Elizabeth: November 1586, 1-15

Pages 123-146

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 21, Part 1, 1586-1588. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1927.

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November 1586, 1-15

Nov. 3. Stafford to Walsingham.
Could not let his honour's man go empty handed, though what has passed has been written by Mr. Wotton's servant. Finds by Palavicino's letters "that the Germans' accustomed covetousness maketh long delays," yet he hopes for a resolution by February at the farthest.
Begs to know his honour's reason for his hard opinion of Grimston, as he must not use his services if he gives just cause of suspicion.—Paris, 3 November, 1586.
Sends a little book newly come out.
Holograph. Add. Endd. 1 p. [France XVI. 69.]
Nov 4. Duke John Casimir to M. de Quitry.
The conditions which the Signor Palavicino has sent me by my counseller, the Sieur Schregel, are such that I cannot believe that anyone would advise me to accept them, being partly almost impossible and partly entirely unreasonable; also quite different from what he wrote to me on Oct. 17. The Queen could not demand more if she were furnishing the entire costs of the war, while it is notorious that the hundred thousand crowns are not enough even to satisfy the eight thousand reiters whom he demands, without the infantry and the artillery.
Also, I could not (even if that difficulty did not exist) depend upon the bond of which he has sent me a copy, for two reasons, needless to relate; so that if you do not explain this money better (si n'esclaircissez mieux cest argent) I see a great delay in the affairs of the King of Navarre, which grieves me very much, knowing well the prejudicial consequence thereof to the common cause.
At least my conscience testifies that it is not my fault that all has not gone forward, but the burden is too great for one man, and it is for you, the ambassadors of the King of Navarre to clear up this matter, since you put it into my hands.— Heidelberg, 4 November, 1586.
Note by Palavicino. The conditions sent by me with Scelegro were seen by Messrs. Segur and Quitri and esteemed by both to be very reasonable, and not at all disagreeing with those of my letter of 17 October, but the Duke wishes by these allegations to gain time.
Copy. Endd. Fr. ¾ p. [Germany, States IV. 108.]
Nov. 5/15. De L'Aubespine-Chateauneuf to Burghley and Howard.
Has been informed by the French merchants, that under colour of arrests made at Rouen and in Brittany, the merchants of London mean to desire permission to stay the goods of French merchants in this city and other places in the realm. Prays that this may not be granted, as it would cause great confusion in the traffic and commerce between the two kingdoms. Has especially heard that those of Tautenay [Totnes] towards the West wish to make stay of what is owing by the Sieur de Courtenay to the poor merchant named Le Pape, together with the wines and oils belonging to him. Being assured of their good will and affection, will make no further request in the matter.—London, 15 November, 1586.
Signed. Add. "A Messieurs les Grand Tresorier et Admiral d'Angleterre." Endd. French, ¾ p. Seals. [France XVI. 70.]
Nov. 5. Edward Wotton to Walsingham.
"I am advertised that the Spanish ambassador harboureth secretly in his house an English jesuit newly come from Rome, and meaneth shortly to send him into England, to work some mischief there against her Majesty." I will do my best to learn his name and get some special marks of him, that you may the better give orders for his apprehension when he shall land.
News is come that on the confines between Milan and Genoa, three hundred Spaniards have been put to the sword by them of Genoa; "which Spaniards had taken a castle belonging unto that Seigneury; in revenge of which slaughter the governor of Milan hath committed to prison all the merchants of Genoa remaining in Milan." For other particulars I refer you to my lord ambassador's packet.—Paris, 5 November, 1586.
Holograph. Add. Endd. "8 November" in error. 1 p. Seal of the Wotton arms, a saltire engrailed. [France XVI. 71.]
Nov. 6. Stafford to Burghley. (fn. 1)
I hope and assure myself "that your lordship's care of thankfulness and your son's to the cardinal [Savello] shall be discharged as effectually and secretly . . . as can be devised."
I have received and added the additions to our cipher. Some of the names were in the other cipher, but I have put out the old marks and put in the new, and pray you to do the same, that we may not be mistaken hereafter.
"I am with your lordship's opinion that those bad companions that are left on this side have further fetches in their heads than any yet be discovered. . . . . I do what I can to discover them, and have a means in hand to see if by one that is great with Morgan and doth sometimes haunt him in the Bastile there is, under hope of fair promises and hope of liberty (for he is very weary to be where he is) anything to be drawn; but Mr. Secretary, that will let nothing that good is to be done by my means, I am afraid will both cross me in the matter and alienate the person's mind, whom he is acquainted withal, that dealeth in it." Such things have been done to me already, both with that person and others, and with that disgrace that when some whom he had employed here made known to him that they had access to me and desired to be dealt with by my means, he would never deal with them after. "Truly he showeth everyday more rancour than other against me," but I the less care for it, seeing its only cause is "that I will not be led to advertise every thing that his humour would have me do." Of late however there have been two other causes which have egged him on, though I have not spoken of them, but now they must needs come out, though I beseech you to keep it to yourself lest it hurt me more. One is that I honour your lordship and depend upon your favour; as you will see by an extract of a letter of Buzanval's to the Abbot of Albene, in answer to one which the Abbot had written to him of me, (fn. 2) both which letters passed my hands, and I opened them in Symier's presence, and kept the Abbot's, sending it over "copied and as near the hand as could be"; to which the answer coming, I opened it also and send you an extract, which I pray you keep to yourself, "because that upon the charging of the Abbot with his own letter in very good company, whereof Soissons was one, he asked me forgiveness . . . telling a probable though not an honest reason why he did it; to prevent somewhat which he had thought I would have done (having had good occasion from him to do it, by some 'slipper' dealing he used with me in disguising me somewhat of the King of Navarre's business which he had the handling of), and thought by writing of this aforehand that he that he writ it to would have given it out to Mr. Secretary and others, perchance to yourself, so much to my discredit, that whatsoever I writ after of the other matter should have carried no credit." And thereupon I gave him my word to forget all and to remain his very good friend and gave him back his letter, though I kept the extract which I send you.
The other [cause of rancour] is "that I would never take knowledge, how often soever Mr. Secretary hath sent it me by word of mouth, but never by writing, that I should and might deal in anything Leicester sent me as in her Majesty's own affairs, because now she had entered into open action of government; but in the end, seeing I would take no knowledge by word of mouth, which I might be disavowed of . . . he writ to me that the Lords of the Council had given him commandment to write to me that all things that came from thence, I should send them first over, to have from thence direction how to carry myself in those matters; and as you may perceive by that extract . . . there was nothing they desired more than to have her Majesty so far engage herself in name and effect in those matters, as no way she should get out of them again." And let me warn you of a thing which I know of by Junius and another, come from Cambray (where they had dealings with the governor about a matter which I think you know of by my Lord Leicester's commandment); "that if Leicester, by Mr. Secretary's means and all the friends he is able to make at his coming home can be revenged of you, either in your honour or your life (these were their words) for crossing him in his absence in these matters, he will do it. Though I know your lordship cares not for your own particular in public respects, yet one half warned they say is twice told." If I had not made that man believe me affected to Leicester, I had not known this. I am not worthy to give you counsel, being young and far unfit for it, but if I might be bold to tell you what I think, "if there be not a farther public cause to move it than any I see, which I would have a care to above all other things, if I had as much credit as your lordship hath, and he born to do no more good than he is, I would keep him where he is, and he should drink that which he had brewed. Her Majesty is not for his tarrying there bound to do no more than she shall see cause, but I would keep him there to undo himself, and sure enough from coming home to undo others . . . . Your lordship may perchance think part [ly] the spleen moveth me; I confess I am a man as other men be, and I have a spleen as other men have, but I protest afore God that shall save me, that it is more in respect of your lordship, whom I honour (and where I love, I love with passion) than in respect of myself—for as for my part, I can never fear undoing, for I have nothing to be undone of—but I would be 'lofte' [loth] to see him have a hand at his return and his favourers to have a hand over you, which both his cunning and the event of these naughty times will give him a great deal of means to do."
I cannot tell the ground of the reports of my interception of letters to the Queen of Scots (fn. 3); unless that, whereas I wrote on July 18 of last year to Mr. Secretary to ask her Majesty's pleasure (as I then advertised you) what she would have me to do upon certain motions made to me by the Bishop of Glasgow and others, both French and of our nation, "to have me favourable to the Queen of Scots, and to draw me, upon fear they had of the change of her guardian, to be a means that she might be gently dealt withal, and to see . . . if I would help to some means to send to the Queen of Scots, I could not—to keep them in hand still with some opinion that I might be brought to pleasure her till such time as I heard back again of her Majesty's will in it—carry myself, as I take it, otherwise nor more discreetly than to let them . . . to live in hope that by little and little I might be drawn to pleasure her; and having received commandment not to deal in it, if I had upon a sudden showed another change in me unto hard terms against her, I must plainly have discovered myself openly then to have meant (as I did) cunning with them; and therefore I rather thought fit to break off with them under colour that I had thought of the matter and essayed some means which could not now be brought to pass . . . and therefore desired them to be contented; and in truth, since, they did never speak to me of it. If upon this they took some 'heartigrease' [heart of grace] and have written hope to the Queen of Scots of me I know not . . . and the same persons, speaking to me of divers of her Majesty's councillors' dispositions to violent courses, and among the rest speaking of your lordship, that you had not ever been seen to have counselled those courses, I made them answer that in no case they should ever find you violent, nor particularly in the matter of the Queen of Scots consent to any usage of her, which they complained of since her change; and whereas they seemed to doubt somewhat of the danger of her person, I told them they did not need to fear neither the Queen's own disposition nor your counsel to use any violent course with the Queen of Scots, if she kept herself without especial cause giving and that in the worst kind. This, my lord, is the truth of all things . . . which I send to you as if I were at the day of judgment to speak there. Since having commandment from Mr. Secretary in the Queen's name not to deal with them, I never dealt further, which I think I may be bold to say was the worst counsel that ever was given to her Majesty," for if I had been suffered to go through with that course, the Queen would not have run in hazard of these last things being discovered by chance, and perhaps worse things not yet known; which I think would have been the best piece of service ever done to her.
This is all I know, and is surely the ground "whereupon (if they have written anything to the Queen of Scots) they have made their profit; which cannot be neither Mendoza nor Morgan, for I spake with none of them, nor they to me. And thereupon I think it is that they which hate you and love not me ground their plots;" but God will repay their malice and protect innocency.
"For Mr. Secretary's speaking of my coming home, I would to God it did proceed from as unfeigned a good will towards me as he doth dissemble it closely, without any defect of my part that I do know towards him, without it be for going justly the right and true way to the Queen's service, which I think he never meant to have executed but with slights and colourable ways. I pray God her Majesty may reap as much good of his counsels as I wish.
"For my desire to come home, I leave it to your Lordship's advice. For my part, as I am used, I have little joy to tarry here, and though I know the longer I tarry the further I shall undo myself, but [sic yet] rather than they should have that hand over me that by cunning I should be brought home to serve their turns and wills, or that they should make their profit . . . if in the midst of this troublesome time, afore either a peace were made or things desperate never to hope of any, I should require or desire to come home, I had rather rub out awhile, and find means to tarry longer; for I will rather eat brown bread and water than hereafter give them any just cause to hurt me." But I depend so much upon your advice that I pray I may have it, and I will follow it.
"For their whispering that I should be in great debt, and that by unmeasurable playing, my lord, it is very true that I am in great debt, and to Marchaumont particularly of six thousand crowns that he is bound for me," which I have paid five hundred crowns a year rent for, these two years and more. The time of discharge is past and he may ere long be earnest with me for it. I owe also other good sums, "but that the cause of it is unmeasurable play only, the manner of living that I have lived here, the extreme dearth of the time, and the extraordinary charges that the necessities of the time hath constrained me to be at (which I have not as other men afore me have done, run open-mouthed with crying upon her Majesty's little allowances in respect of the greatness of the charge in this place) may make it known well enough that that is false, and that their colour of pitying me is but to colour their hate to me." They speak as though in secret to your lordship, and as of love to me, but here they make it known abroad and in everybody's ears, and the fault has not been in them that I have not had the greatest scorns done me, for their "leaguers" have been with some that I owed to, and particularly with Marchaumont, to persuade him to sue me;—that I was not worth a groat, and that there was no way but shame to make me employ my friends to save me. "To deny to your lordship that play (whilst Monsieur was alive and a little while after his death, with his that did daily haunt me) hath not helped to set me behindhand about six or seven thousand crowns, truly it is true . . . therefore my lord, believe that which I tell you and no more." I protest before God nothing galls me more than that they have in that some just vantage over me, and I would lose one of my hands that they had it not; though if they had half the love towards me that they feign, they would rather hide a fault than blaze it; and would not have remembered it two years afterwards. "For, my lord, take it upon my truth . . . if I have these two years played the value of two crowns, never give credit to anything I say whilst I live. But have bitten my nails with grief that I have ministered them cause of speaking . . . .
For Marchaumont and Simiers' ruling of me, believe me that they cannot rule me "in anything that is of my charge farther than to serve my turn, and I not theirs." I have not seen Marchaumont five times these two years, for since he entered into the League he has come little hither and if he come to see me once while he is in the town, that is all; "for I am somewhat plain about his having been of the League, and he cannot well abide to hear speak of it. But in truth he is a man that for mine own particular I love because I have good cause, and that is all." For Simiers, you know how long I have loved him, and he willingly serves my turn in many things, both from his love to me and to her Majesty's service, and that to very good purpose. All that comes to me from the King of Navarre comes by Simiers and the Abbot Albene, to whom all the King of Navarre's folks are addressed, and who are the only men that do anything for him here. I think he has no man so sufficient in his service, which I know is the cause that many try to hinder him, and hate him; particularly Buzanval, who is in England, and I know is one of the chiefest causes of these speeches of ruling me. "For the other that they say is lodged in my house . . . the man is known to be of as good a reputation as any gentleman in France is . . . I have loved him and he me a great while as my brother; we were companions in arms and bed almost two years together with the Prince of Condé, who I can assure you made as much and more account of him than of any that was about him then, though he were not belonging to him, but to Monsieur, being his captain of his guard—though then he followed him in those wars, at which time I was never more beholding to man in my life, for I have proved it that the hazarding of his life hath not been spared for me, and thus . . . . if I may not without offence lodge him in my house . . . or do him any other courtesy I can, truly my lord, I were more like a bondman than a free man." He has never opened his mouth to enquire anything of me, but if I have had a mind to know anything, he has spared neither labour nor ways, and I dare boldly say, never any has served a man's turn better than he has mine. I know the Abbot d'Albene hates him as a toad, and has written all the evil he can to Buzanval, of purpose to have him give it out to Mr. Secretary, that I might be warned of him, "and barred of their companies that love me entirely and I them . . . Alas I am afraid they shall have their wills of that poor gentleman, for I have not seen him these three or four months. He was hurt at Peyre; shot through the thigh in two places and through both his legs, so that every day we looked to hear he was dead, and yet we are not thoroughly assured of his life, or at the least he will be utterly maimed whilst he liveth; but if he live he shall find me ever to love him as his brother, if I have not from her Majesty commandment to the contrary, or from your lordship, which I know I shall not have without greater cause.
"For my man Lylly; that he should give advertisements to Morgan, I will answer for nobody in such a case, but . . . this I dare assure you, that he can give them none if he would to any purpose, for he knoweth no more of me and my doings, but that which I would have the world to know, than the Pope of Rome knoweth, nor dealeth with any paper or writings of mine." He haunts some of the papists here by my commandment, to draw out of them what he can; but they can draw nothing out of him but what I would have them know. I think it is very certain that what they have given out of him is but to draw those from me that I love more than them, and to put with me such as they think good; which has been a practice ever since I came. For the first post that ever Mr. Secretary dispatched to me when I came into France, he writ "that it was by her Majesty's commandment, but that he could by no means know of her whence she had it; and his servant Wa[l]ter Williams being here this year, sent to me from Mr. Secretary . . . and being well tippled, I drew so far ginger out of his nose, talking of Lylly, that he confessed unto me that it was he that gave the advertisement to Mr. Secretary (and that before I came out of England), and that Mr. Secretary, seeing his time, made the dispatch to me as though he had newly received it. Judge, I pray you my lord, whereupon this ground cometh, to have this hard impression put into her Majesty upon every tale that is brought him of a drunken knave or of such pettifoggers as he hath here; whereof at this hour there is here two or three that I know and will not see them, that send unto him many a made tale, God wot; and yet I dare say that he addeth more credit unto it than to anything that may come from the sufficientest person that may advertise him." I pray you make her Majesty acquainted with what you shall see cause of these things. If it is her will that I should get rid of Lylly, I shall not be so foolish as to "stand in it"; but I should be sorry for no cause to be constrained to put away a man that has served me long and loves me, to serve other men's slights and cunnings. And if it be her Majesty's will, I will not, as my Lord Admiral writes, send him over under colour of giving him a packet, but openly to answer anything that can be laid against him. But I would be loth to do it without good ground, that they may not, as they did the last time, "give out wonders against him, and when all came to all, to lay nothing to him of weight but the knowledge of my lord of Leicester's book, and to sound of him what he knew of my doings." Therefore I pray for your lordship's advice, for my Lord Admiral has written to desire me for very love to put him away, and I know has done it for love to me: "but he is of so good a nature as I know that their cunning may easily abuse his goodness . . . " If it were Lylly alone, I should have the less cause of grief, but first he began with Michael Moody, whom I loved most of any man I had. He was kept half a year "under commandment"; Mr. Secretary never sent me word of it and he dared not write; and when in the end I heard of it and desired that he might be punished if guilty or absolved if innocent, Mr. Secretary only answered that he had true advertisement of very evil service he had done, but that he could not produce his accusers or bring him to further trial for certain respects. Truly it would have been more reason to send me word of it and let me put him away, than to stay him without my knowledge, and forbid him to come to me more. There was but one left nearest to me untouched, Grimston my secretary, and at his last being in England, Mr. Secretary grew into a mislike of him, said openly that he was an unfit man to serve me, and when Grimston came to him desiring to know his fault and craving no favour, first gave him hard words and afterwards, when my mother spoke with him of it, answered only that "that he would not for the disgrace of the poor gentleman tell it," and to himself said, for all satisfaction "that he would upon his own protestation suspend his judgment of him." At this hour, Mr. Secretary hath in this town "two or three goers and comers, besides leaguers, whereof the sufficientest is one Stanley, a tailor by occupation, that write to him and send him as many lies almost as they send him lines . . . and when their news comes over, he giveth it out for the most substantial that may be."
I wonder your lordship has not written to me of the jar between myself and my wife which they have given out under colour of pity to me, and have sent me word of under colour of friendship; "but God neither hath nor I hope will either give her or me so little grace, as that we will not be wise enough to forsee their bad intents."
I have been bold to be somewhat long, [in order] to lay all things plainly before your lordship. I pray you to use it as your wisdom gives cause. "There are some things I would be glad there was no words made of, especially the extracts of the Abbot's letter to Busanval and the other's answer to him," both because I promised him it should not be spoken of, and also, "that if it be known I have looked in the others' letters, they shall no more of them pass my hands; which were not good in divers respects." And so, praying you to use all things to the impeachment of their evil wills towards me that take pleasure to do me no good, I end, begging you to give me your best advice, which I will follow in every point.—[Undated.]
Postscript. How Mr. Secretary should come to know that it was Symier who gave me that advertisement I know not, unless he communicated it to Busanval from whom I know he hides nothing; "and that he knowing where Simier maketh love, have guessed it to come that way to me."
Endd. by Burghley "6 November, 1586, Sir Edw. Stafford to me." 12 closely written pp. Cipher words mostly undeciphered. [France XVI. 72.]
Nov. 6. Stafford to Burghley.
I have written three letters to Mr. Secretary; in one, "what I received from the King of Navarre, and withal sent him such things as passed between those that were sent from the Queen Mother to him, whereof Laborde, that came from him delivered me copies of, as also a packet for Buzenvall . . . which I think is a dispatch like of one that he hath sent by sea to her Majesty named M. Menet, who hath been there afore.
The other contained an advertisement given me of a certain person gone into England to offer violence to her Majesty's person, to be followed by three others who "have taken the sacrament to die or to execute that which they have pretended." I cannot yet get any particularities, but am about it all I can. In the meantime it is warning for her Majesty to take heed who comes near her and look well to herself.
"The third letter is what I have learned of the answer the Scottish ambassador had of the King presently after our audience, what Bellievre's charge is," who tomorrow goes from the King to her Majesty about that matter. He is "the wisest and the honestest withal of all the Council, altogether affected to the general good, and particularly to the 'welthe' of this estate. He hath taken this commission very unwillingly, but he is the King's servant . . . and assuredly will effectuate his commandments, but will not pass them. I would for his own particular, he might receive honour and favour." I beseech you, if you see him privately that he may know I have recommended him particularly to you.
"I send your lordship a letter that Pin, the King of Navarre's secretary writ to me (fn. 4) . . . I have 'enterlined' (sic) certain lines which maketh me to fear that ex abundantia cordis os loquitur, and that an advertisement that hath been given me long agone [may be true], that the King of Navarre will make a peace either without forces, if none come, or with the advantage of the bruit of the forces when they are a-coming, and make his profit and not let them come far on; but truly, truly I am 'loft' to judge evil of him, and yet he that 'have' had it knoweth very private things on both sides, and withal will lay any wager that the King of Navarre will see Queen Mother and that shortly, and that there will be strange things wrought there."
I dare write this to nobody but to you, for fear it be misinterpreted, and besides, if it be known that I advertise it, it would make me lose my credit here with them, "which I could be 'loft', to do, for surely there is nothing sent by me into England but Buzenval is informed of straight by Mr. Secretary, and he sendeth it hither, which is a great wrong done to one in my place."
I fear there is the like dealing with Palavicino, for he writes "that what private charge soever he hath, Buzenval knows it, and I am sure it is by the same means, and I can assure [you] that for not doing whatsoever they would foolishly have him to do at all times, they have from thence written so of him hither that he was counted a man corrupted by the contrary party; but I have stood him in stead, and dealt plainly with them.
"I am afraid that Walter Wiliams, Mr. Secretary's man, that is new come from thence . . . hath been made an instrument to discredit Palavicino there, and to deliver out somewhat to his disgrace in England, for to me he spake almost as evil of him, but not altogether, as Buzenval hath written hither. He is your lordship's most affectionate, and therefore I thought fit to advertise you, that if there be any such wrong done him there, you may stand him in stead, for I take him to be a very honest man.
"This man of Mr. Secretary's, who is as very a knave as any is in England, and one that he useth very much to such purposes, used to me as he passed many hard speeches of William Cecil; that he was a very dangerous young man, that he prayed God he proved a good subject; that he went home with assurance to serve the Pope's turn, which he had promised and vowed when he kissed his feet; that he was certainly a jesuit professed; bid be [sic me] inquire further, I should know more. . . . If there be not some practice in hand to call your lordship (fn. 5) or some of yours in question underhand, I dare be bound to be hanged." . . .—Paris, 6 November, 1586.
Postscript.—"Marchaumont hath often desired me to do his humble duty to your lordship and to assure you that there is nobody in France more assuredly at your commandment than he, and I dare withal assure your lordship of it."
Holograph. Add. Endd. Cipher words partly deciphered. 3 pp. [France XVI. 73.]
Nov. 6. Horatio Palavicino to Burghley.
I am writing to tell Mr. Secretary the point which our negotiation has reached, as also does M. de Quitry, come hither from Heidelberg, seeing that we have not yet concluded everything, or passed the needful writings; there being some delay arising from the designs of Duke Casimir, which covertly tend to assuring himself of greater contributions, and of the consent of all these princes; being inclined to wait till spring, notwithstanding the very warm requests of Segur and Quitry, and all my own urging; my offers being such that they cannot reason- ably be gainsaid, as in truth they have not been, by those who of late came to me on his behalf; whence it comes that we are reduced to this point:—that he must needs determine, or at least make known his mind; it being to be doubted that the return from France of the ambassadors, and the reply that they have brought, together with their ill-treatment, will cause him on the one hand to await the opinions and resolutions of the princes, and on the other will give him hope of considerable aid. But shortly we shall see clearly.—Francfort, 6 November, 1586.
Add. Endd. by Burghley. Italian, 1 p. Words in italics, in cipher, deciphered. [Germany, States IV. 109.]
Copy of the same. [Ibid., IV. 110.]
Nov. 6. Horatio Palavicino to Walsingham.
I sent my last off in haste, that your honour might be informed of what M. de Quitri had written me from Heidelberg of the intentions of Duke Casimir. I was then expecting the man who was to come from him to conclude the writings. He came and saw not only the amount of money made ready, but also the details thereof and the bonds of these merchants; and found, as regards this sum of 120,000 florins, all in such good order that it could not be gainsaid.
He then demanded of me a private bond under my own name, for the promises of the said merchants, and for the 30,000 florins more which were wanting to the sum of 150,000, which I granted with all promptness, and offered for his satisfaction the minute of the bond, which he carried away with him. At our meeting, he said on behalf of Casimir that he could not at the present bind himself to be the conductor of the reiters, because, albeit he was resolved to do it, there were difficulties in regard of his State; but promising in case of legitimate impediments to give a prince of the Empire, and by him to bind himself in accordance with our demand of the month of April.
I said that all that her Majesty had done merited fully that she should be given personal satisfaction, and offered to pass the writings in such manner that he should have no cause to fear that it would get wind, but finally I consented to be satisfied with the words of the bond as it was proposed in April.
With this and with the copy of all the writings, his man left me, who was Selegro himself, he who has returned from France; and I am expecting the final resolution, as also do all these French gentlemen who are here, and who ardently desire it; being much annoyed by so long delay, which gives them cause to suspect that Casimir is still waiting for the man he sent into Denmark, whose return is delayed much longer than was expected.
As to the condition of the contribution of the princes, demanded by me, I had not much debate with the said man, although I perceived that it was not liked; because it appeared reasonable to await the reply of the Landgrave, which was not then come. It come soon afterwards, and to the effect which you will see by the annexed, which seems to me hard, though clearly enough in favour of Casimir. Matters remain in these terms. When I have more to write to your honour, I will do it with all diligence.
Today I have received yours of October 1, from which I was very glad to see that you were in good health.
As to the payment of moneys there, I have ordered my men to demand no more than they have actual need of from the Lord Treasurer. But if all the orders given by me are observed, I shall soon have in these parts the whole sum which is resolved upon.
From France we hear that the rest of the forces which remained together are to be dissolved, and that the King of Navarre runs no danger of being driven to greater necessity during this coming winter; which is a singular work of God's goodness, who has miraculously sustained him, by means of the discord and disorder of his enemies. Whence it is to be hoped that past adversity will be changed for him into greater felicity.
I rejoice with your Lordship that matters in England go on so surely for the purgation of the ill humours which have troubled the kingdom—and chiefly for what they are preparing touching the root from which they were nourished and increased (fn. 6) — that I hope her Majesty may for the future have much tranquillity and repose. And truly, the anxiety and danger being excepted, there could not have been a better occasion to take in hand afresh the authority of the state, to root out the troubles which had arisen, and to prove to the world the detestable designs of the adversaries, than this has been (fn. 7); whereby I have firm hope that the name of the Pope will be for ever rendered odious to our posterity. May it please God to grant this by his grace, and ever to preserve her Majesty and all hers in long and happy life.—Francfort, 6 November, 1586.
I wrote on the 23 of last month that the Turks had taken a frontier town in Hungary, called Comar, and this is true, but as there are two Comars, and I had been informed that it was that which I described, you must know that it is the smaller Comar, somewhat nearer to Vienna, but not nearly so important.
Add. Endd. Italian, 2½ pp. [Germany, States IV. 111.]
The Landgrave of Hesse to Palavicino.
Your letters of the 18th of this month from Francfort reached us a few days ago. The reason why you will receive our answer later than you might expect is that on that same day letters were brought to us of the return of our deputies from France; whose advent we have expected ever since. Being however uncertain by what causes their arrival is delayed, we have thought we must not keep either your messenger or yourself waiting any longer.
As to the matter itself, you will have sufficiently understood from our former letters what are the reasons which have made it difficult, may even impossible for us to come to any definite decision in matters of so great concern and such doubtful issue, wherefore bearing in mind what we formerly wrote, we have no further advice to give you, save that you should not forget the old proverb Carnis testudinis aut edendas aut non edendas. By which adage, those who have addressed themselves to great matters are warned not to spare the costs, but rather to go forward strenuously and without looking back with what they have designed, lest perchance, carefully looking to what is of less consequence, they should lose what is of more value; wherefore they should provide themselves with sufficient strength to be able to accomplish what they are about to undertake, lest that should befall them which lately happened to the mercenary army of the Comte de Mœurs. For if (which may God avert) the army now being got together to be sent into France as well in behalf of the said King [of Navarre] as for the freeing of the protestants from the tyranny of the League, should be compelled to retreat, from lack of money or provisions or any other cause, it would be far better, both for the King of Navarre, the Queen of England and the reputation of the German name, that nothing should be attempted, rather than it should be abandoned with such loss of credit for want of money.
How much it is to the interest of your Queen that the King of Navarre and his associates should be defended, you will, with your singular wisdom, easily conceive; as surely those French ships lately made ready against England have plainly demonstrated to all that if once the King of Navarre were destroyed, the whole weight of the war would rest on the shoulders of her Majesty. Which may God avert. Cassell, 28 October, 1586. Signed.
Add. Endd. Latin. 1 p. [Germany, States IV. 111a.]
Duplicate of Palavicino's preceding letter, signed by him, with copy of that from the Landgrave.
Add. Endd. Italian. 2 pp. [Ibid. IV. 112 and 112a.]
Nov. 9. Stafford to Burghley.
"Yesterday the Abbot of Albene had news from his kinsman that he writ unto at Rome to deliver your lordship's care [sic] of thankfulness to the Cardinal. (fn. 8) I saw the letter, containing this effect:—That the Cardinal hath had so long time in estimation your lordship, for the virtues and wisdom that [he] heard and knows by divers accidents that were in you, that he did honour you as much as any man that he doth know this day in Christendom; that therefore he shall ever be very glad when any occasion shall be offered for him to show the honour he beareth to your virtues . . . and in that respect was very glad of this occasion of being able to show some courtesy to my cousin Cecil; besides, he hath ever particularly loved the nation and would be glad that he might show them his goodwill . . . That he was not out of hope but that times might so fall out that he might better be able to show his love to all English and particularly with your lordship, whom he esteemeth above all the rest. We that read this last point glozed upon it that he hopeth to be Pope, and that then he should not need to be afraid to show his goodwill to any he hath a mind unto, and they that know him better thinking [him] to be a very wise man, and therefore think, if he come to be Pope, he may like enough govern himself 'wiserly' than other have done afore him. I think Bellievre hath some particular matter of amity to treat with the Queen besides this matter of the Queen of Scots. . . . I know no man likelier to give help to bring any good thing to pass than he, the man of himself being wise and void of all passion to any body or any thing but to the preservation of the public state of Christendom and chiefly of this estate here. . . . Wooton here giveth out in private. . . that Burghley counselleth more than any the death of the Queen of Scots; that he told her Majesty that if the Queen of Scots' head went, that Burghley would make his peace with the Scots King (fn. 9) and almost speaketh of nobody's earnestness else. This hath been told me of them that he hath said it unto, and whom have asked it of Stafford, who hath answered that Burghley would ever counsel all things according to his conscience and for the good of her Majesty that was to be looked for; but to be hastier than others I knew Burghley would not.
"I see Mr. Wotton would fain have a commission to tarry here still . . . whereof I beseech you I may have your lordship's mind."—Paris, 9 November, 1586.
Holograph. Add. Endd. 1½ pp. Words in italics, cipher, partly deciphered. [France XVI. 74.]
Nov. 10/20. Henry, Prince of Conde to Walsingham.
"Vous entendrez de Villesaison, mon conseiller et secretere, lequel j'envoye presentement vers la royne vostre mestresse, l'occasyon de mon voyage parde¸a, luy ayant commandé s'adresser particulierement a vous, pour l'asseurence et experience que j'ay de long temps de la parfete amitye et bonne volunte que me portez; en laquelle confiance je vous prye bien affecteusement vouloyr ayder le dict Villesaison de vostre faveur envers sa Magesté pour obtenyr ce qui je desyre d'elle. Enquoy vous obligerez infiniement celuy quy est et sera a jamais vostre plus affectionne et meilleur amy, Henry de Bourbon.—Guernsey, 20 November.
Signed. Add. Endd. "20 November, 1586, from the Prince of Condé." 1 p. [France XVI. 75.]
Nov. 10/20. M. De Laubespine-Chasteauneuf to Walsingham.
I pray you to remember to speak to Sir George "Carre" for Geoffrey Pryere, as tomorrow is the day for the action before the judges of the Queen's Bench; or, if you cannot do so today, to write to the said judges to suspend it; otherwise I shall be obliged tomorrow to send one of my men before the said judges, to vindicate Pryere, as being my domestic servant. For no one in future would serve the ambassadors of France, if it were permitted at every turn to sue them at law. And while I desire to do justice on such of mine as shall offend any of the Queen's subjects, I pray that the privileges of ambassadors may be preserved. I am willing to produce the said Pryere before you that you may judge if he is guilty of anything, but seeing he is my servant, I pray you to send to the said judges that they are not to go on to the hearing of the cause.—London, 20 November, 1586.
Postscript. May it please you to have a letter signed for François Bernard touching certain spices and cottons which have been taken from him. The letter is in the hands of the clerk of the Council, Mr. Wade.
Signed. Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [France XVI. 76.]
Nov. 10. Report by Horatio Palavicino to Walsingham.
Having written last on the 6th instant, I will now relate what has happened since. On the 7th, the Sieur de Quitri received a letter from the Duke (of which I send a copy) which troubled us greatly, as being altogether contrary to our expectation. Yesterday the Sieur Saracino returned from the said Duke, and confirms us that divers things contained in the writings sent by me with Scelegro were much pondered over by him, as not agreeing with what was settled with me at 'Neusceles' [Neuschloss] in April, and must be carefully considered by him even to the smallest points, wherefore he grieved that I proceeded with him so rigorously.
But with this we were much dissatisfied, seeing the season so far advanced, and it being very important that the Sieur de Mongla should be sent to the King of Navarre with full security, and no longer with any uncertainty of succour.
Wherefore, considering all that has been seen and felt concerning the Duke since his return from Saxony, it is to be feared that he is, on the one hand held back by his own particular ends, and on the other, that he wishes to conduct this enterprise in a very different way from that which the Navarresse ministers think expedient, and will put forward many difficulties to gain time.
It seems to me that he does not wish to bind himself to go in person to the aid of France; nor does he consent to be bound for that prince whom he might appoint in his place, nearly so freely or with such clear words as in April last. Whence I imagine that he will rather depend upon the resolution which shall be taken by the Princes upon the reply of the King of France brought by their ambassadors, fearing otherwise to be left alone in the enterprise; that he wishes to know what his man will bring from the King of Denmark, who is not yet returned; that he will be glad to let the spring pass and not take the field before April or May, and that hoping now more than ever before for the aid of these princes, he wishes to assure himself of it, notwithstanding whatever may be the harm of such delay, or else not to be personally bound to the enterprise. Also that he is vexed at the condition of holding up half of the 100,000 crowns at her Majesty's pleasure in case of contributions from the Princes.
But as it appears to the Navarrese ministers that to satisfy the aforesaid ends of the Duke will be less inconvenient than the giving up of the hope of this levy, and the sending away of the Sieur de Mongla without any assurance after so long a stay; and they inclining always rather to gratify all the Duke's inclinations than that her Majesty should be satisfied; they have suddenly turned round as regards my obtaining anything according to her wish, especially complaining that he is so hotly pressed to treat, and not rather allowed freely to take all this money. Whence we have today had much talk and many disputes upon the writings demanded by me, when by the reasons on the one hand and the result on the other, which show the honesty of these demands, and my diligence loyally to pay the Duke the sum promised to him, I finally brought them (having conceded some small matters and changed a few words) to approve them afresh as being very reasonable, and send them back to the Duke, to whom I have written that I am ready to agree to them provided that they are accepted within a few days and that I receive no orders to the contrary; and all hope he will be satisfied herewith. I send you a copy of this writing annexed.
But even though this be concluded within these ten days, the obligation to pass the muster will not be until March, whereas at first I wished it to be in February, and if I had not held firm, the Duke would have put it off until May, but I clearly protested that to wait so long was needless, and I would rather advertise her Majesty and await new orders, showing them that this is quite contrary to her intention, which was to grant this second sum in order to see the King of Navarre succoured this spring, and that if time were given to his enemies to spoil the new harvests, which in Languedoc and Guienne are gathered at the end of May, all those of the Religion would be reduced to a miserable condition. Truly they allege that there will not be enough to live on in France, on account of the dearth, and because all the corn will be carried into the fortified places during the last weeks of this season; but there will be enough to live on in Lorraine, which is a large and abundant country, and where the provisions for two months will be useful not only for the war in France but for that in the Low Countries.
Nevertheless I fear that the Duke will make delays, but if he does so, or wishes to put off the musters further than March, I shall not consent, and will rather advertise your lordship thereof, and not care if they complain of me, as already they begin to do, because I have not satisfied all their wishes. . . .
I think her Majesty has much occasion to complain of him, and should signify the same to him on the first opportunity; as that he has not replied to the letters brought by Walter Williams; that instead of joining the contributions of these princes with her own in this cause, which would be an excellent example for the future, he conceals and keeps them apart; that he does not forbear to demand my bond in my own name, and that I should put all the money into his hands before the end of January, against all custom and reason; and lastly that he, seeing before his eyes the occasions which moved her Majesty to increase the first disbursement, would not agree that the second should be less, but was offended with me because I did not offer him the whole on the first day.
Returning to the subject of the negotiation, I say that notwithstanding the aforesaid uncertainty, whether the Duke will or will not treat at once, I ought to make all haste to get together this money, that in time of greater need we may not be unprovided, and also because the Focchers of Augsburg have agreed with King Philip to pay him 500,000 crowns in February and March, so that there will be great scarcity, and much more difficulty for me; wherefore my men should be able to aid me at once, as I am giving them order to do, praying your lordship to facilitate their procuring the said money.
If her Majesty has not yet answered mine of the 7th of last month concerning the power proposed to be given me in relation to this business to aid France by some other means than by the Duke, in case he should decline the enterprise or delay it so much as to be useless, I pray that I may know her wishes as soon as possible, and that in that case she will write a kind letter to the Landgrave to assist me in obtaining Duke Philip of Brunswick, Duke Otto of Luneburg or some other who would resolutely carry out the design; also letters to Duke Julius of Brunswick and the Prince of 'Hanalt,' leaving it to me to give them if there is need. For we cannot depend upon the Landgrave, who is so anxious to please the Duke that his last reply to me was made according to the latter's direction, to whom he sent a copy of it, which the Duke showed to M. de Clervant.
It will avail much not to be attacked at any point, or subject to the ill designs which some of those about the Duke have in relation to the services of foreign princes and the necessity of the common cause. And there is no doubt that he either cannot or will not hasten in any way the enterprises of the war, or having done so, will not, I fear, continue in them so long or so freely as another prince, remaining subject to the danger of some diversion or at least jealousy of his own interests in regard to the administration of the Electorate. And if ever there were need to have an army and uphold the fame of the common cause, it will be this next spring, for to the needs of France is added that King Philip manifestly has some great design against us, having not only made the agreement with the Focchers for money payable here in a special place and not to be used for the Low Countries, but for as much more to be paid in Savoy and Burgundy, as is written to me by a well informed person in Genoa.
Moreover advices of the 3rd of October from Madrid say that the King has publicly declared war against England; and that troops are being raised in Andalusia and other provinces, to be at Lisbon by Christmas, there to await naval matters. Your lordship's wisdom will judge what may be expected from all this, it being enough for me to give you notice thereof, and to ask you to let me know what her Majesty may wish me to do.
The enterprise upon Geneva does not seem so much given over as was thought; and it is to be feared it will be revived more dangerously, as the Swiss are not entirely united. It is hoped that it will not come to an absolute breach amongst them, albeit those of Lucerne have consented to give residence for three years to a nuncio of the Pope, whereby they open the way the more easily to execute their designs of discord and war within that nation.
The Sieur de Segur has just received letters from M. de Mongla, who is still at Heidelberg soliciting for the King of Navarre, and writes that the Duke wishes him to stay a week longer, giving him hope of being then dispatched with the desired result, as he is expecting the reply of the Princes upon the return of their ambassadors, upon which alone he depends, notwithstanding all his promises to embrace the enterprise for the 100,000 crowns alone. Upon this it is to be hoped he will conclude matters with me and that at last we may begin to act, as these French gentlemen certainly persuade themselves.
Endd. Italian. 4¾ pp. [German States IV. 113.]
Probably enclosed in the above.
Copy of the writing demanded of Duke Casimir.
That Duke Casimir shall declare in writing that he has treated with the ambassadors of the King of Navarre for a levy of eight thousand reiters and fourteen thousand footmen, partly Swiss and partly German, with arms, munition and sufficient artillery: that for the means of making the said levy, he is satisfied with what moneys the said Navarese ministers shall pay him from the King of Navarre and for the rest with the fifty thousand crowns that shall be paid him by the hands of William Shute by order of Horatio Palavicino, who is here for the Queen of England; D. Casimir contributing all that may be lacking to accomplish and complete the said levy. And he promises that within the term of four months from the present date, the whole levy shall be made and assembled at the muster place, and that muster shall be taken; and he, D. Casimir will pay what shall be needful for the said army, which shall march without demanding any other money for France, to succour the King of Navarre and the churches of France.
That D. Casimir himself shall be their captain and conductor as he has resolved and determined unless prevented by illness or domestic trouble, which please God may not happen.
That in case he were prevented from going, he promises to appoint a commander in his name, who shall take his place, and who shall be a Prince of the Empire, of a great house, and whom Duke Casimir can trust as he would himself, to carry out the journey for which the said army is designed.
That the said army being thus raised and conducted, either by Duke Casimir or the prince who shall take his place, shall enter France, and not depart therefrom until the King of Navarre be succoured and the liberty of the churches restored by the establishment of a good peace, to their satisfaction.
That for all these things, Duke Casimir shall give promise in the said writing to the Queen of England "en foi de prince," and upon his honour, to accomplish them without fail and to the Queen's satisfaction.
Endd. by Palavicino as in headline. Also, in another hand "Secret advertisements from Mr. Oratio Palavicino." Fr. 1 p. [Germany, States IV. 114.]
[The words in italics, in cipher, undeciphered.]
Nov. 11. Horatio Palavicino to Walsingham.
Sends this packet (fn. 10) off at once, as nothing can be more important than that his honour should be promptly informed of what passes, and if either by the value of what he writes, or as a proof of zeal, it shall be pleasing to her Majesty, it will be a great satisfaction to him. Prays for a speedy answer, that he may know how to act as to each one of the particulars therein contained.
The Duke is sending Zolcher over, but as he is taking wines with him, and will go by way of Bremen and Emden, his journey will be slow.—Franckfort, 11 November, 1586.
Holograph. Add. Endd. Italian. ¾ p. Seal of arms. [German States IV. 115.]
Nov. 11. Horatio Palavicino to Burghley.
Each time that the points of this negotiation are urged upon the Duke, there are disclosed such avaricious designs as give me a thousand vexations, instead of his granting me those honest satisfactions which I demand, for he evades binding himself, or at least evades in the bonds words which shall clearly and effectually hold him to his promises. And these French gentlemen, instead of supporting me in my demands, upon the execution whereof their own security in good part depends, no longer care for ought but to please the Duke, from whom they are to obtain their succour . . . . The Navarrese ministers and I yesterday made an agreement according to the writing which I send Mr. Secretary, and to which they make no doubt but that the Duke will consent; and this seems very likely, as he is keeping back the Sieur de Mongla[s], who has been pressing strongly to return home.
I quite expect to need to have all the money in hand before the end of January, whatever difficulties there may be, and for this shall be very diligent, being most anxious not be fail on the day of my promise.
I send particularities of all things to Mr. Secretary, which I pray you to look at for your better information. In these reports you will see some news which I have had by way of Genoa from Spain, which is in great part the cause why I desire this to come as soon as possible to your hands, praying for your direction in these matters, and that you will bethink yourself that this business with Genoa will come to nothing unless I know how you would have me carry myself therein, although the party is very eager to know the conditions, and almost complains of me, because he has not had them before now. But I do not wish to take the least step beyond what your lordship thinks expedient.—Franckfort, 11 November, 1586.
Holograph. Add. Endd. by Burghley. Italian, 1¼ pp. Seal of arms. [German States IV. 116.]
Nov. 12. George Frederick, (fn. 11) Duke of Prussia to the Queen.
Acknowledging receipt of her letter, dated Greenwich, 24 March, 1585[-6], and by way of answer thereto complaining of a breach of customs' regulations by seamen in the employ of a company of English merchants established at Elbing and trading with Konigsberg; to wit that whereas every ship entering Konigsberg is bound forthwith to deliver to the Prefect of the Customs an exact inventory of her cargo, and on leaving Konigsberg for Elbing to exhibit certificates of her merchandise, as well imports as exports, that by comparison of the certificates the port dues may be levied without suspicion of fraud, nevertheless some English ships, having touched at Konigsberg, ignored the Prefect and, despite his vehement protests, forthwith stood for Elbing; wherefore certain of the ships were brought back to declare their cargoes. And it happened that in August of last year, an English ship that had put into the port [of Konigsberg] stood for Elbing, and the clerk of the ship landed and came to the Prefect and certified the merchandise aboard the ship; to wit fourteen bundles or bales, as they call them; which number appearing to the Prefect small for the size of the ship, he repeatedly warned the clerk of the ship to beware lest by a false manifest of the merchandise he should jeopardise both ship and goods.
The clerk persisted in averring that he carried nought but the said number of stuffs. The ship having sailed a little further, came to anchor, and shortly afterwards a smaller vessel, used for unlading larger ships, was brought alongside, and some of the bales were transferred to her; which being done before the eyes of the Prefect of the Customs, and observed by him, he visited the ship, accompanied by some others, and found that instead of fourteen bales of stuffs as pretended by the clerk, there were twenty-six larger bales and thirteen smaller ones; also six bales of rabbit-skins and one bale of white hides, besides a last of herrings; and scarcely a third part of the merchandises duly described.
The ship and goods have accordingly been justly confiscated, and the Duke is confident that the Queen will have more regard to his friendship than to the complaints of the merchants.— Königsberg, 12 November, 1586.
Signed. Add. Endd. Latin. 6 pp. [Germany, States IV. 117.]
Nov. 12/22 Glo (?) Homen to the Signor Gaspar Bras, hidalgo of the King's household in the town of Mazagan, his lord.
Note attached to the head of the letter. If the petition which goes herewith is not approved by your honour, I pray you to have another made from the letter. I kiss your honour's hands.
Although I have not deserved that you should trust me, in what I have made bold to crave of you, I have sent, or to express it better have godfathered a petition to you, with a despatch of the chief executive officer, the overseer of the revenue, and other lesser officials. They produced before me the information of my father-in-law, Alvaro Fiz do Sardoal, who served in the city of Zamor[a] and this town of Mazagaon till after the defeat of Luis de Lourino when there hastened thither Senor Dom Dioguo de Sousa, who came into this kingdom to be married to his foster-sister: Dom Dioguo craved of Senor Gilfiz (may he be in glory) that he would send to fetch her, and he promised to do so, but his death prevented it. As for myself, let your honour order me what to do and I will do it, cost what it may. They write that there came here as his gossip, Bastiano d' Almeida; and the witnesses are Francisco Teles, and Senor Migel Leite, and Belchior Gracia and some other old gentlemen who were living here in the time of Luis de Lourino. I pray you for the love of God let this not be forgotten, and send me word here in what I may serve you. I kiss your lordship's hands and those of the signora Caterina de Medina and the other ladies.—Lisbon, Nov. 22, 1586.
Endd. Portuguese, 1 p. [Portugal II. 24.]
[The sense of the above is not always clear, and the petition, which would have explained it is wanting. Probably intercepted.]
Nov. 14. Duke John Casimir to Walsingham.
Some time ago it pleased the Queen, on my recommendation, to grant to Zolcher, my servant, whom I am now sending into England, the exportation of four hundred tuns of the beer of that country, which he has not yet been able to enjoy because of the custom that those who are first in date shall precede others. As I have heard that you have such a grant, which you have the right to enjoy before all others, and desiring to aid the said Zolcher all I can to avoid the great costs and perils to which he is liable by waiting until all those before him have received the fruit of their privilege, I pray you most affectionately to do him this pleasure for love of me, to allow him to transport his wines before your own exportation, or during it, if it has already begun; the quantity being so small that it will not greatly delay your privilege.
In which you will do much good to Zolcher, and I shall esteem the kindness as done to myself and acknowledge it in any greater matter wherin you may use my friendship.—Heidelberg, 14 November, 1586.
Signed. Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Germany, States IV. 118.]
Nov. 14. Duke John Casimir to Walsingham.
Having heard from my servant Zolcher that you liked the wines of my growing which I sent you by him last year, and God having given me better this season, I desired to send you some, and to pray you, if you and your good friends like them as I hope, to remember me, to maintain me in the good graces of the Queen your mistress, and to assure yourself that you have in me a prince who is as much your friend as you can desire; and though I do this to no other end, yet, in passing, I cannot but recommend to you to continue to serve the Queen as much as possible by your good and wise counsel, for the advancement of God's glory wherever there may be need.—Heidelberg, 14 November, 1586.
Signed. Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Germany, States IV. 119.]
Nov. 14. Order concerning the Steelyard.
On this date, the Commissioners of the "Steedes," to wit Mr. John Shulte, licentiate in civil laws and senator of Hamburg, and Mr. George Liseman, with Mr. Alderman and his Assistants, being assembled "in the summer hall in the garden"; Daniel Bernds and Joachim Faget were called in, to whom Mr. Shulte declared that he and his fellow commissioner were sent from the Steedes to her Majesty, to whom they had discharged their commission and had taken leave of her. They were also charged to learn what order and government was kept in the House [i.e. the Steelyard] and whether the merchants and others belonging to the same lived agreeably to the statutes, constitutions and ordinances made by the Steedes.
"Howbeit, he and his fellow commissioner had not only . . . been credibly informed of both their misdemeanours, but also partly had seen and heard the same themselves, and that it was a common bruit . . . at Hamborough that they used many shifts and unlawful practices, and therefore had been, and yet were the undoing of many young men; as they had not long agone made his brother, Andrew Shulte not only lose his credit but also his good name and fair fame," persuading him to become bound for them when they knew they could not pay. Furthermore that they were conversant with no merchants save Russians and such like. There were many complaints of Mr. Alderman and the House by their creditors; and that it was in danger by lewd and light people which daily resorted unto them and by them were lodged.
On Oct. 21 last Daniel Bernds was "fetched forth of the House by sergeants, when he was escaped from them, being by them arrested in the open street; the which by man's memory had not happened to the Steelyard, whereby they disfranchised and dishonested the whole house and the whole Company"; wherefore they were commanded to avoid the house and seek some other dwelling. Nor was it meet for the Steedes and governors of the House to suffer such disorders. Faget and Bernds "seemed to excuse the matter" but without any ground, and were therefore told they must obey the order, or further commission would come from the Steedes.
[Copy certified by Adam Wachendorff, secretary. Dated at the top, 1586, November 14.]
Endd. 2 pp. [Hamburg and Hanse Towns II. 53.]


  • 1. The draft (?) of the letter to which this is an answer is at Hatfield. See Report of Hist. MSS. Comm. on Cecil papers, III. p. 179. Also printed by Murdin, p. 569.
  • 2. These are evidently the extracts placed under the date of Buzanval's reply (May 26) in Vol. XV. of S.P. France. See preceding volume of the Calendar, p. 672.
  • 3. Stafford here misunderstands Burghley, who writes that he is thought, by reason of intercepted letters, to favour that Queen. The other points are as quoted in Stafford's answer.
  • 4. See p. 118 above.
  • 5. Five characters, being the symbol for Burghley himself, as given by him in the additional cipher code sent to Stafford. See Ciphers, Elizabeth, Vol. II. f. 121.
  • 6. Judgment was passed upon Mary Queen of Scots on Oct. 25.
  • 7. i.e. Babington's plot.
  • 8. Cardinal Savello. See Report on the Cecil Papers, iii, p. 179.
  • 9. The cipher is still that for the Queen of Scots, but interpreted (no doubt rightly) as Sc. K.
  • 10. No doubt the Report etc., supra, p. 138.
  • 11. Marquis of Brandenburg-Anspach, and Duke or governor of Prussia.