Elizabeth: October 1587, 1-15

Pages 383-396

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 21, Part 1, 1586-1588. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1927.

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October 1587, 1-15

Oct. 1. Stafford to Walsingham.
The King and the League play here at mock-holiday (fn. 1) one with another. One day they send to the King the reiters be passed; another day they be not; one day they are a great number, another day they be but few, poor and beggerly; one day that they have no forces, (which indeed is true, and that they only mean to stand upon the defensive), and desire the King to help them with forces; another day, which is the last and untrue, that they have forces enough, and that if the King will send them 800 horse and money (which they would fain finger) they would take upon them to defeat them afore they come into Lorraine.
"The King he mocketh at them in all the answers he sendeth them. For men, he saith he doth what he can to gather for himself, and they come slowly on, and disgarnish himself he must not; money he would fain have, and doth what he can to get in, and cannot for himself, and in the end, that he is sure that they have enough of both and that he trusteth to them that they will never suffer them to come into France.
"For my part, Sir, I do hope to see the League ruined quite and overthrown, or at the least so bare that the King hereafter shall master them, and not they master him. . . . Under-hand they do what they can to see if there might be a peace spoken of, and that they might be motioned unto it; and sure the Duke of Guise's secretary is come hither for that purpose, and the King knoweth of it and laugheth at it, and I can assure you hath said (I pray God he do it) that he will ruin them.
"Speaking with the Pope's nuncio the other day, he said that a man could no more than he could do what he could by commandments, by fair means, by foul means, to assemble all the forces he could together, to seek all the means he could to maintain the wars, to go himself in person, which he protested he would do rather with the four thousand Swisses he had here and those few that he had, rather than he would not do it; and hazard his life in person for the defence of the Catholic faith, and when he had done all he could, that he could do [no?] more than was in his power, and in that was excuseable to all princes in Christendom.
"I pray God that this army of strangers, which indeed is great, and the greatest that ever came into France, be not made unprofitable either with the falling out of the French among themselves, that bring it, for the commandment and particular ambition, as I know that is written from Geneva that there is already great jars among them, and is extremely laughed at here, or else that [if] it be not well employed in time, that they begin to mutiny for lack of payment or some other such great mischance which great armies be subject unto.
"The marriage of the Princess of Lorraine with the Duke of Nemours, so much sought by them of the League and promised so assuredly of the King's part at Meaux that it should have been ended the first day of this month by this account, was put off till the eighth, and then to the tenth, now to the 15th and great wailing, thinking it will not be at all; which for my part I have always believed, and am of that mind still.
"I cannot tell what I should write unto you yet either of answer for the releases in Brittany or for the matter of the excesses done by the King's ships of Newhaven and Dieppe, which I complained on to the King at my last audience, for I have yet no answer of that, nor can get any; and yesterday I received a letter out of Brittany, which I send you herewith, that M. de Mercure will obey none of the King's letters, [which] I have made be translated and sent this morning to M. Bellievre and M. Brulard, desiring that both of that and the rest I might have present answer and effect such as they had promised, and not be any longer delayed, or else I should be fain to write unto her Majesty to take what order she should find best for the safety of her subjects, which I thought we should find a way to do easily . . . which if between this and my next there be not remedy for, truly I know no other way than to take as many as can be taken and stayed, and they will be glad to render; and in the mean time to take order that no English ships come hither, that they may not stay them here . . . and I think that they will be the first that will be weary of it."—Paris, 1 October, 1587.
Postscript. "I had forgotten to write you a thing worth the laughing at, of a news that is here that a great many did believe of a treaty of peace with Spain and her Majesty; that my lord of Derby and my lord Cobham were going over for the matter. And that was written so confidently out of the Low Countries hither that the Spanish ambassador himself could not tell what to believe of it; and for fear it should be so indeed and that men should not think but that he was acquainted with all things, he told a very private friend of his that what show soever he made, he had perchance more wrought in the matter than he was aware of; but bid him keep it secret. But he desired nothing more than to have it told abroad.
The King is in a great manoeuvring of the King of Navarre's fighting with M. Joyeuse. He sware yesternight that he would if it cost him a hundred thousand crowns M. Joyeuse were [not th]ere and had no forces, for that if the King of Navarre were beaten the State was lost.
Holograph. Add. Endd. 3 pp. [France XVII. 122.]
Oct. 2/12. Reply to the six points alleged by the Sieur de Montigny (fn. 2) in his letters for concluding that it is in Lorraine that they ought to wage the war, fortify themselves and make themselves masters.
1. That the Duke of Lorraine is the cause of all the evils.
Reply. That this army was raised to go into France, establish the churches there and assure the affairs of the King of Navarre. That in all capitulations made in Germany the confession of Augsburg and the States and Princes of the Empire, including the Duke of Lorraine, are excepted; that those who wished to make war upon the authors of the League with this army should seek the Pope and the King of Spain, without whom the House of Guise would never have dared to think of it. And that the above is not in order to excuse the said Duke, but that it is hoped to bring him by treaty to what could hardly be obtained from him by force of arms.
2. That upon the war in Lorraine depends the re-establishment of the churches of France.
Reply. That besides the reasons given above, if the army should tarry in Lorraine, it would dwindle away through fighting, sickness and the withdrawal of many of the stranger troops, being so near their own country, and its delay would give the French King time to act against the King of Navarre, and thus the succour for this King and the churches would end only in smoke. That on the other hand, when the capitulation was made it was expressly stated that the army was to go to the King of Navarre while it was fresh, and that only having the necessary means to take it there, it must if possible pass through Lorraine without fighting. That the Queen is well affected to a peace for the preservation of the house of Guise, as also for the Duke of Lorraine, of whom they are the supporters, and that the said Duke will solicit it as much as he can. And that it was settled to make the war in France without regard to the question whether the King would aid the League or no; that they do not wish to attack great and strong places, nor to lose in so doing both time, men and munitions, and as to the good Frenchmen, these will be able to see more nearly than in Lorraine that the animosity of this army is only against the Leaguers.
3. That it is to the great interest of the King of Navarre that the war should be made in Lorraine. Reply. If this had been so, it would have been expressly added in the capitulation, wherein no mention is made save of France; nor did the said King either by his letters or his ambassadors seek anything else. That in bringing this army into France, he does not design to harm his friends, but only those of the League; and that for the space of two years he has made known to the good Frenchmen that he has postponed as much as possible the coming in of this army, seeking all means to save the people therefrom, who so far have been trodden down only by the League, by whom he has now been forced, for his conscience and the preservation of his honour, to call it to his aid.
4. That making the war in Lorraine would enable the Catholic princes to execute their enterprises.
Reply. That on the contrary, by going into France, they divert forces for the relief of the King of Navarre, and give elbowroom to the said princes to carry out their designs, which are chiefly between the Seine and the Loire, where few troops will remain. That in the capitulation, there was no regard had to this, but on the contrary it was agreed that the King of Navarre should take horse with the said princes and M. de Montmorency a month before the entry of the army into France.
5. That M. de Bouillon has interest therein, for the revictualling of his fortresses and preservation of the churches of Champagne and this side the Loire.
Reply. So far from this, we have been well informed that M. de Bouillon having been of late driven to arm for his own defence, knew well that it was better not to draw so many open enemies down upon himself and has forbidden those in his town of Jamets to fall upon or wrong the subjects of the Duke of Lorraine. That there is nothing in Lorraine fit to cover the strong places of the Duke de Bouillon and it is decided that both this and their revictualling can be better done by not in any way swerving from the capitulations and doing service for the King of Navarre as agreed by the said Duke taking his own measures, as it is assured that he will do. That as to the churches of Lorraine and on this side the Loire, they will be covered by what will be done for Sedan and Jametz in going forward into France, and the agreement to have some of the towns in the provinces for surety of the said churches. That the said M. de Bouillon has enough open enemies of the League in France without constraining his other neighbours to disgorge their ill wills suddenly against him; and this army, if it should come to be diminished, enfeebled, and perhaps disbanded for lack of means, might end by being his ruin; as already by other like resolutions he has been thrown into great difficulties and dangers, from which he must thank God for being delivered, and beware in the future lest he should fall out of the frying-pan into the fire. (fn. 3)
6. In regard to the honour of the Prince [qy. Casimir] to whom they write.
Reply. That his honour consists in doing what he has promised in this matter, as he does and will do, even better if that is possible, for the re-establishment of the churches of France and the safety of the King of Navarre. That so doing, it would be rather a dishonour to those who would force him to do things to which he is not and cannot be bound, without offending against the laws, ordinances and constitutions of the Empire, and in many other respects; and throwing himself into great and needless dangers. That by fulfilling his promise, he hopes to show the King of Navarre and the churches that he has done alone more than was advised by his relations, friends and servants, and does not expect, in reward thereof (as he who writes says) to be taxed in his honour by those who have been, and still more now are bound to him for the affection he alone shows towards them, hazarding all for their preservation; which doing, they cannot but have the like care for his, and for his honour, as he is assured they will, not having so much regard to him who wrote as to the judgment of the King of Navarre, for whom he has entered into this trouble, and all the churches who have sufficiently known in the past his desire for their peace and preservation.
As to the affairs of Germany, one knows what is good both for them and for those of the Low Countries, having intelligence and correspondence to this end with those who have the charge of these countries, and know what is proper for them and how to demand it better than any others.
Endd. with date. French. 6 pp. [France XVII. 123.]
Oct. 4/14. Du Pin to Walsingham.
An honest man, who has fought in Flanders under "Monsieur Nourriz" has brought him his honour's letters. Has presented him to M. de Turenne, and he is now at the camp. [Compliments].
This prince [the King of Navarre] has many graces and gifts from God, and seems to be born for some great purpose, but he must have aid in order to resist so many and so powerful enemies. He is warding off their blows, but must not be forsaken. If he had not constancy and resolution, he could not maintain himself.
He is now going against the enemy. They have tried to hold him back by examples from the past and by representing the consequence of a combat ventured upon at so unfit a time, but in vain.
Prays, for God's sake, that he may have the aid he needs for crushing his enemies. A little help and he will overcome them all.—La Rochelle, 14 October, 1587.
Signed. Add. Endd. French. 1 p. [France XVII. 124.]
Oct. 7/17. M. De Taffin to Walsingham.
Yours of the 5th ult. were delivered two days after my man left for Holland, on the business of which I wrote to you at length on Sept. 24 new style. You tell me that as a treaty of peace was about to be entered upon with the Duke of Parma, you thought the Queen might find such undertakings unfitting; whereupon I was about to recall my man, but reflecting that she might think it not a bad plan thus to engage and annoy the enemy, I have come to the resolution that in case they send me what the gentleman demands (which is only paper) I will say and do nothing until I have written of it again to you. And it seems there is more appearance of war than peace, for, either because it might be had more advantageously, or for fear of France, or for need of succouring those of the League, it is certain that the Duke of Parma is making new and great levies.
They advertise from Antwerp that there will soon be twenty-five thousand new soldiers, Germans, Italians and Spaniards, besides what may be drawn from the villages. M. de la Noue wrote to me on Sept. 13, old style, that as well as the 4000 Italians who have already passed, there are also 10000 Italians and Spaniards marching towards the Low Countries. And as he has heard speech of this treaty of pacification, he adds that great care must be had, remembering what cunning people are to be dealt with. I can also assure you that the Duke of Parma is furnishing abundantly with all sorts of munition the towns on the frontiers of France and even the castle of Tournai, into which he is putting victuals for a year, which amazes me greatly, seeing that it is so far within the country. They send word from thence that the Duke will shortly be in the field with an army.
As for news from these parts, I spoke yesterday with a man come from La Charité, who says that the army of the reiters is close to it, and on the 12th, new style, had summoned the town to surrender. There are in it only two hundred harquebusiers besides the burghers. The King is at Montargis, assembling his army, and resolved (as is said) to fight them, having to this end sent word to Messieurs de Guise to join him with their troops. Many think that they will not come, in which case, and if the Swiss army be not fought with, the cause will be imputed to them. It is believed that the King of Navarre is marching with his troops towards the said town of La Charité, taking with him the Comte de Soissons and leaving the Prince of Condé in Poitou. M. de Monpensier is in the [French] King's army and is to lead the vanguard, which, as some think, is one of the reasons which prevents the Guises from joining it. It is reported that a great new levy is being made in Germany both of horse and foot; and that as great a number of Swiss are coming also; but I doubt this last. A man lately come from Brussels tells me that he there heard from a very good source that the Duke of Parma has declared openly that he sees well that peace will never be established in the Low Countries unless exercise of both religions be granted to them, from which it would seem that he would be inclined to accord it; and that he wished to invite both her Majesty and the States of the Low Countries to hearken to a peace. And this person also says that he greatly fears the armies which are in France.
They write from Constantinople that the Turk is making peace with the King of Persia, and that he is arming. This, and what is happening here may well determine the King of Spain to grant a peace to the Low Countries under better conditions than perhaps otherwise he would do.—Paris, 17 October, stilo novo
Signed. Add. Endd. French. 2¼ pp. [France XVII. 125.]
Oct. 9. M. de La Noue to M. de la Pre.
I have learned from a Hollander come to this town how little harmony there is between the English and those of that country, who says that matters are in such a state that it will be very difficult to put them right again. I will not recite the accusations of each against the other, or their justifications, for you know them better than I do. It grieves me much to see that this long tragedy may end to the glory of those who persecute us and the confusion of our own party, for though not able to aid in person, I have a very great desire for their welfare and preservation.
You are like those who after a long voyage, having almost reached port, fall together by the ears. You bear the name of United Provinces, but by your cleaving to things which may break this union, you cause your friends to give you a contrary name, and your enemies, by this opening, may enter into your bowels.
You write that in the book that has been printed, I have discoursed well of the evils arising from discord. Judge thereby, I pray you, how to avoid them. It seems to me that you ought to put before yourself the state in which you were after the taking of Antwerp, and truly it was such that without the aid of the Queen of England, you were in very great danger, for I hold it for certain that the Hannibal who is in Flanders, with his forces, his gold, and his intelligences would in a year have prevailed over you. You have now even more need of her help, and by a good understanding with her, great benefit will ensue for both nations, who are equally hated by the Spaniard and threatened with the like vengeance. You both make profession of the gospel and uphold a just cause, and it should follow that it is easy for you to agree and difficult to quarrel. And yet one sees that those whom you accuse of superstition and violent rule are never in that state of discord into which you have fallen.
I am assured that some of yours, and those amongst the chief ones, have said that they would rather give their towns back to the Spaniard than to the English, and that the English say that they would like to make peace and leave this savage people, unworthy of being aided, to perish. This is hard for me to hear, but harder to have to say it to those who ought never to have come to this point. It is no strange thing for friends to complain one of the other, for it happens often even with brothers, but as the wisdom of these induces them to provide against this, so your faithful counsellors on both sides should take means to obviate the causes which engender fear and suspicion, and to promote confidence and love. If those who are aiding you desist and try to come to terms with the Spaniard, being constrained thereto by the murmurs, suspicions and animosity of your people, certainly one cannot blame them, and you, being abandoned will be in great danger of being lost; but if for slight causes they should abandon you, and you were powerful enough to preserve yourselves by yourselves, I should not then counsel you to call in auxiliaries. But your own forces not being sufficient to do more than retard your ruin, you must needs throw yourselves into the arms of some, and I do not see who can better protect you than the English, who are of the like religion and bound to defend it in order to preserve themselves. And they being powerful at sea (a thing on which I lay great stress) and experienced and brave warriors, why not choose them; and having chosen them, why discard them? If they wished to subject you to hard conditions, you might rightly seek to throw off this new protection or domination, but if the causes which make you suspicious on both sides are but the natural faults found in every nation, instead of taking offence, you should give them the hand in friendship which you have clenched to hit them.
Why do you think that the fifteen or sixteen thousand Italians and Spaniards now passing this way are going into Flanders? It is your dissensions which have called them thither, and if you continue these, you will be forced into a bad peace, while if you renounce them, the enemy will little by little disperse; for you know that in your ruined country, victuals are dear and scarce, the cold very bitter, money short, pay small, and the Italian nation so delicate that before four months had passed, they would have greatly dwindled away. Therefore you should join together with one will and with united forces to sustain the attacks of your enemies, and by the wisdom of the two nations to build up a firm mutual understanding, for if you are so unhappy as not to be reconciled, you will give your enemy an assured hope of winning the game, who making use as cunningly of the fox's skin as they do vigorously of that of the lion, would give you so heavy a fall that you would never be able to recover from it.
My affection for the welfare of your nation, and conviction that you are one of my good friends has carried me thus far. Now I wish to speak of the private matter of the Sieur de Sainte Aldegonde, who, they tell me, is suspected both by the Hollanders and the English. I am very sorry for it, for he is a personage worthy of being employed. I have always known him zealous to the Religion and to his country, and can testify that his heart and hands are clean, and if it had been otherwise, I should have known it. His example has made me the less regret the promise which I have been forced to make not to bear arms in your country, for I have reflected that since he who has had such credit and authority amongst your people and has never transgressed his duty has not escaped calumny and dismissal, what would they have done to me, a stranger, if I had continued to serve them? Terentius Varro lost by his fault the battle of Cannea, yet when he returned to Rome and offered the rest of his life in aid of the Republic, then reduced to extremity, he was not rejected, but well received, for not having despaired of the same. It cannot be imputed to M. de Sainte Aldegonde that he lost Antwerp. He gave it up when it could not save itself; and if I had been on the side of the States, with 12000 men, I could not have saved it, for having seen the superb defences made by the Spaniards, I hold that they were impregnable. I say this from my compassion for persons of merit who suffer from their fellow citizens without cause in these terrible storms, for as the betrayers of their country ought to be sternly punished, so should the good patriots be honoured. After the reduction of Antwerp, if I had wished to complain of those of the town for not redeeming my son from prison, who had served them so well, I might have done so; and I assure you that the Prince of Parma said to me, when I was conducted to him, that he had been in the said town six months sooner if it had not been for my son, who defended 'Lislo' [Lillo], yet none ever heard me utter a word of complaint, but I have always excused them and said that they had done for me all that they could, although I have since known well that if they had insisted on this point, it had been decided to release him. But it is of the ministers of the King of Spain that I have cause to complain, who not content with the great ills they have made me suffer, still torment me in the person of my son, who, being a stranger, they afflict with small reason, and at the beginning of this year put him into a filthy tower, where he thought he should die. I have kept my word to them, and they have yet continued to treat me with rigour, which leads me to think that their reason may be that I am so well affectioned towards you, and that they will do the like to you if they overcome you either by force or by cunning. This may serve to render you more united with your friends, more wary in what you negotiate with the Spaniard, and more resolute in fight. In fine if you will help yourselves by all human means for your preservation, I believe that your deliverance will come from God's hand, who will do more at one stroke than you can hope for by a hundred thousand, and will marvellously bring to a happy end your marvellous war. Put then your hope in him; pray to him, and as he has delivered me from the midst of death, so will he deliver you in his good time from your long afflictions.—Geneva, 9 October, old style.
Postscript. They write from Basle that more than five hundred Italians have already passed, going towards Italy. If you have news from Paris, pray send them to me.
Copy. Endd. French. 3 very closely written pp. [France XVII. 126.]
Oct. 10/20.
"The order agreed upon between the commissioners appointed by the French King for matters of depredation and the ambassador, for granting of letters of reprisal on either side."
The Sieur de Bellievre, President Brisson and Secretary Pinart, commissioners together with the Admiral [Joyeuse] to enquire into the matter of the depredations between his Majesty's subjects and those of the Queen of England, having communicated with the Sieur de Stafford, the said Queen's ambassador, and made report of his complaints touching the letters of mark; and having also considered the great complaints daily made by the King's subjects of the small justice they are able to procure in England for the said depredations:—it is resolved:
That for maintenance of the good correspondence between that King and Queen and their respective subjects, the warrants for letters of mark which are or may be granted by his Majesty against the English shall not be delivered formally until three months after the précis on which they have been adjudged and granted shall have been communicated to M. Stafford, who, during the said three months may, if he thinks good, take order that the parties interested shall be satisfied; and the like shall be done as regards the King's ambassador in England; and the said two ambassadors shall certify to the parties interested the date of the presentation of the said précis. And if the said parties have not been satisfied within the said term of three months, the said letters of mark shall be dispatched and delivered to them.
And his Majesty has desired this present ordinance to be sent to the ambassador, that he may not pretend ignorance thereof.
With note that this was read to the Queen Mother in the presence of the members of the Council at Paris, 20 October, 1587. Also, that the King has since written that he approves thereof, and, by his letters to the Queen Mother, prays that it may be observed.
Copy. Endd. French. 1 p. [France XVII. 127.]
Oct. 12/22. Fœlix Herbert, Baron of Fulstein to Walsingham.
Has made it a rule during his wanderings in foreign parts, that on nothing would he bestow more pains than in gaining the friendship of illustrious men. For this he has everywhere striven, and in this, God be praised, he has everywhere succeeded. And having in France heard of his honour's fame, he resolved to go to England in order to include him in the number, which, by his zeal, or rather by his honour's kindness he has now brought to pass. He has but one fear; lest by long absence, his name, not as yet imprinted in his honour's memory by any services, may be overlaid by the rust of oblivion. This he hopes to prevent by very frequent letters, of which he promises there shall be no lack until he finds some other means of testifying his extreme regard. In return prays his honour to do him the kindness of offering his devotion to her Majesty as the humblest of her servants.—Paris, 22 October, 1587.
Holograph. Add. Endd. Latin. ½ p. Seal of arms. [France, XVII. 128.]
Oct. 13/23. Count Edzard of East Friesland to the Queen.
Letter of which the English abstract is given below.
Signed. Add. Endd. Latin, 2½ pp. [Hamburg and Hanse Towns II. 68.]
Oct. 13/23. "Abstract of the Earl Edzard of East Friesland's letter" of this date.
1. "Complains that notwithstanding his forwardness in granting from time to time unto our Merchants Adventurers their privileges and residency at his town of Embden, yet they have lately departed from thence to Stadium on the river Elbe or Albis without his knowledge: not considering with what trouble and danger he sustained the complaints exhibited against him to the Emperor and Princes of Germany by those of the Hanses, for granting our merchants residence at Embden.
2. Desires her Majesty would not carry an hard opinion of him, for this their removing of themselves from Embden, being done without his privity, or any hard measure offered them on his part.
3. Promiseth to perform whatsoever her Majesty shall at any time hereafter require of him, so far as the allegiance he is to yield to the Empire shall permit etc.
½ p. [On the same sheet with other letters. Hamburg and Hanse Towns II. 72 III.]
Another copy of the same Abstract, with only a few verbal differences. [Ibid. II. 77 I.]
Oct 14 "Articles for the relief of her Majesty's subjects trading Spain and Portugal, if the treaty of amity do proceed."
All acts committed by any of her subjects, by sea or land, against the King of Spain or his subjects since the last treaties in 1568 to be freely remitted.
All her subjects committed to any prison or the galleys since then, other than such as lie for debts, murder or other notorious offences to be set free.
The 'prematyca' (fn. 4) restraining the bringing into his dominions English commodities to be repealed.
That her subjects who have incurred the penalty of the law for carrying gold, silver or jewels out of his realm, or forfeited any bond made for employment of money made of any merchandise brought into it shall be freely remitted, nor they compelled to answer the same.
That her subjects "being no dwellers there" may be dispensed from keeping accounts in any other language than [that] they best understand.
That they be "admitted to their action for all their goods . . . detained or committed in trust to any of their friends or factors" since Dec. 24, 1585, other than such as have been "manifested to the Justice to the King's use and the possession come to his Majesty", nor shall any punishment be inflicted on any person concealing the same.
That the ports of his Majesty's dominions be free to her Majesty's subjects, to come with their ships and merchandise (the East and West Indies only excepted) and not to be restrained to any certain port, but to come "where their ships may ride in most safety, themselves best entreated, and most commodious for vent of their merchandise."
That they be not compelled to pay custom for any merchandise save what is landed and sold in his ports.
That her Majesty's subjects may with their ships and merchandise trade freely into Turkey and Barbary, not carrying any munition or armour other than for their defence.
That their ships being freighted in England, and the merchants bound to relade them for England or Ireland, they may be suffered to lade without the goods being taken to lade in the ships of the King's subjects, for which many of them have been forced to compound, to their great loss and hindrance.
That whereas King Henry VIII. "granted unto his subjects his charter for the establishing of good government among themselves in Spain, which charter Charles V. . . . did ratify and confirm; by which government the subjects of this realm did so demean themselves that great quietness to the subjects of both princes did ensue; which government her Majesty's subjects by some disagreement among themselves did neglect. And then her Majesty, being often troubled with the suits and complaints of her subjects for extreme wrongs and injuries offered unto them there, did not only direct her special letters to the King, but also recommended their complaints unto her Highness' ambassadors there, who still received for answer that if her Majesty's subjects were reduced into good order and government . . . such inconveniences would be avoided, and the ancient friendship the better continued"; whereupon she not only renewed and confirmed her father's grant, but enlarged it for the better government of her subjects trading into Spain and Portugal, which charter is nothing prejudicial to the subjects of that King, and therefore desired to be confirmed by him as his father confirmed the first.
For religion and freedom of conscience.
"That none of her Majesty's subjects be enquired of nor compelled to answer for the religion they use in her Majesty's realms nor upon the high seas, neither those that come to visit their ships do henceforth swear any of her Majesty's subjects to be of the Romish Catholic church and religion; neither shall her subjects be compelled to answer to any question . . . touching their conscience or religion."
That her subjects going thither to trade, "and no dwellers there, be not compelled to go to their churches, neither commanded to be shriven or receive their sacraments, nor to go upon any pilgrimage, or to do or follow any other of their ceremonies that is there used; or be compelled to take any of the Pope's bulls or pardons.
"That if any of her Majesty's subjects do meet their sacrament in the street, going to be ministered unto the sick, or to meet their processions, such . . . as will not commit idolatry as his subjects doth, shall not be called in question if for the avoiding thereof he turn into some by street or turn back again, and shall not be imprisoned or compelled to answer for the same; neither shall her Majesty's subjects, in contempt or to the offence of his people, use any speech or gesture if he or they will not shun the same.
"That if any particular person contemptuously or by accusation do offend the orders or religion there used, that for the offence of one mariner, the ship, merchandise and the rest of the mariners . . . shall not be attached;" neither shall any factor, having other men's goods and merchandise in his possession, lose or forfeit the same, other than such as shall be proved to be the proper goods of the offender.
"The three first articles were in effect assented unto by the King, in the time that Sir Henry Cobham was her Majesty's ambassador; notwithstanding, the Inquisition have not spared ever since their tyranny against her Majesty's subjects. And the King either durst not or would not publish the toleration agreed upon, therefore if her Majesty's subjects may dwell upon any security, the chief of the Inquisition must yield to have the same published and to get it ratified and confirmed by the Pope: otherwise her Majesty's subjects shall no way be releived, but depending there upon, bring themselves in greater trouble."
Endd. with date. 2 pp. very small writing. [Spain II. 84.]
Oct. 15/25. Baron de Dhona to her Majesty.
As the Duke of Bouillon and the French lords of the King of Navarre's council in this army are sending this gentleman to her Majesty, to represent to her its true state, he has, at their request, made bold to accompany their dispatch by this letter, knowing her zeal for the welfare and advancement of this cause, and the pleasure that it will be to her to hear that they have happily come from Germany to the banks of the Loire, notwithstanding the hindrances of those of the League, who have followed and pressed upon them, but since they have seen them (to their great regret) so well arrived in Lorraine, have only approached to their further shame and hurt. Assures her Majesty of the entire harmony between the different nations composing their army and their zeal for the cause; who never more gladly forget all the hardships they have suffered than when there is talk of fighting. And if they may receive some satisfaction worthy of their goodwill and resolution, as is both expedient and necessary, her Majesty will see that opportunities for doing their duty will never occur so often as they are wished for, and that they will cheerfully bestow their lives therein.—Camp at Briare, 25 October. 1587.
Signed. Endd. French. 1 p. [France XVII. 129.]


  • 1. i.e. deceiving each other.
  • 2. This must be Louis de Rochechouart, Sieur de Montigny, a faithful servant of the King of Navarre. But the Duke de Bouillon was the prime advocate for fighting in Lorraine.
  • 3. de fievre en chaud mal.
  • 4. Pragmatica = ordinance.