Elizabeth: January 1588, 1-15

Pages 472-487

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 21, Part 1, 1586-1588. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1927.

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January 1588, 1-15

Jan. 4. Certificate by Duke John Casimir that he has seen the original of the agreement made in England by the Sieur Junius, his ambassador, above written, and that he has and does approve and ratify the same, promising to follow and accomplish it, so far as the accidents of the time shall make possible. In testimony whereof he has signed and sealed the above at Heidelberg this 4th of January, 1588.
Holograph. French. ½ p. [German States V. 64.]
Jan. [4]. Further certificate by Duke John Casimir, Count Palatine of the Rhine, etc. etc. that he has received from John Calendrini a promise made and signed by him on behalf of Lodovico Perez and Co. for the sum of 40,000 florins, at 15 bats the florin of current money of Frankfort, payable to himself or his commissioner at the next Easter fair; in virtue of a letter from Sir Horatio Palavicino to the said Perez of 11 November last by order of her Majesty the Queen of England, in satisfaction of her promise to the Sieur Junius in her reply given to him on the 6th of the said month. In confirmation whereof he has signed and sealed this present certificate at Heidelberg the [4th] of January, 1588.
[This document and the following have not been executed.] Copy. French, ½ p. [German States V. 65.]
Jan. [4]. Declaration by the above Duke John Casimir that John Calendrini having given him his promise for the sum of 40,000 florins [details as above];—if it should happen that her Majesty or M. Palavicino should not avow the said promise and contract, then he, the said Duke John Casimir shall discharge the said Calandrini and Perez from their promise, and it shall remain null and void.—Heidelberg, [4th] January, 1588.
Copy. French. ½ p. [German States V. 66.]
Jan. 5/15. The town of Rochelle to Walsingham.
His honour's good will and holy zeal for God's church, as shown to themselves, embolden them to pray his favour for the Sieur Antoine Stanlac, merchant of London, that he may obtain permission from her Majesty to bring from England corn, butter, powder, saltpetre, arms and other victuals and munitions of war needed by them for opposing the efforts of the enemies of the said church of God.—La Rochelle, 15 January, 1588.
Add. Endd. French. 1 p. [France XVIII. 1.]
Jan. 5/15. The King of Navarre to the Same.
On the same subject as the preceding, but the request made for Jehan Morel and Michel d'Eman, and the quantity of each article desired, specified.—Montauban, 15 January, 1588. Signed "Vre byen afectyonne and mylleur amy, Henry."
Add. Endd. French, ¾ p. [Ibid. XVIII. 2.]
[Printed in Lettres Missives, t. 8, p. 329. A like letter to Burghley, of the same date, is in the Lansdowne Collection at the British Museum.]
Jan. 5. Francis Hod to Walsingham.
I think myself bound to advertise your honour of "this party" whom I have caused to be sent over to you by [one] Thomas Wallop, mariner of Heye [qy. Hythe]; and of his proceedings in Picardy. He came from Do[ver?] to Calais and so to this town on Dec. 5, and lodged with a widow, one Madam Becklyn for three or four days, and then departed with his guide, a Frenchman of this town, who left him at the university or college at Eu, where he was received with great joy. He thence sent back letters to be conveyed to Calais and delivered at the Golden Balances to one Ingrayme Thownge [sic], to be sent into England with all speed. He has a cloak of a "plownckeyt" colour [like] a serving man, but "hath confessed [unto] divers that no man shall never know his name, if he should die. . . . I this morning chanced to meet him . . . [and] he blushed as red as though all the blood [of his] body were in his face. I asked what country man he was. He said that he was one of 'Dowraym,' in the North country. . . . I hearing of him before, what he was, would not enter into any talk with him, lest he should mistrust somewhat, but walked with him, showing him the passage boat that would go by the first, whereunto he thanked me, and showed me after that he was come unto one to get certain money which is owing unto him.
"I asked of him with what language he could pass this country, he having but his English tongue. He said that he having his latin tongue helped him among priests and said they were good fellows, for he could want nothing [at] their hands, and began to discourse with me [on] the overthrow of the Reiters in France . . . telling me that he hath the note how many there was of them, being 44000, which the King was fain to give them a piece of [torn] to depart his country, and after that [torn] out of the country, Monsieur Degyes [de Guise] did [de]feat them and so slayed most of them, and this was the effect of his talk unto me." I had no leisure to hear more as I have a matter to have judgment this day, so could not discourse further with him. I have written to the Mayor of Heye that he would take all his letters from him.
Postscript. "The state of this country stands very ill, I mean Picardy. They have victualled this town of 'Bowllen' [Boulogne] for two years and 500 good soldiers and 500 more comes to keep the low town of Boulogne within these two days. They be for M. 'Pernoton' [? Epernon] who is [torn] with the King. The people here wish h[im] and their King hanged and do honour [?] the Duke of Guise as a god because of th[e] popery by him is maintained; which if [he?] were once dead this country of P[icardy] would be soon in peace. But surely they must be plagued more, for that God sees it good. We look and expect some great matters ere it be long, as some great [diso]rder or overthrow of the Guise. God for his mercy's sake [turn?] all to the best . . .
"The Castle of Harlow [Hardelow] within three miles of this town was taken 2 days past and is holden by the Guises; 400 of his men came unto the Mount not twelve days past, to get over to come to sack the low town of Boulogne, but they were descried and stayed not, but spoils this country very much."
Further postscript. "I crave pardon of you if my style or direction is not as un[to so] honourable a person ought to be, in that I never took upon me the like afore."—Boulogne, 5 January [1587–8.]
Add. Endd. "January [year date torn off]. From A.B. from Calles" [sic]. 4 pp. very eccentric spelling. Torn. [France, XVIII., 3.]
Jan. 6/16. Stephen Powle to Walsingham.
His last letter was dated on the 9th instant.
Rome, 10 January. News from Barcelona of an enterprise by Gianettino Spinola, nephew of Prince Doria, who was near Cartagena with eighteen Genoese galleys, ready to conduct the Spanish footmen into Italy, against the corsairs in the island of Cuizza. [Details of the fight]. Owing to the roughness of the sea neither party gained a victory; and some of the galleys were thrown upon the rocks of the island and broken up; but the people managed to reach the land, where they continued to fight with much valour; and the rest of the galleys arriving gave them the victory. The fight was very sanguinary, eight hundred being killed on the two sides; but many Christian slaves were liberated and a hundred and fifty Turks made prisoners, amongst whom were Arnaut Mamy 'Rays' [Reis] (fn. 1); Amuratto 'Rays,' a French renegade, and Amuratto 'Rays,' a captain of Algiers (who, in past years, captured the Pope's galleys); three of the chief corsairs of Barbary; another 'Rays' being killed. There were 150 janissaries in each Turkish galley, who had gone out to plunder two Genoese gallies which have lately arrived in Italy with three hundred thousand crowns.
The Cardinal of Joyeuse has sent his house-steward into France, nominally to take order as to his household effects upon the death of the Duke his brother, but also carrying dispatches from the French ambassador here to the King, believed to relate to some secret business treated of in this court.
On Thursday the Cardinal Chamberlain, with the other twelve officers of the chamber, repaired to the Castle of St. Angelo, to deposit there 400,000 crowns, gathered from the income of the Apostolic See; which brings the amount up to the third million of gold.
The sumptuous tomb which his Holiness has had made for Pope Pio Quinto in his chapel in Santa Maria Maggiore being now finished, the body of the said Pope has this day been carried with solemn pomp from the church of St. Peter (where it was deposited) to the said chapel; the procession, at which all the clergy assisted, having cost twenty thousand crowns.
Prague, by the last [advices].
King Maximilian was still on the borders of Silesia, resolving to attempt with all his might the enterprize of Poland and raising troops in divers places. There are arrived in his camp 1500 German soldiers and 2000 Hungarians, led by the Sieur Prepostuari; he being encamped with these forces hard by the river Vistula; and the Signor Giordano Spidech [or Spideck] on the other side of Cracovia, into which it is reported, the Swede entered on the 6th, in order to be crowned on the Feast of the Epiphany, accompanied by ten thousand persons, with many other lords; and was received by the Grand Chancellor and Cardinal Battori in the great church, where the Te deum laudamus was sung; after which, going to the gate called Tussania, he was escorted by the magistrates of the city under a canopy to the Capello, where being received by the Archbishop and other prelates on entering the church of this chapel (entrando nella chiesa di essa capella) the same praises were sung until three o'clock at night.
Also (it is reported) that on the 20th [? of December] there arrived in Cracovia, in favour of the Swede, Baltazar Battori, brother of the Cardinal, with 2600 armed men, horse and foot, sent and enlisted by the Vaivode of Transylvania.
Lisbon, 21 December. It was written from thence to Venice that ten ships with merchandise being arrived there, they were ordered, by letters from their patroni to return to Seville, and on the way two were taken, as another ship laden with wine for the fleet had already been, by the English pirates.
Although our Spaniards here give out that the Armada is ready, yet letters from Lisbon of Dec. 21 say that it cannot be in order for six months, partly because the soldiers and mariners are not recovered of their last voyage; partly because the ships are so sea-beaten that they must be new-rigged and repaired. Moreover the scarcity about Lisbon, from having so many thousands to feed, has caused many to die for want of victuals, and most of the remnant of the poor Greeks to be sick of "pining diseases," so that all the hospitals etc. are full of them. It is said all this misery has arisen "by reason of the Fleet putting to sea for the enterprise of England about the beginning of December last, when by the unseasonable time and wonderful storms they were driven back to the coast of Portugal . . . But it is not thought here to be true that they ever stirred abroad since their return. from the Indies; but only supposed to be some forged device to excuse their long delay of that enterprise."
We hear from Antwerp that you continue the treaties of peace. I have already given you the opinions held here thereof in my letters of 25 December and 2 January.
We live here in no small danger by reason of new laws against giving intelligences of matters of state, and strangers who have no colourable cause of staying in Venice are daily constrained to depart. I myself cannot get more than fifteen days at the renewing of my bolletino. I am now the only one of all our English gentlemen here, for Mr. Wroth is removed to Padua. I pray you to procure me warrant for my security or else to command my service in some other place, for I cannot justify my letters unless I have commandment either from her Majesty or the Lords of the Council to show the officers appointed to examine such causes. "In this sort is the Duke of Saxony's agent in security, who lieth here in that private manner as I do, to give his Master weekly intelligence." My servant, Daniel Sympson, will attend your command.
Letters from Constantinople of Dec. 9 confirm the news that the Turk being absolute master of the city of Tauris [i.e. Tabriz] and those parts of Persia occupied by him, and made safe by fortresses and rocks, is resolved to take the opportunity to open the way to the navigation of the river Tanais, with design to go to the Indies and thus facilitate the enterprise against the Persians and Georgians; as also against the Muscovites and other enemies of his empire.—Venice, 16 January, stilo novo, 1588.
[The "occurences" mostly in Italian, the rest in English. [Newsletters LXXXI., 5a:]
Copy of a letter from Theodorus "the Muscovite" to the Archduke Maximilian.
Expressing his joy on hearing of the Duke's election to the throne of Poland, and exhorting him to go as soon as possible into that kingdom, to take upon him the government. Is forthwith sending legates to treat with him of important matters, that the Christian Commonwealth may be preserved in peace and tranquillity.
Has also heard that certain persons have illegally elected the son of the King of Sweden to be King of Poland, but hopes they will draw back from this decision, otherwise he must ever be hostile to the Ordines of Poland and Lithuania, and make incessant incursions into the latter, devastating everything with fire and sword.
But he will faithfully aid his well beloved brother, make league with him and take his part, to the best of his power, against all foes, lest the Turkish power prevail against the Christians.
Assures him of his unalterable good will and determination to do his best to prevent the effusion of Christian blood. Written from his court at Moscow, year of the world 7096, 7th indiction of September.
The original was signed with his own hand. Latin. 1¼ pp. [Newsletters LXXXI., 5a.]
Jan. 7/17. Madame de Rohan to Walsingham.
Takes this opportunity of recalling herself to his memory and inquiring after his health, having heard by M. Grevil that he had been ill, and away from the court.
For news, she can tell him of nothing save the calamity and miseries wherewith they are threatened, being made to feel this— both by severe edicts and the making ready of new forces—more bitterly than they had done since the retreat of their German succours, so that most know not what will become of them. May God aid them. Assures him of her continued friendship.— La Rochelle, 17 January, 1588. Signed Catherine de Parthenay.
Add. Endd. French, 1 p. [France XVIII. 4.]
Jan. 8. Stafford to Burghley.
"After most humble thanks to your lordship for your favourable letter unto me by John Wells, I will begin to answer (first in the beginning of mine) the end of your lordship's, and rejoice with all my heart that things between the King of Scots and us might come to that good intelligence as your lordship by your apostile seemeth to hope; for I would then certainly believe that (in despite of them that be set upon our ruin) God would preserve us. Scotland must be the bridge that must pass them that shall do it, and if Scotland and we might have so good intelligence together that we might agree for common defence against any that would attempt to invade any part of the island, I do not think that any would or durst enterprise against any part of it; but the disposition of the people (who ever hath been and I think ever will be) light, unconstant and faithless, maketh me to fear that what fair promises soever they make, there is no trust[ing] to them, and less now than ever, if God, of his omnipotent mercy do not work a wonder . . .
"For the communication with some here of the Religion, truly, my Lord, here is none left, for these times have driven them all away, I mean such as are men of judgment; for those are known men, and those that are known dare not tarry; and of the King of Navarre's folks' there is none here but one, who is a good, honest man, but neither age nor practice maketh him capable to judge of the depth of this matter; yet seeing (at the first hearing of this reddition) that neither England nor Germany would or could resolve upon the ways for their remedy, till first their request were heard from themselves, and their means . . . laid open by themselves, I wished him (and so he hath done) to write to the King of Navarre to take good deliberation, and to send some sufficient man to that purpose, either directly over to her Majesty or to me, and I would make it known unto her what I received from them. And since I received your lordship's letters, I did again communicate this with him and he told me he could not say anything to it till he had heard from the King of Navarre, to whom (according to my direction) he had presently written, but said that he did know them (for these were his very words) so well, that as with a victory they were puffed up, and thought every body should worship them, so with an evil fortune they are so far cast down that they will be a month or six weeks, their arms across, lamenting, before they put on any resolution. So that I must needs stay till some body come from the King of Navarre to have that conference your lordship writeth to me of; and when that will be I know not yet, but if they were as diligent in their own cases (wherein God's cause and the public 'welthe' standeth upon making and marring) as they are in their own particular ambitious follies, we should have heard of them by this time. But, my Lord, as your Lordship writeth, it is a thing most certain that religion is but a colour, and worldly pride and ambition the bottom of their hearts, which God knoweth well enough, and therefore hath plagued them with this unlooked for ruin. And as he gave them a victory over M. Joyeuse, (which there was neither reason nor likelihood that they should have looked for), so, seeing they were puffed up with it, and acknowledged it not to come from him, he took away their senses to take the fruits of it . . . and withal put such a desolation and such a sudden fear among these huge companies of strangers . . . that he hath made them know that he can set up and pull down whom it pleaseth him and when it pleaseth him; whereas if it had pleased them to have acknowledged their good fortune to come from him . . . and to have gotten the service of God restored, and the liberty of conscience with reasonable sureties and have showed that when they were strongest they desired but reason, both they might have had the King (who could not indeed open his mouth to offer anything without he were asked) to have granted them (by necessity) to have come in statu quo prius and better . . . and besides, had taken away the advantages that these Leaguers take against the King, when he goeth about to do anything for them, when that the world should see that he did it by constraint, to save his realm from utter destruction, which he had done and would have done . . . if they had tarried and first ruined Lorraine, then Champagne and a part of Picardy and the best of those things that they had in their hands, and by that means still have kept themselves upon the frontiers, from whence they might have been ever easily succoured, or have retired themselves upon a necessity, to have received either succour of men or money whensoever it were sent them, which indeed was the thing the King looked for at their hands.
"Or else, if that would not have been done . . . to have come straight and passed the river of Loire without stay, where they had had towns at their devotion that might have furnished them victuals, shoes, cloth or anything that they had needed; or else if the King of Navarre had advanced of the one side and they of the other, presently after his victory, there is never a town upon the river (but Orleans) but would have yielded to them; and then, having a passage and leaving a strong garrison in it, the King of Navarre might boldly come and go whither he would; whereas, without a town or a bridge . . . the least inconvenience in the world had brought him into as miserable a case as they have been; and if that had happened, and he on this side with the Prince of Condé and the forces of the Religion, the wars had been ended all in a day . . .
"All the Frenchmen that were with them owe the King their lives . . . for the Reiters would have delivered them all into his hands and the King would not grant it them, and when they saw that would not be, they demanded to carry them prisoners into Germany to answer for their pay, and he would not grant that neither. But I have advertisements every day and I find out by the King of Navarre's own people that are here, and by speech of some of them that came out of the army itself, that (what show soever the King of Navarre made) he never meant to join with them, but to make the damage they did and the terror of it serve to have made the Carte blanche to have been offered him, thinking that coming near Paris was the way to do that, which indeed was their undoing."
"I have been somewhat long, but the discerning of these things may give light in the future, to find fit remedies, and prevent their running anew into old faults. For I think it as impossible to further God's cause when it serves but for a colour to their ambitions, as to heal a hot disease with a cold remedy. And without his helping hand it will go hard, for as the bearer can tell you, an agent from Denmark who is here yesterday sent me word "that the King his master, as soon as he heard of this evil government of the army (for he had not yet heard of the full ruin) sent for his money back again that he had sent for the support of it, so that it is to be doubted whether upon this the contributions will perform their promise . . . Next, whether they will come without French, and French (for my part) I see not how they can have, for I see no man disposed to return; and if all this were or might be . . . they must needs fall into the same inconvenients of wants as before or rather worse; for towns they have none to back them nor are like to have none, and victuals are quite eaten and none to be had . . ." Also I fear God's anger against them, and especially because, in conference with the few here now belonging to the King of Navarre, and sounding them whether necessity would not constrain him to obey the King's edicts and become a Catholic, "they told me plainly that the cause why he would never do that was jealousy of the Prince of Condé; and the cause why the Prince would not do it (though they held themselves more assured of his steadfastness in religion than of the other's) was the jealousy of the Vicomte of Turenne's greatness, if they left him to be head and chief of them of the Religion; and if it were not for that, no doubt but the King of Navarre (if the King would give him any colour by a truce and assembly of Estates . . .) would do it; but that jealousy to leave one of them behind him, the chief of a party that yet he is the head of, and not to be assured (having changed) to be head of a Catholic party neither, that, they thought, he would never be brought unto; but that they doubted not but upon the first colour he could have presented (if it were not for that) he would do anything." Thus I fear that they dallying with God, he will not suffer them to prosper. I think they should be pressed to deal plainly with her Majesty "whether they sought religion indeed, or whether they sought to preserve themselves and their right only," for in the one case, both for God's cause and her own interest, she must lend a helping hand, but if their consciences do not move them, "there are other remedies, with less charge and less difficulties and more assuredness in the judgment of the world, that may help them to that, . . . if God for their punishment do not hinder it, and that I think her Majesty (though she may not nor will not, I am sure, persuade them to it) may help them to attain it, and get herself a great deal of good-will of the King here, and in requital of that, a great deal of favour for them; for I can assure you the King desireth nothing more than (if the colour of religion were taken away, wherewith these Leaguers cut his throat, both towards the Pope and towards all the chief towns of France) to have means in advancing them somewhat (though he will never advance them too much) to pull down the League throughly and ruin them for ever, and upon that durst I lay my life, and that there is nothing that he hateth so much as the Duke of Guise and the League, nor whose throats he would cut so soon. And this I the rather boldly write because I am afraid that when her Majesty hath done all that she can, and been at all the charges she can (which truly I have ever hitherto moved her not to spare, because I did hope that being done for his glory, God would bless the action . . .) that in the end they will be brought to it without her, and she lose her expences and her friends both . . . .
"I speak not this without cause, for I have sounded into the bottom of them, and have found that they have no respect to her, so they serve their own turns; and the conduction of this army confirmeth me the more in it. They have not been ashamed (the King of Navarre's ministers, I mean; himself I think is too wise to think it) to procure me to let the King and the Queen break; and especially when the matter of the Queen of Scots was, and these general arrests, they would have had me to have taken subject [sic] then, without seeing of what importance the contrary was for her Majesty, and were so indiscreet (and foolish, I may say) to tell me, if that were, the Queen would help them more . . . And though I made them see their folly and their small judgment in not conceiving that if the Queen did break with France—being broken with Spain already—she should have so much to do for herself as she should be fain to keep all to herself and all too little—yet after one had been refused, another came to me again to attempt the same. This maketh me to declare that which I would else have kept, that her Majesty may the better move them to deal plainly . . . for I see her out with Spain, and I think no intent in him ever to agree with her. I see her stand tickle with France, and a great many pushers to set them quite out, and few standing against it. I see she hath helped the parties against both the Kings, and her money cast away as though it were water into the sea, and yet she nor they be any whit nearer the end. So that what is best for her to do I am not wise enough to judge and there fore do write things as I find them and leave the consideration of it to her Majesty and your honours, for what will become of our old course, I dare no more put her Majesty in hope; for I am sure I shall never have cause of greater hope than this last help brought us . . . How glad everybody is to see her Majesty spend, and specially they that be Spanishly affected, that I hear myself; and am advertised from divers places how others triumph at this great expence at this instant. I would to God that there were some good course taken that we might neither fear them too much nor too little, and that we might be friends, and be sure of the assistance of one of the two. If that with Spain might be gotten and assured, I do think it might stand her Majesty in most stead and with least charge; but surely I cannot anyway find that he meaneth it, or that there is a possibility in it. Therefore if we might have by any means assurance of this King, it would the better ease us to maintain ourselves against the other . . . and I think the more to be hoped for; first for the nature of the two Kings; of the which the one's ambition is insatiable; the other's desire of quiet and peace is unremoveable; besides that the other we have openly offended, and have, to the knowledge of the world, holds and forts of his, which cannot be rendered without great sums, which he can hardly part withal . . . This King, if we have offended, it is but in trifles; we have nothing to ask of him, and therefore may the sooner agree. Besides . . . we be both in one predicament with the other, for he attempteth equally, by sowing seditions in both, to prepare a way for his ambitious intent upon both . . . and hath in this realm so begun already that I know the King is strucken at the heart with it . . .
"This, my lord, I find and see directly, and so write plainly, and though it be somewhat tediously, yet I hope your lordship will rather bear with my tediousness than if, in being short, I omitted anything. For the possibility of them to hold out this summer, that, I dare assure your lordship upon my life you need not to mistrust, if they will [it] themselves, and a great deal longer; for in those parts where the King of Navarre is, they be in better state than ever they were and stronger, save only that their reputation is diminished by the defeat of this army.
And if the King go not himself, no doubt but they will be able to hold out summer and winter and a good while longer. And for his going, I durst warrant that, whatsoever he saith, very constraint must carry him to stop the outcries of these cormorants, but if he do go in person, and will annoy them, we doubt he will easily, if he list (while he is marring of their harvest) take away some principal town from them, and put the rest in a great hazard, when they shall see the country spoiled round about and that the other towns shall be left quite unprovided . . . but I think he will go into those parts as late as he can," and that ways might be found with the King to impeach it, and turn these harms from them another way, and breed quiet both to them and us. "All that I fear is de fiance on both sides and especially on this side; how this King (his estate standing so fickle as it doth) will dare open himself to her Majesty . . ."—Paris, 8 January, 1587.
Postscript. "I send your lordship the title and dedication of a book printed in Spain, whereas [sic] they storm greatly here. There is but one in this town, and that is [in] Villeroy's hands."
Signed. Add. Endd. 6 pp. of very close writing. [France XVIII. 5.]
Jan. 8. Stafford to Burghley.
"Here is a complaint come to me and every day cometh; but this day one afresh of a French ship that was going into Barbary, that the Merchant Riall hath spoiled extremely, and used besides very hardly. Truly, my lord, these continual sores upon sores will mar all in the end and make that they are almost careless how to satisfy us in anything, thinking that we desire to have quarrels with them. I have sent the complaint to Mr. Secretary.
"There is an agent of the King of Denmark here that saith that as soon as his master heard of this evil conduct of this army he sent for his money back again that was upon the way and said he would save so much. I pray God the rest, hearing of the general envy do not the like too. There are that are greatly afraid of it."—Paris, 8 January, 1587.
This bearer desired this packet that he might tell you something which he thinks will be very profitable to our realm. "The poor man hath a great zeal and goodwill to the good of his country."
Holograph. Add. Endd. ¾ p. [France XVIII. 6.]
Jan. 8. Stafford to Burghley.
"I do not much marvel that you saw not the discourse that I sent you the copy of, for it is a very common thing to have but what pleaseth them of that cometh from me showed. It is not the twentieth that hath been kept back, and letters that I have sent to your lordship taken from them that carried them and never delivered you; and among the rest one that I sent you to desire you to make her Majesty acquainted with a very bad dealing toward me for doing her Majesty's service truly, and not consenting to have other men's ambitious follies to be a cause to break between her Majesty and this King; and withal I sent the copy of the letter verbatim unto Mr. Secretary, to make her Majesty acquainted with it, writing unto him that I had also written to your lordship to the same effect. He did not only not communicate the letter unto her Majesty, but took away your letter from him that carried it, saying he would presently send all unto the court; which contrariwise he did and stayed all, never delivered any unto your lordship; never com municated anything to her Majesty, but dispatched a post presently unto me, requiring me, as I loved him, and as I had any confidence in him, I would keep the matter, and never make it known to nobody. That for certain considerations he had kept your letter, though he knew you to be my honourable friend . . . which I consented unto upon his promise to make me have reason done; and at his request I never spake of it till now, and promised never to speak of it, or at the least that it should never be heard of; which I know I shall keep my promise in, because I know your lordship upon this my request . . will never speak of it, nor be aknown of knowing any such thing, and throw this letter in the fire when you have read it. The cause of the choler of this letter was, among the rest, two things; the one that I would not deliver them the money for the Count Soyssons when they would; knowing that it was unprofitable and that he could do nothing and that Montpensier would do nothing; and that I told them I was sorry they had had so much as they had; the other was that which I writ to you in my other letter; that I could not be persuaded to let the Queen and the King break, though first the Abbot of Albene, the King of Navarre's factotum, pressed me to it; then, after, sent young Reaux to me for the same effect; and that I was angry with them that I was advertised that they gave out as evil and worse censure than any other of the Queen of Scots putting to death and did anything they could for to set the King irrevocably out with her. Whereupon the said Abbot writ a letter to Buzenvall which I have the original of, (fn. 2) all written with his own hand, whereof I send you a few extracts, for the letter is of three whole sides of paper written very near.
"The beginning of it is this, whereby you may see that he was egged by Buzenval to it: Postquam Romanus Anglus tua fide fidus atque tutus tabellarius est, jam jam abunde reponant ita ut exclames: De nebulone nostro vereor ne tibi nauzeam moveat crambe toties recocta monstrum portentum est non homo, mihi crede, natum Anglicœ Reipublicœ Francicœque malo.
"O callidum legatum et emunctœ naris hominem quem nos emungere voluimus pecunia.
"Dominus tuus adquem nebulo iste super hoc multa scripserat excusationum plena illum cane pejus et angue odit nec illum responso ullo dignatus est imo tabellario dixit literas danti. Sua opera (istius nebulonis scilicet) res omnes suas in Gallia et Anglia turbatas susque deque versas.
"What wrong I have done me in it, and what requital of ungratitude I have for a great deal of good will and many a good office I have done them, your lordship knoweth as well as any. . . . This was written the 19th of September (fn. 3) and I had it on the 20th, and sent it away to Mr. Secretary the the same day. . . ." (fn. 4)
But they are set on to do these things. I have found more since, for within this fortnight, Gilbert Gifford is taken here with a 'quene' abed, (fn. 5) and after he was gone, seeking his chamber, letters have been found written to him by Mr. Secretary's commandment, as they write to him, to egg him to enquire of me and to write of me, and hath confessed that being heartened unto it, he hath written of me, of Lilly my man, of Grimston my man so many things as both I and mine are in worse predicament than the confessed traitors that are on this side the sea. I have some of the letters, both of the originals out of England and his answers with his own hand. I hope to have more. And upon these practices and such-like are come all the good offices done with her Majesty of me and all mine."
I know this bearer is faithful, and will deliver this into your own hands, but beseech you to burn it, and take knowledge of nothing. One day you shall know and see all. I have sent Mr. Secretary "all this matter of Gifford's and the copies of the things (fn. 6) to see what he will say to it, and am contented to swallow anything for the time, and therefore I beseech your lordship once again to take no knowledge of nothing.
"My other letter your lordship may do what please you withal, . . . for in writing a truth, I discharge my duty. But I know Mr. Secretary will be sorry to have that written of their persuading me to let the King and the Queen break; for I writ to him at the same time when it was done, but I saw he had no mind to have it spoken of. . . . . Whatsoever Mr. Secretary knows, Buzenval shall be made acquainted withal, and if any come from the King of Navarre, they shall have their mouths made and their lessons aforehand; whereas if they be well handled, and made as though there were no great dislike of it, if they come not out withal themselves that it is not the King of Navarre's conscience keepeth him from obeying the King's edict, never trust me. But for my part, whether my other letter be seen or no, I care not, for I will never be so afraid as I have been to write the truth in all things; but I could be best contented if you think so good that none but her Majesty and your lordship saw it.
"The King hath not been here this six or seven days, and he that dealt with me could not deal with him since, but I know he staggereth to open himself to me, as I writ to you in my last, and I think in the end will speak French if he do, and desire me I will take the colour I writ to you and make a posting journey. It cannot be but her Majesty should pick good out of it to know what he would say, and what he hath [in] his mind. And to send any of his own he dare not, for discovery; and the ambassador I know he will not trust with that.
"I did ever take Mr. 'Palavesin' for my very good friend, but your lordship's assurance of it will make me love him the more. He hath also written to me how much I am bounden to your lordship. . . . . [Line with date cut away.]
Postscript. "I have written to Mr. Secretary about the money that doth remain in my hands, which, being given to them is but a little . . . to prop up a whole house that is falling, and be[tter] forgotten in my hands for a time till I have better fortune . . . I have written to him that I would not write to your lordship of it. I pray you therefore not to be 'aknowen' of [it] without you hear of it otherways, and then to favour me what you may.
Holograph. Add. Endd. "8 Jan. 1587 . . . Brought by Mr. 'Hacclitt' [i.e. Hackluyt]." 3 pp. Under the address is written "I beseech your lordship send me word whether you have seen my dispatch upon my audience of the King; for I sent it to Mr. Secretary at large by my last save one." [France XVIII. 7.]
Jan. 9. Françoys de Civille to Walsingham.
Is sorry the two proposals he has made to him have not been as useful as he hoped, but thinks that the first may, if the worst comes to the worst, be of some profit in time of peace, and begs that both may be accepted as a testimony of his desire to do his honour service.
Prays him to aid the poor plundered person whom he sends with this to procure his speedy dispatch; being prevented by sciatica from coming to solicit for him. If his honour had been pleased to give him a packet from her Majesty, it would have been a great help to him.
Begs his honour to remember him in the letter he will write to "Monseigneur le Duc."—London, 9 January, 1588.
Add. Endd. French. ½ p. [France XVIII. 8.]
Jan. 10. Frederick II., King of Denmark, to the Queen.
At the departure of her ambassador, Dr. Rogers, a report was spread abroad in divers places of hostilities late happened between the Kingdoms of England and Scotland; since then of an inroad made by the Scots into the borders of England, and now of preparations on both sides for further disturbances; wherefore he cannot, on account of his continual fraternal friendship and goodwill towards her Majesty and singular and long continued friendship towards both kingdoms, omit to send his faithful, well-beloved and noble gentleman of court with letters to her Majesty, and with others to the King of Scotland, without delay; going in the first place to her, that he may understand more certainly of this hostile preparation. If the report prove false (as he most heartily desires), the said messenger is at once to return to him, bringing back the Scottish letters; but if it be true, he shall then hasten with them into Scotland.
Does not need to remind so wise a prince as herself of the state of affairs throughout Europe:—the fury of the Pope against the Princes of the Reformed Religion, leaving nothing undone to tear them up by the roots. What then could be more shortsighted than for the Protestants to wear out their strength by mutual butchery, seeing how much easier it will then be for the Papists to attack and oppress them, and how much wiser it would be for them if, when one thinks himself wronged by another, he would forgive the injury, or at least postpone the punishment of the wrong-doer.
It is quite possible that the King of Scots may think he has just cause for complaint, but, lest peril should arise by retaliation on either side, he is willing, if he finds that her Highness wishes it (and is sending a similar appeal to the King of Scots) to show that he lacks nothing of the duty of a brother, friend and neighbour. This his desire for peace has not always brought about the desired object, yet he does not feel that he ought to throw it aside, but rather to leave nothing undone which is becoming to a Christian prince.
So, if hostilities are already proceeding, her highness will inform him of her intentions and what she wishes him to do, and will send on this court messenger with a safe-conduct to Scotland. If not, he heartily rejoices that rumour was wrong, and prays her to return his messenger at once, and to put the best interpretation on what he has written. He might keep both ears closed and hold off from all outside disputes; but she in her wisdom will see that he is moved by piety, love, benevolence and desire for the safety of the Christian commonwealth.— Kolding, 10 January, 1588.
Signed. Add. Endd. Latin, 3 pp. [Denmark I. 103.]
Jan. 11. Bond by Duke Casimir for the restitution of the money provided by the Queen of England for the service of the King of Navarre, and received from M. Horatio Palavicino, in case that the levy does not take place.—Heydelberg, 11 January, 1587.
Signed. Endd. French. 1 p. [German States V. 67.]


  • 1. Reis means chief, as Reis Effendi, Lord Chancellor; but is also used for captain of a ship, as here.
  • 2. See p. 374 above.
  • 3. But the letter is plainly dated Sept. 1.
  • 4. This is quoted (by the Editor, but not quite correctly), on p. 380 above.
  • 5. See Appendix, under date Dec. 15.
  • 6. The letter to Walsingham and copies of letters to and from Gifford, were, in or before 1872, taken out of this series and put into the Domestic Addenda vol. (1580–1625) but abstracts of them will be found in the Appendix to this volume.