever keep this country under and make them know how great the benefit is they receive by her Majesty's realm and subjects.
For our news here; they are so stale and uncertain that I was loath to trouble you therewith, and refer you to 'those' written by others from Antwerp.—Middelburg, 27 May 1583.
Appended to above;
Advertisements from Cologne—to Gilpin.
May 16. Inasmuch as letters which should come from Antwerp cannot pass so securely as usual by reason of the roads being full of soldiers, as I fear the like for those which are sent from hence to you, it seems necessary for me to make this repetition of my last, of the 13th inst. The contents of this were in substance to let you know the desire, purpose (intention) and sincerity (rondeur) of 'le gast de Leyster' regarding the services which he is willing and ready to do to you and your friends. To this effect he has given a foretaste of his subject matter which concerns the good or ill of those friends; having heard last Sunday that one of the minions there wrote hither of Bi [K. of France], Bo [Queen Mother], Fo [Monsieur] and others, certifying their constant alliance and amity with Bu [K. of Spain]. He has even knowledge of certain provinces which are of the party, which is of no small consequence; and that for this reason Hu [the new Elector] has despatched (fn. 1) Counsellor Rocvardon into Ca [Spain] (one of the chief 'createur' of La [Cardinal Granvelle], to proceed against (fn. 1) Ce, Ci, Fi, and Mi [The Queen, England, P. of Orange, Zealand] which will not fail to be put into execution (if God do not hinder) all the more easily that some of the side are in the very middle of the body of Ci eating the bread of Ce. This the said 'gast' greatly regrets; so much that if he was with your friends he would tell them the rest, and point out an antidote of great virtue to purge out this dangerous poison, a thing in no way permitted to the pen, both for the reasons which he has heretofore sent you, and principally for the gravity of the matter, which you may soundly judge and maturely consider. For these are no fables, I know it well, and well I dare say it to you that 'gast' has this action so much at heart, knowing the reputation which all those will earn who intermeddle in it, that if there were not the impediment of which he has already written to you whom he cannot abandon without previously leaving sufficient necessary provision, and the hazards of the present time, that in order partially to prevent them, and give aid in this matter to your friends who have the means for it, and whom the action touches, suffices it that the man who to-day enters the field, especially in the requisite quarter, his life hangs by a thread, as may be seen daily. Without this, believe me, he would go to see you very shortly. And even thus, he offers therein to expose his life in the service of Ce, so long as there is not too much delay, and subject to the conditions specified. For the matter requires time to accomplish.
He begs you to let him know your opinion, and what he may expect, that he may put certain of his affairs in order; and affectionately thanks you for the 'token' [sic] which you say you will send him as soon as you get to Antwerp. He cordially accepts them [sic], and as she may find by tangible experience (sentir et goâter), they will not be given to an ungrateful person, but to a very faithful and affectionate servant — without any boasting — as he is ready to show by action, when it shall be her pleasure.
There is no news, save the preparations for the election of a new Archbishop of Cologne on the 22nd and 23rd of this month, in pursuance of the Pope's Bull, of which I sent you a copy a week ago. The day and month were omitted in it—they were the first kalend [sic] of April. It looks very much as if the Duke of Bavaria will obtain the votes, and on that people are already calculating. Anyhow he will have some competitors, notably the Bishop of Strasburg, who is esteemed wise, learned and moderate (politique). The Archbishop of Bremen will be here in person; who it is feared will embroil matters, inasmuch as he is not a good Bavarian, so that it may be presumed that contentions will ensue. Count Salentin, admitted as administrator of the diocese for four years, won over, it is said, by the Bavarian, gives out that if the Bavarian be not elected, he will find it difficult to carry out his functions; inasmuch as the diocese being weak and broken up needs some personage who has means and is backed by great and powerful friends as he is. Such are the reasons why it is thought the Bavarian will win. Meanwhile those of Bonn and 'Beack' [qy. Berg] are fortifying themselves, and plundering all round. Count Aremberg and Captain Jan Manriques, a Spaniard brought up at the Emperor's Court, are close by here on their way to Mullem, each with a regiment, to station them on the other side of the Rhine over against Bonn, and stop the passage. The Chapter intends to besiege that town as soon as the election is over. Archbishop Gebhard is in Westphalia, with 800 horse and as many foot, thinking about succouring Bonn. As to any help on a large scale from any of the German princes, there is no appearance of it.
I am expecting news shortly of how the festivity passed off at Weimar. Several princes were to be there.—Cologne, May 16, 1583.
May 20. As for the 'squynteid' [sic; qy. squinteyed] he may procure as many letters as he can, now or in future. He is allowed to act, at his own cost; for he has been definitely told that they will spend no more money in it. They would be very glad for negotiations to be opened afresh at Hamburg. If it is found good, I should think the means could be found. When I come to see you, I will tell you the rest, and I am sure you will be pleased with it.
Last Saturday the Metropolitan Chapter attached to the doors of the Dom citations in form of a Latin instrument dated May 14, to the effect that in pursuance of the Pope's challenge (provocation) against Gebhard Truchsess, late Archbishop of the Church of Cologne, by reason of his having changed his religion, 'celebrated' a marriage, and other causes, and in order that in this perilous time the aforesaid Church may not be without a head, they have determined to elect another on Thursday, the 23rd May, in the forenoon, at the accustomed place. Then will be seen the partisans of one side and the other, and it will not pass without a great and deadly war, if God do not provide. For now that the Pope has deposed him from his ecclesiastical dignities, and they are electing another, time must inform us whether the Empire will recognise this new one as Elector. * Meanwhile those of Bonn, 'Berck' [qy. Berg] and Westphalia are well provided, and determined to hold out. My man is back from Weimar and the festivity joyously. The Dukes of Wurtemberg and Hannenberg, with many counts, were there, but not the Duke of Saxony nor other Electors. The jewel-dealers made no profit; the talk was only of war. Count Aremberg was in this town on Friday, to greet the Pope's nuncio, the Bishop of Vercelli; on his mother's behalf also. His people have not yet crossed the Rhine; but full 300 soldiers of the Count of 'Rinerscheit,' in risk of being beaten.—Cologne, 20 May 1583:
Add. Endd.; The advertisements. Copied by Gilpin, in not very good Fr. 3 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIX. 52.]
May 27.–June 6. 334. Colonel Morgan to Walsingham.
I have sent this bearer, who is my kinsman, to England about my affairs, and especially to do his duty to you. I 'prefared' him to you at my last being in England.
I have received some letters from Mr. White, who is servant to Sir Philip Sidney, concerning a matter which is in controversy between Mr. Carleil and me; 'by whom,' as I hear, some difficulty is therein made. For my part, I refer the judgement of it to you, 'And what that is, you shall do therein, I shall be very well contented.'—Antwerp, 6 June 1583, 'after this reckoning.'
Add. Endd. ½ p. [Ibid. XIX. 53.]
May 28./June 7. 335. Charretier to Walsingham.
As soon as I reach his Highness I will not fail to let him know the Queen's commands, and the charge you have given me touching the ships laden with salt that have been taken by M. de Bacqueville's people, and you shall soon have news how the matter stands. Meanwhile, I beg of you that no one may be condemned without being heard; for I doubt not it will be found that the salt belongs to a Spaniard who was having it taken to Saint-Omer, as appears by the charter-party of the ships, as I have heard M. de Bacqueville say. But it will be for him to answer to the matter, and I will be a good solicitor.—London, 7 June 1583.
Add. Endd. Fr. ½ p. [France IX. 114.]
May 29./June 8. 336. Diego Botelho to Walsingham.
Albeit the request which Edward Prim goes to address to the Queen would not be so greatly to her service as you would understand, I am confident that for the sake of what the king my master deserves at her hands, her Majesty will do me the kindness which I ask of her. Still more do I look to you as a protector therein; you will do me a very great kindness by hearing me, and granting me the favour of getting the matter dispatched with all possible brevity, for therein is the remedy. Command me in anything wherein I may serve you.—Antwerp, 8 June 1583.
Add. Endd. Port. 1 p. [Portugal II. 8.]
May 30. 337. John Newberie to Walsingham.
It has pleased God to send us a speedy and prosperous voyage. We set sail out of 'Famourthe' the 11th of March last, and never let fall anchor till we came into the road of Tripoli in Syria, which was the last of this last month of April. We stayed there 14 days, for want of camels to carry away our goods. The reason was that the Bashaw of that country had taken up all he could come by for his carriage upon his journey on warfare against the Persian. This Bashaw's name is Alle Bashaw, chief governor of a great part of Syria under the Grand Seignor, and general of the camps. He goes presently with the Bashaw of this city to a city called 'Arsserom,' 25 days' journey hence. Each has a like quantity of horse; besides there awaits them at the aforesaid place a great quantity of 'St. Joecks' [qy. Sandjaks], that is to say captains, with a great company of soldiers, coming from Constantinople from the Grand Seignor; in all no small number. He has won certain towns every year, but with no small loss of his men, for the Persian is a stout horseman.
On the 20th inst. we came hither, and I hope to depart again from hence, forward upon my 'pretended' voyage within two days. Since our coming hither, thanks be to God, we have had reasonable 'saells' [qy. sales].—Aleppo, 30 May 1583.
Add. (seal). Endd. ¾ p. [Turkey I. 6.]
May 31. 338. Cobham to Walsingham.
I doubt I did not remember to inform you in my last dispatch how d'Aubigny a day or two before his decease made his last testament, appointing for 'tutors' of his children, as they inform me, the Earls of Huntley, Argyle, Montrose, Glencarne, Eglinton and Morton; and has requested them that the contract of the marriage made between the Earl of Morton's son and his daughter may proceed and take effect. He has signed sundry blanks which are to be written and filled up here by those who follow the practice which he began in Scotland. There is a letter directed from him to the Scottish king recommending the estate of his sons, with other of his friends and servants, bequeathing his heart to the king. It has been embalmed to be sent.
Those of the Scottish faction have dispatched Henry Nesbett hence, with letters and advertisements concerning d'Aubigny's death. And now Smallet is directed by them to pass with his blanks, framed into letters, directed to the king and others in Scotland.
It seems they have linked Smallet to d'Aubigny's eldest son through their persuasions, because he knows the lands which d'Aubigny gave him are part of the Earldom of Lenox; which if d'Aubigny's son does not enjoy, Smallet doubts to be frustrated of the lands. Howbeit, methinks the Scottish king will be persuaded to receive the Earldom of Lenox to himself, as being his own inheritance, considering the Crown of Scotland has small revenue. As for d'Aubigny's son, he is yet but a child 'on' the age of eight or nine years, of whom the king can in long time receive no great comfort.
Those of the Scottish Queen's faction here persuaded Smallet to think that the King of Scots will now take occasion to 'grow in' deep discontent with her Majesty, in respect that at her instance he licensed d'Aubigny to depart from Scotland, whereby his sickness and death have ensued.
They have written, as I hear, in one of d'Aubigny's blanks, since his death, a letter directed to the Scottish king, wherein it is 'inferred' very much how the putting him from his presence, together with other infinite displeasures received in Scotland have occasioned his death; referring this to the king's conscience, requesting that his son may be the rather favoured and supported by him in respect his life is lost for the king's service, and showing further how he had commanded his son to follow the same course he had begun, with the like affection to the king. Thus much is written in other blanks, addressed to the noblemen who follow his faction.
William Shawe was almost continually with d'Aubigny for three or four days before his decease. From him every particular could be discovered, if he could be won to speak the truth. I understand he is presently to repair into Scotland, where he will be employed by the chief of the Scottish Queen's confederates.
D'Aubigny was 'advised' to desire that his body might be buried in Scotland beside the Scottish king's father. He bequeathed to his wife the jewels which the Scottish king had given him. They have laid his corpse in a lead coffin, and sent it hence.
Understanding from Smallet at his return from England that he had brought with him a letter from her Majesty directed to d'Aubigny, I demanded to have it delivered into my hands, because he was dead 'to' whom it was meant; and I have now received it from Smallet opened. So I suppose it was read by some of d'Aubigny's 'confident' friends. I enclose it herewith, because it may be her Majesty will think good to let Smallet 'have' it again with him into Scotland to show the king; or otherwise as she may be best pleased.
I understand Smallet has given some of Lord Hamilton's friends to understand that he has been in England, and that at the instance of d'Aubigny her Majesty had been induced the rather to be an earnest means to the Scottish king to return Lord Hamilton to his favour. Thus methinks Smallet shows himself able to work and practise much.
The French king since his departure has sent for his guard of Swiss.
Before Whitsuntide, Puygaillard licensed 600 of his footmen by diminishing 40 or 50 out of every company. After he had made muster of his men at Corbie beside Amiens he marched at once with his regiment towards Beauvais; but on Wednesday the 29th he returned to Corbie, and resolved to march after the king.
MM. Lenoncourt and de Beaureyns, with one of the king's Masters of Requests, arrived on the 24th at Amiens, with commission to receive the 'dolleamas' and complaints of the Estates of Picardy, both concerning the disorders committed by the soldiers and for the late exactions imposed on them by the king; and lastly to 'appoint' and agree all other private quarrels and differences. They have also commission to call the mayor and other officers of the town to an account, to show how its domains and rents are employed.
The Master of Requests has a particular commission to levy in the province of Picardy 30,000 crowns, to be paid yearly by all the enclosed towns. He demands of those of Amiens as their portion of this payment 4,000 crowns yearly. He has another commission, to establish in every village certain officers according to the late Edicts; for which occasion the three Estates of Picardy 'are' assembled together at Amiens on the 27th inst. where the Commissioners have shown their commissions.
On the 28th there passed by Lusersse [qy. Luzarches] 500 horsemen, who took their course towards Champagne.
The Dukes of Guise and Maine depart hence on June 4, towards Eu, and the Prince of Geneva their brother into Piedmont, to his father the Duke of Nemours.
They write from Spain that the Spaniards have discovered, by means of the King of Mexico, a new land in the Indies.
It is 'esteemed' that Monsignor de Campeggio, Bishop of Rossano, visitor of all the churches in Naples, favoured by Cardinal Borromeo, will be sent hither to be nuncio resident before September next.
I have been requested, in the name of MM. Lansac and Pinart, to deliver a passport to M. de Miremond, Stephen de Corne, and John de Bonniean, master of a French ship called the Tremblade, to repair to her Majesty's Court to recover the ship with their wines robbed on the seas, as has heretofore been written.
They are advertised in this Court that Sainte-Aldegonde and the Baron de Mérode, with some principal personages, have retired from the Prince of Orange, discontented; which is not altogether believed.—Paris, the last of May, 1583.
Add. Endd.pp. [France IX. 115.]
May 31./June 10. 339. The Prince of Orange to Walsingham.
I should have been glad if Mr. Norris had not had such important business in England as to compel him to travel thither; for up to now he has so honourably acquitted himself of the duties laid on him in this country, that I could have wished he might not yet discontinue them. But when I see that such is his wish and also the long time since he has seen his parents, I could not dissuade him. Yet I beg you to do me the favour, as soon as he is ready to return, as he promised, to help him with her Majesty, that he may obtain leave, and her favour therewith.—Antwerp 10 June 1583.
Add. Endd; The Prince of Orange, by Mr. Norris. Fr. ½ p. [Holl. and Fl. XIX. 54.]
May. 340. Instructions for Sir Jerome Bowes.
Whereas our good brother, King and Great Duke of all Russia, has of late sent ambassadors to us to treat of matters touching his service, which require some answer from us by some special minister, we have made choice of you, both in respect of the opinion conceived by us of your sufficiency, and for the satisfaction of the said Emperor, who requested that a gentleman qualified as in our opinion you are, might be sent to him.
Having therefore this charge, and being arrived there, you shall give him to understand in what acceptable sort we take the sending of an ambassador to us, receiving great contentment by the report that ambassador made to us of his good estate, both of health and of peaceable government, by him in seeming so grave and wise a minister.
And as one part of his message was to treat of a league defensive and offensive, you shall declare to him that for his satisfaction therein, and to make it appear to him how acceptable that motion was to us we gave order to certain of our Council to confer with his minister 'thereabout'; by whom he shall understand what resolution is taken here, the same being delivered to him in writing, wherewith we hope he will rest contented, having yielded so far forth as may stand with our honour, and due consideration had of our present state.
And since his minister did not at first rest satisfied in some points of our answer, you shall declare unto him, in case any occasion be thereto ministered, that we thought good to refer the further enlargement of our minds therein to you, whom we have expressly charged to make such delivery of our meaning as we doubt not will remove all matter of doubt, and work that good acceptation in him of our answer as we desire.
Therefore you shall declare unto him: first, that whereas his minister required of us that the treaty might be set down in the same form that he delivered it to us, and our answer accordingly to each point, we thought good, for the better explanation of the matters therein comprised, and that our answer might be more orderly framed, to cause it to be so distinctly set down in articles as is presented to him, not doubting but he will conceive well of our meaning; considering it was done upon no other respect but for the furtherance of what he most desired. Wherein after we had yielded our answer to such demands as by his minister were propounded, we found it expedient to add a request of our own, tending to no other end but the confirmation of what he has already granted to our subjects, and we conceive he means to continue rather with increase of favour than otherwise.
And for the matter of Sommars (?) contained in the first article, which his minister somewhat insisted upon that it might be left out, for such reasons as he then gave, you shall declare that we could not assent thereto, thinking it requisite both in Christianity and by the law of nations and common reason not to profess enmity or enter into effects of hostility against any prince or potentate without warning first to the party so procuring enmity, to desist from his wrong doing or 'cause giving' of hostility; which kind of capitulating is usual between us and all other princes, be they never so remote from us, as some of our confederates are in a manner as far remote from us as he and his kingdom are. Therefore you shall pray our good brother to conceive well of our meaning herein.
Touching the sure traffic of our subjects to all havens of Duina and every part of the North side thereof, which his minister in like sort much thought to be appropriate only to the Company of our merchants trading those his dominions, and required that it might be set at liberty for all nations that would trade thither, as it is lawful for all nations to traffic freely into all our dominions, you shall declare to him that forasmuch as we request nothing therein but what he has already granted to the Company in respect of the great charge they have been at in finding out that trade, we trust he will take our request in good part, and so consider of our subjects in that behalf that their liberties may not be 'abridge,' but rather receive such ratifications as the good intelligence between us requires, and we doubt not but our subjects will deserve, in orderly and merchantlike carrying of themselves towards him and his subjects as we have from time to time given them charge.
And whereas our subjects have lately complained to us of certain 'grievaunts,' and chiefly of some new exactions laid upon them these three years past, namely the first year 1,000 roubles and the last year 500, contrary to all privilege in that behalf provided and we therein moved his minister here to be a means that these new exactions might be removed, you shall in our name pray the king that our subjects may be so relieved and according to his former favours towards them, used as the subjects of so friendly a confederate as we are, and mean to be, to him.
Having in this sort delivered our meaning to him upon the treaty of amity, you shall declare to him, touching the secret messages and requests he made to us by his minister, for and touching the matter of marriage, how the lady 'motioned' is fallen into such an indisposition of health that there is small or no hope she will ever recover such strength as is requisite for that state, especially considering the long tedious voyage she 'were' to make, in case he should upon the report of his ambassador and view of her picture have any disposition to proceed therein. You shall therefore use all the best persuasions you can to dissuade him from that purpose, laying before him the weakness of the lady when she is in the best state of health, and difficulties that are otherwise like to be stood upon by the lady and her friends who can hardly be induced to be so far separate one from the other; whereby the greatest comfort of them that are near of blood are [sic] cut off. Unless their consent might be procured, which is a matter very doubtful, the match could not in any sort be brought to pass; considering that in those cases, as over the rest of our subjects, so especially over the noble houses and families, we have no further authority than by way of persuasion, to make them like such matches as are tendered them by good apparent reasons, may tend to their advancement.
As for the other motion, delivered as in like secret manner by the Interpreter, as heretofore it has been by some others of our own ministers sent to him upon occasion offered, touching his 'self' repair hither, you shall declare to him that as occcasion shall minister to him and he shall so think good, he shall be as welcome as any prince confederate whatsoever, and receive at our hands the best offices our small means can yield him.
Further, you shall at some fit and convenient time sound our brother in what disposition he stands towards the King of Sweden, and whether he could not be content that by way of mediation of some prince affected to them both there might be some peace or truce concluded between them. Whereto in case you shall find him to incline, you shall use towards him such reasons as may best serve to induce him to assent to the one or the other; offering on our behalf any mediation we can any way perform therein. And to the end this our intent may be accompanied with effects, you should then let him understand that we have given you charge, if he shall allow thereof, to let the King of Sweden understand so much of his disposition, and to persuade him to send some ambassador into Russia during your abode there, that you may do some good office in removing such difficulties as may arise in such treaty. In which time our pleasure is you have regard to the time you are to make your abode there, that any such treaty may not draw you to stay longer in those parts than that you may return with the next year's shipping. In the meantime you shall do all the best offices you may for the advancement of the cause aforesaid; otherwise to forbear to deal in any other sort in the matter, than that your return may be at that liberty before mentioned, to the end that our merchants be not overburdened with charges.
As for other causes of our merchants, which is the cause of our sending you into those parts, you shall particularly deal for them with the king in as good sort as you can, according to such 'remembraunts' as they shall from time to time deliver you.
Lastly, you shall earnestly recommend to the king the sending home of John Fensham, one of his apothecaries, whose father, being a man very aged, desires greatly to see him before he dies, and to leave him posession of such lands and goods as he has got for him.
Endd. (and in a later hand). 5½ pp. [Russia I. 3.]
May. 341. “Instructions for Sir Hierome Bowes, Lord Ambassador of England into Russia, over and besides the Answer to the Articles propounded on the part of the Lord Ambassador of the King and Great Duke, etc.”
That he, on the part of her Majesty, in behalf of her subjects the society of merchants for the discovery of new trades, complain and pray redress of the doleances offered them against the form of the grants and promises made to them by the said king, and against the good kindness expected and deserved by her Majesty and her subjects.
That in Anno 1580 there was exacted of them in name of the said king 1,000 roubles, contrary to the form of their privileges.
That in Anno 1581 there was exacted of them 500 roubles.
That since the arrival of the ambassador here, in the months of January and February last there has been demanded of them 500 roubles. And herein he is to inform himself by the English agents in tha country, whether those 500 roubles are paid, and with what rigour exacted; and to form his complaints accordingly.
That her Majesty's subjects have been in these exactions used as the king's slaves and captives are—to be taxed with them or at such time as they are.
That the Dutchman John de Wale, who endeavours to overthrow the trade of her Majesty's subjects, is not only suffered to continue his traffic in those places directly against the said privileges, but also remains free from all taxations; whereby, and by extraordinary charges of good offices of her Majesty's subjects done to the king, and to the ambassadors and others. and by the great charges that the Company has borne for discovery of the trade, to the benefit of his dominions, of which John de Wale has not borne anything, he is the more enabled to make them weary of continuing trade to the king's territories.
Endd. ¾ p. [Russia I. 4.]
May ? 342. Advertisements.
You must know that the Spanish ambassador two days ago had 500 crowns given to two Jesuits and 400 to two Cordeliers, English or Scottish. They promised him to go to England to 'broniller les cartes' in the matter of religion and the succession of the kingdom. This is being done through the practice of an Italian named Francis Boni or Doni, who speaks French well, and says he is a Frenchman. He often travels into Flanders, and practises for the King of Spain at Ostend, Nieuwport and Dunkirk; and has given the ambassador such hopes of those towns that in this belief he had written to the King of Spain to have six ships of war got ready for this negotiation. This Doni or Boni carries on his practices in Dunkirk through an innkeeper and a sailor. He is easy to recognise: of middle stature, fair, aquiline nose with a wart (poreau) on the right side of it. On Friday he sent a man to the Prince of Parma, who left this town at 8 in the evening.
Copy. Endd.; Advertisements. Sir H. Cobham. Fr. 1 p. [France IX. 116.]
? May. 343. A Piracy Case.
“The Answer to the Six Articles objected against Master Francis Hawley, deputy vice-admiral of the County of Dorset under the Right Hon. Sir Christopher Hatton, by M. de 'la Malleries,' vice-admiral of France.”
First: concerning the ship of which Thomasin of Vatevile is master, albeit he will in no point qualify the lewd 'unleful' dealings of the pirate, yet is it to be 'approved' that the ship and goods were not so spoiled, nor such inhumanity used towards the French as is informed. Only there were taken from them 500 fish, as the French themselves confess, to the use of the pirate, before the composition, besides the 'haliers,' and the ordnance, which were but 'bases.' Neither was the master constrained to buy his goods; it is to be proved that the pirate refused his offer of 1,000 crowns, before the ship so taken came into the bay of Studland; and also that the master, with Étienne Fichot his mate and others of their company (and that without any letters from the pirate to the vice-admiral, or any officer of his) came to the vice-admiral and besought his favourable assistance not only in giving them licence to treat with the pirate for the ship and goods to buy them, and in procuring them money by his credit, but in his personal travail with the pirate, to abate as much of the sum by them offered as he could. Wherefore the vice-admiral considered with himself what was best to be done in so important and lamentable a case; in the end taking pity on their great distress, and regarding the inconvenience that might ensue by strengthening and enriching a pirate with so tall a ship and so rich a prey, being reported an excellent sailer, and of 140 tons, and withal desirous in charity, and thinking it to be good in civil policy, to satisfy the poor people in their so vehement desire for the redeeming of their ship and goods, without which by all likelihood they deemed themselves devoid of all hope to recover the tenth part; of two extremities he made choice of the less, and since in any sort by coercion and force he could not, by entreaty he practised to help them. And so coming with them from Corfe Castle to the seaside, four miles distant, he sent to the pirate to come to parley; who came at length 'upon hostage' to shore, guarded with 30 harquebus-shot with whom, in presence of the Frenchmen and sundry English of good credit, the vice-admiral dealt as earnestly for the deliverance of the ship and goods first, to dismiss them frankly, but that not being granted, then at the lowest rate, as if the case had concerned his own native countrymen. And in the end, with much ado and vehement persuasion, sometimes roughly, sometimes calmly, as best might serve for the purpose, the pirate stiffly upon their first aforesaid offer, the vice-admiral drew down that offer of 1,000 crowns to the sum of 400, which sum accordingly at their request he procured to be lent them, and so within five days after, the ship with her lading of 30,000 fish, by estimation, and certain tuns of oil, and all other furniture save that aforesaid, was delivered into the possession of the master and his company. But in that the wind continued by the space of eight days northerly, and the ship drawing 18 foot of water, a spring-tide was to be expected before she could be conveyed from the place where the pirate took her into the harbour which the French desired, the vice-admiral took the charge of the ship, upon himself, 'adventuring' all hazard thereof as long as she was to remain among the pirates, and putting into her a sufficient guard of English to help the French, if need had been; and after 15 days she was safely conveyed by expert pilots within the haven of Branksey. The repayment of the 400 crowns was appointed by or within six weeks after the restitution of the ship, and within four days after the expiration of that, the master made repayment. And in satisfaction of the charges for pilotage, and the hire and victualling of the Englishmen who lay in continual guard of the ship, fearing the lewdness of the pirates (in that divers of the French, being sick, departed presently on their delivery towards France, in a bark of 'Homflete' [qy. Honfleur]), and for the rewards of their 'trutchemen' and interpreters, and for the repay of 20 crowns, the vice-admiral lent them out of his purse to supply their present want and for some gratuity to him, they allowed 120 crowns, or thereabouts.
The second answers in like manner as the first: that Guillaume de Longemare who then was master of the ship in place of A. de Puchell, so supposed to be slain, accompanied by Isaac Chefd'hotel, termed the son of the owner of the ship, with others of their company, made suchlike earnest suit as before is said, to the vice-admiral; who in respect of the reasons recited in the first article, was persuaded to do them what help he could, and brought down the price from 800 crowns, offered by themselves to the pirate, to 330 crowns, which sum he lent them out of his own purse, without the ship, as the French themselves confess, receiving any other spoil than the loss of their ordnance, which likewise were but two bases, and 200 or 300 fish, which the pirate took before the composition. The repay of those 330 crowns was appointed by or within two months after the restitution of the ship and goods; but, as the vice-admiral supposes, it was discharged within one month. And for satisfaction of the charges recited in the first article, and for the reasons likewise mentioned, and for the repay of 8 crowns the vice-admiral lent the French to supply their present wants and likewise for some gratuity to the vice-admiral they allowed 100 crowns or thereabouts. This ship was of 120 tons, and laden with 25,000 fish and upwards, as was supposed, besides divers tons of oil.
To the third, concerning Gilbert Heberte, master of a ship of Dieppe, he can say nothing, except they mean that which Purser the pirate took, somewhat, as the vice-admiral supposes, before his coming to office. This Purser he never yet saw.
To the fourth, concerning the ship and lading whereof Jaques Roye of Quillebeuf was master, laden with sugar and canary wines, he answers that at the arrival of that ship at Lulworth haven in Dorsetshire, he was, then and a week after, in Somerset. The lading of it was soon dispatched, and dispersed far and near into divers parts of the realm, as appeared by inquiries upon a Commission granted 'out of' the Admiralty Court, before he returned. The ship was made a man-of-war by Clinton Atkinson, who, as the vice-admiral was informed, ran her on shore about the Downs, being chased by two pirates of Flushing.
To the fifth he answers that upon Dr. Lewes's letters, he delivered the ship of Tréport to Jehan Debures, the owner, as appears by his acquittance. For the charges of keeping her, and in that the pilots and mariners, who were ten in number, whom he sent to bring her about from Lulworth haven, where he first seized upon her, to Branksey, meeting with contrary winds, were driven back to Lulworth, where she remained with all those persons upon my [sic] charge by the space of 20 days, Debures allowed for that, as well as for other after charges, 50 crowns.
To the sixth he answers that whether the ship were of Calais or Dunkirk he knows not, but being despoiled of cables and anchor by the pirates, and left floating without any living creature, and yet full laden with salt, his officers seized upon her, and so cleared and dismissed her, paying for the pilotage. This ship, if he be not mistaken, was of 300 tons or upwards.
Endd. by R. Beale, and marginal headings by him.pp. [France IX. 117.]
? May. 344. Cobham to Walsingham.
Finding that Smallet at his return lately from England seemed to be not well satisfied nor could in any sort be content to be directed by me to you, I have at our parting so debated the matter that he is willing to be governed by you. So I beseech you to handle him, which may be easily done; he having promised me by oath and writing to bend himself to her Majesty. He complained to me you dealt roughly with him, 'showing' to be altogether contrary to d'Aubigny. And I could wish you won William Shawe, in whom they of the Scottish faction, as 1 hear, have more confidence, and who is trusted by the Scottish king. He 'pretends' to get the bishopric of Glasgow. Smallet 'pretends' that he will deliver William Shawe to her Majesty, to be at her devotion.
I have written some particulars to her Majesty touching d'Aubigny's practices. I should be glad that my letter might come into your hands.
I wrote this much after the packet and my other letters were made up. I enclose it in my servant's pack unclosed.
Add. (seal). Endd. by L. Tomson. ¾ p. [France IX. 119.]


  • 1. In English.