Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 5, 1562. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1867.
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May 1562, 26-31
|May 26.||94. Randolph to the Queen.|
Has often informed her of the desire of this Queen to see
her, and trusts that she will know thereof more amply from
Lethington. The godly hope that she will be the instrument
to convert their Sovereign to Christ and knowledge of His
true Word, which causes them to wish above measure that
they may see one another. They have themselves great
desire to see her, from whom so speedy and needful relief
came in their great misery. The selfsame mind to honour
and serve her rests in as many of the godly hearts as at that
time her benefits were present in their sights. Their state is
not so assured but that they may be glad to continue her
favour. "So long as this Queen is in heart divided from
her subjects through the diversity of religion, they neither
have that quietness of mind nor peace in conscience that is
most to be desired in true service of their Sovereign; nor yet
see how her state can long continue, seeing the selfsame
seeds continue which were the occasion of the former
mischief." If the succession comes into their hands, to whom
it pertains after her death, God knows what miserable state
of a commonwealth this is like to grow unto, and what want
there is in them to sustain the burden of such a charge.
These things being weighed by divers of the noblest and
wisest of the realm, (with whom sometimes in these matters
he has had conference,) they see no fitter way for the preservation of the commonwealth and their own safety but that
such a league might be made between the two Queens that
for ever they might be out of doubt of the government of
foreign Princes, and live in peace with those to whom they
are most beholden, and are likest to receive most evil if new
discords arise, and this to continue unto all other that
succeed her. Trusts that Lethington has sufficient commission to report of the King of Sweden's Ambassador, from
whom she will also learn about the Earl of Arran.—Edinburgh, 26 May 1562. Signed.
Orig. Hol., with seal. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Pp. 3.
|May 26.||95. Randolph to the Council.|
About the 17th of March they sent him the Queen's letters
in favour of certain merchants, William Cowson, William
Smith, and others, for redress to be had of two ships taken
from them by certain Scotchmen, named Thomas Nicolson
and James Hodge, being in the King of Denmark's waters,
near the Isle of Westemore, with letters to himself to move
the Queen and her Council. The cause of the stay in his
answer is as follows. At the time of the receipt of the
letters the Queen was at St. Andrews and few of her Council
with her. At their arrival he opened the matter to them,
which was well enough known to many before. Because the
judgment of men of law was necessary, they deferred the
answer until they had conferred with the learned of the
session at Edinburgh, and also hear what the other parties
could allege. It came to that issue, whereof they sent him
the opinion of the Doctors of the Arches, whether ships of
two enemies lying in a mean Prince's waters may be lawful
prizes to which soever can take the other. These men hold
that no Prince has that privilege; nor is the territory or
waters of any Prince sufficient safe-conduct from his adversaries. This appeared to have so little reason that some one,
the wisest of the complainants, should repair hither and
commence action before the Lords of the Session, wherein the
law of this country is more favourable than any other, a
stranger being party, to any man of the realm. When he
required the said Lords, in respect of the great loss that the
Queen's subjects had been at, that they would hear the cause
themselves, and not put it to the Lords of the Session, they
answered that it belonged to the Admiralty, and must be
determined in the ordinary places appointed for like cases.
—Edinburgh, 26 May 1562. Signed.
Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary Pp. 3.
|May 26.||96. Randolph to Cecil.|
|1. The Queen of Scots desires him again to testify how desirous she is that the two realms should live in perpetual amity and concord, and to use all means to favour the same. Finds also a great number of her nobles and others of the same mind. The Queen shall be made privy to the matters proponed by the King of Sweden's Ambassador, by Queen Mary's letters, and by the report of Lethington. He uses himself very well. He has twice sent to Randolph's lodging; knows not for what purpose. At the Lord Fleming's banquet he drank to him a large cup of wine, whereof the writer did him reason, but they have never spoken together. Cecil will hear of the Earl of Arran's case indifferently and without affection. The Duke's hope is great in the Queen of England. The Earl of Argyll wishes Cecil to have O'Donnel and his wife in remembrance, as Macconel repents now of his promise, so that the writer will be fain to force it upon him. The money remains in his [Randolph's] hands, and the Justice Clerk is bound to deliver the man to him, whom he durst not offend. The Justice Clerk will think himself well considered for the divorce if he may have licence for a couple of geldings. Is fain to use his friendship more ways than one.—Edinburgh, 26 May 1562. Signed.|
2. P. S.—Is unwilling to move matters ungrateful or hard
to be obtained. The Earl of Mar desires that it may be
lawful for him, if the two Queens meet, to bring with him
Master Godman as their minister and preacher, which without Cecil's advice he will not do, though he trusts it will be
no offence to the Queen or any other, "seeing he is in the
whole number of the learned amongst us the most temperate
and modest. Of other there is no great store, and of them all
this is the best." Is required by a very honest and godly
gentleman, the Laird of Cawdor, (brother to the Lord of St.
John's,) to be suitor to the Queen for licence for his son, a
young gentleman of eighteen, to remain for two or three
years either at Oxford or Cambridge.
Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary: By the Lord Lethington. Pp. 3.
|May 26.||97. The Earl of Mar to Cecil.|
|Some experience have they both had what wealth shall redound to this whole isle of an amity continuing betwixt these two realms, and some comfort have received thereof. Happy will be the ministers who shall procure such amity, for the promoting whereof care has been taken these two or three years. The Laird of Lethington is presently sent by his Sovereign with such an overture as seems the readiest means to bring it to pass. Asks credence for Lethington.— From the Court, 26 May 1562. Signed.|
|Orig. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Pp. 2.|
|May 26.||98. Throckmorton to Cecil.|
|1. The bearer, M. De Saul, repairs thither to confer with the Earl of Kildare on the behalf of a Knight of Malta residing besides Bordeaux, who is an acquaintance of the Earl's.|
|2. These men are as far off from agreement as ever. The King and Queen Mother have not yet returned from Monceau to Paris, whereat these men are offended. Wishes that some who desire to see the world were allowed to pass to Dieppe or Newhaven, to serve either as footmen or horsemen, those places being in need of men, being informed that any Englishman coming there would be welcomed. It is a voyage soon made from Rye. Two persons may be sent to see what usage there will be for them, and thereafter others may follow. The Queen and Council must be ignorant of this matter.|
3. The Protestants here lately received a great overthrow,
as at Toulouse and Angers. Will write by his own courier,
who will come shortly if allowed to pass. Cannot send by
Normandy. If Cecil does not hear from him shortly, he is to
believe all the passages are stopped, whereupon he [Cecil]
must complain to the French Ambassador. Lately two of his
men whom he sent to Orleans were taken and roughly
handled. Cecil must speak sharply, and let the Ambassador
know that if this is not altered the Queen will revoke him,
and have no Ambassador in France.—Paris, 26 May 1562.
Orig., chiefly in cipher, deciphered by Cecil's secretary. Add. Endd. Pp. 5.
99. Another copy of the greater portion of the above.
Orig., chiefly in cipher, deciphered, dated by Throckmorton, and endd. by Cecil. Pp. 4.
|May 26 & 27.||100. Proclamation of the King of Navarre.|
|1. Informs the Provost of Paris that, as the King's Lieutenant General, he intends to withdraw all the troops from Paris, for the purpose of recovering those of the King's towns which are held by the rebels. As it is much to be feared that when this takes place those of the new religion will attempt some enterprise, he commands them all to leave the town by the following Thursday, on pain of being regarded as rebels. None are to interfere or injure them on pain of the halter. —Paris, 26 May 1562. Signed: Antoine,—Berziau.|
2. On the remonstrance of Nicholas Luillier, the civil
Lieutenant of Paris, as to the difficulty of carrying out the
above ordinance, the King of Navarre commands the principal
burghers to point out to the Lieutenant the most suspicious
persons, who will then be ordered to leave the town in
twenty-four hours, unless they clear themselves by sending in
a confession of faith signed and sealed.—Paris, 27 May 1552.
Printed. Fr. Broadside.
|May 27.||101. Sir Richard Sackville to Cecil.|
|1. Has arrived with the other Commissioners at his poor cottage. A passenger from Dieppe has declared that the day he left that town there was a conflict between the Protestants and Papists; that 150 of the former were slain, and the Captain of Dieppe sore hurt. He says that the Duke of Guise is coming thither with 20,000 men, besides aid from the King of Spain.—Rye, 27 May 1562. Signed.|
2. P. S.—The Lord Admiral thought that the latter part
was but mariners' news, but that of the 150 slain was true.
Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Pp. 3.
|102. Declaration of Martin Frobisher.|
|"The declaration of Martyne Frubishere, who was [in] the first and second voyages in the parts of Guinea, and there remained by the space of three quarters of a year in the castle of Myne."|
|1. He says assuredly that the King of Portugal has neither castle, fort, or house of traffic between Cape Verde and the kingdom of Binny, but only one small fort at Cape Trepoints, called Ashien, and another twenty leagues beyond called Castle de Mina.|
|2. That none of the people other than such as inhabit under the said fort, or within gun-shot of the same, owe any obedience, neither be they at the commandment of the Portuguese.|
|3. That the Portuguese dare not go a mile from the forts, nor trouble any that bring merchandise to the coasts near the castles, except by reward they first obtain favour of the rulers next adjoining to do the same.|
|4. That whereas the English and French ships traffic along the coasts of Guinea and the Myne, the Portuguese dare not traffic in any other place but the said forts.|
|5. That the Portuguese are in such danger of the captains of the country between Cape Trepoints and the Myne that they dare not pass themselves or goods to and fro by land, but are forced to carry the same by sea.|
|6. That in the time that he was there detained by the Portuguese they were glad sundry times to use him to make journeys to those who dwelt a mile or two off to get goats, poultry, and other victuals; for that they durst not for peril of their lives do that.|
|7. That a captain named Don Joan, dwelling in Futta, being promised great rewards by the King of Portugal's agent if he would come under his obedience and aid him against others who would trade in those parts, refused, and said that he accounted himself his fellow.|
|8. That the houses about the fort and castle are made all of canes and reeds, and the people inhabiting them very ethnics, and not the fourth person of them christened, and most of them people who have committed crimes in other places.|
9. That except they have Mass now and then within the
castle, (to which a very few of the said inhabitants who have
been trained up of children sometimes come,) there is neither
priest or preacher to convert anyone.
Orig., dated and endd. by Cecil. Pp. 3.
|May 27.||103. Reply to the Portuguese Ambassador.|
|1. To the first reason: The Queen does not understand what discoveries the Portuguese have made, nor wherefore all nations should be bound to the King of Portugal.|
|2. To the second: She cannot deny but that they had very good advice, even if the same prospered not in all places so well as was purposed.|
|3. To the third: She thinks that the King is right in only building forts where need is, and thereby saving charge. It does not appertain to her to say where the King shall build forts, or whether he shall take tribute or not.|
|4. To the fourth: She questions not of how much the said Kings have had possession so many years, but wishes that the King had the kingdoms of Guinea in like obedience that he has the kingdom of Portugal.|
|5. To the fifth: She allows that no Christian Prince has hitherto reproved the styles and titles of the said King.|
|6. In conclusion: Whereas the Ambassador requires that she should forbid her subjects from voyaging to any country discovered by the crown of Portugal, as the French King has commanded; she answers that the said reasons cannot move her to forbid her subjects to repair to the countries of her friends, otherwise than her friends' subjects are forbidden to repair to her dominions. Upon importunity made by Emanuel D'Arango, she admonished her subjects not to enter any of the havens of Ethiopia in which the said King had then dominion, obedience, and tribute. The same was taken for no small prejudice to her natural subjects, not for lack of the commodity, but for that the example of such a prohibition was never heard before in this realm. She can see no reason why her subjects should be forbidden to resort to any country where the Portuguese have either dominion, obedience, and tribute, or not; as amongst all Princes and countries the use of intercourse of merchandise is the chief exercise of amity.|
|7. Whereas a prohibition is shown in the name of Francis I. in 1538 to certain officers at Rouen for gratifying the then King of Portugal, as by the writing is mentioned; both in the said King's time and ever since the merchants of France have sailed into Barbary, Guinea, Ethiopia, and Brazils, and trafficked there. She thinks that the more Christian people that shall resort to the Gentiles and Saracens, the more shall the faith increase; and she cannot allow that more regard should be had to the enriching of any particular person by monopolies and private navigations than to the public utility of the whole body of Christendom.|
8. For final answer she requires the Ambassador to consider
better the terms of her grant made last year, and accept it
thankfully, for she meant not to have granted so much; yet
if it be otherwise interpreted she may perchance find it more
reasonable to revoke it than to grant any more to the prejudice of her subjects, and contrary to the order of all her
Draft, corrected and dated by Cecil. Pp. 14.
|[May 27.]||104. Another copy of the above, dated ulto Maii. Suggests that if her proclamation does not suffice, the King of Portugal should command the inhabitants of those countries to forbear negociation with all English merchants.|
|Copy, with a few additional corrections by Cecil, and endd. by him: First answer. Pp. 20.|
105. Translation of above into French. Dated 31 May.
Draft, with corrections. Pp. 16.
|May 28.||106. Throckmorton to the Queen.|
|1. She was informed of the state of France by Sidney, who departed hence on the 18th inst., since then every quarter is vexed with open war. Picardy, which hitherto was so quiet (with the exception of the outrage against the Princess of Condé), is now rising. These men here about the King are desirous it should be credited by the Queen, and the Protestant Princes, that their taking up arms is to repress rebellion, and not for causes of religion; yet they persuade all Papistical Princes, that they take it in hand to defend the Roman religion.|
|2. That she may understand the state of this country, he will make a memorial of things advantageous and disadvantageous to either party; so that she may know best what to do. On the 18th inst., the Conte Villars and M. De Vielleville, accompanied with MM. De Givry and De Carrugio, departed to Orleans to treat with the Prince of Condé about composition, where they stayed till the 26th inst., and have returned with the same resolutions as were published by the Prince's declaration. On the 28th inst. they were sent again to Orleans, having in charge to offer that the Duke of Guise, the Constable, and Marshal St. André should retire from the Court, and that the edict of January should take place; whereupon it is thought the Prince and the Admiral (with the Cardinal of Châtillon and the Bishop of Valence, who are at Orleans,) will conform to some accord before long. Supposes that the Prince's force will be ready at Orleans about the 6th June to march hitherward upon the 8th June, if they do not accord in the meantime. These men's force is already assembled, except such strangers as they look for, who cannot arrive so soon as the Prince's force will be together. The force they have assembled is not sufficient to take the field. On the 26th inst. they caused twenty-five pieces of artillery to march through Paris towards Orleans which were planted at the end of St. James's suburbs upon a bulwark of earth, where they now remain guarded by two ensigns of footmen. This show is made to induce the clergy and the Parisians to contribute money for this religious war making.|
|3. Desires her to note the articles proposed by the Duke of Guise, which he sent to her by Sidney, by which they practise to exterminate entirely the Protestant religion; therefore it is necessary for her to impeach their purpose and foresee that the Prince and his party be not defeated. If these men do not accord now, the principal cause is, that the Duke of Guise demands that the Prince shall first disarm, which will not be thought safe for the Prince and his favourers to take place.|
|4. The King of Navarre is at Monceau with the King and Queen Mother.|
5. Lately sent to the Queen Mother at Monceau for a safeconduct to send one of his men to Orleans; a copy of the
answer he received he sends herewith.—Paris, 28 May
Orig. Portions in cipher, deciphered. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 5.
|May 28.||107. The Prince of Condé.|
|Occurrences to the Advantage of the Prince of Condé.|
|1. The Swiss will not send men hither until midsummer.|
|2. The Duke Augustus of Saxony, the Elector Palatine, and the Landgrave, have apprehended certain captains sent to Germany to levy men for the Duke of Guise, and have sent to the Bishop of Treves not to allow any men to pass through his country, or any levy to be made there for the Guises. If he does otherwise, they have threatened to invade his country.|
|3. The Queen Mother will not consent that the King shall be at the charge of this war against the Prince of Condé. The Prince will have 15,000 footmen of the best soldiers in France, and nearly 6,000 horse. The King and Queen Mother still reside at Monceau, and do not conjoin favourably with these men. The Parisians make some difficulty to grant the money which these men demand from them, viz., 200,000 crowns.|
|4. The Princes of Germany are offended with the Guises.|
|5. The Duke of Lorraine will not send such force hither as were required by the Guises, and M. De Maugeron can only assemble one company of footmen and very few horsemen.|
|6. Vendôme is taken for the Prince, and all the ornaments and images of the church used as they have done at Rouen, Lyons, and other places.|
|7. The priory of La Charité belonging to the Bishop of Auxerre is taken and used as the other churches are.|
|8. Montargis is at the Prince of Condé's devotion, and M. D'Arpajon brings 2,500 men to aid him.|
|9. M. De Grandmont comes in person with his Gascoins, and will be at Orleans about the beginning of June.|
10. The Protestants of Rouen have committed some violence
against dwellers in Darnetal (a suburb of Rouen), where thirty
or forty Papists were slain and part of the town burned.
Occurrences to the Disadvantage of the Prince of Condé.
|11. The Conte of Rocquendolfe has levied 1,200 pistoliers, and is ready to march, and says also that this matter is not prejudicial to the Confession of Augsburg; wherewith these men here are offended that he should make mention of religion in their oath taking.|
|12. At Toulouse has been a stir betwixt the Protestants and Papists, where the Protestants had the worst.|
|13. M. De la Fayette has assembled in Auvergne a company of men to serve the Papists.|
|14. In Provence MM. De Somarina, De Santal, and Descars have assembled forces against the Prince.|
|15. The Duke of Montpensier has taken Angiers from the Prince.|
|16. It has been resolved upon by these men that all who profess the Protestant religion in Paris shall be put forth of the same without arms, and their goods left there to the mercy of the Papists, unless the Queen Mother stops it. It hereby appears that these men's malice is grounded upon religion. An edict has lately been set forth in the King of Navarre's name, which he now sends to the Queen.|
17. In consequence of what was lately done at Darnetal
by the inhabitants of Rouen, order is given that the Duke
D'Aumale shall besiege Rouen. Although the Duke bends
his force towards Rouen, yet his special charge is to recover
Havre de Grace; and he is commanded to employ his force
and skill thereabouts; whereof it is necessary M. De Maligny
should be warned, which he cannot do because all the passages
are stopped from hence to Rouen, Dieppe, and Havre de
Copy. Pp. 4.
|May 28.||108. Throckmorton to Cecil.|
|1. His last letters of the 18th inst. were brought by the Lord President, and those of the 26th inst. were brought by De Saull, addressed thither to speak with the Earl of Kildare. The death of the Earl of Arran is diversely discoursed of here, and some conclude the Earl of Mar's danger is at hand. Is of opinion that neither the cause of religion, nor the Earl of Mar, is better fortified by Arran's death. Thinks that the Papists intend to frame the Duke of Somerset's tragedy in Scotland. The recovery of the Prince of Spain has changed some of the devices of the writer. Sends again his letter of the 26th inst. Cecil may therein pick out some good matter. Sending by Dieppe is unsure. Sends herewith such stuff as has come abroad since his last despatch. Will despatch hence as soon as he hears the Prince of Condé begins to march hitherward, for he cannot stay here. Some means may be found for good offices betwixt the Queen, the Prince of Orange, and the Count of Egmont, who are willing to do good in the cause of religion. Does not like Maximilian's son going to Spain, and thinks the Prince will set forward about the 8th June, for his forces will not be together before the 6th of June.|
2. P. S.—Desires that Middlemore may be sent with the
next despatch. Also that Cecil will command his son to keep
in Dammartin, where he is now, and in nowise to go to Paris,
or any other place, unless Throckmorton advises him so to do,
and to give the same commandment to Windebank.
Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Pp. 4.
|May 28.||109. George Gilpin to [Challoner].|
Craves his opinion concerning the suits for which Commissioners were sent from Antwerp, and are now at the Court
of Spain. One of the errands was to withstand the placing
of certain new Bishops appointed to be in the duchy of
Brabant. Concerning the disturbance in France, it is said
here that there is earnest treaty made to take up the matter,
but small hopes of agreement. The Prince of Condé is the
strongest. The French King has Commissioners in Germany
to take up men of war, but none are suffered to serve, except
a few which are taken up within the jurisdiction of Cologne
and Treves. The Turk will make war this summer against
Hungary and Transylvania. Mention is made here of a treaty
of marriage betwixt the King of Sweden and one of the
Emperor's daughters, but there is more likely talk that he is
a suitor to the Scottish Queen. Requests Cecil to deliver the
enclosed letter to Mr. Harry Cobham.—Antwerp, 28 May 1562.
Orig. Hol. Endd. by Challoner. Pp. 2.
|May 29.||110. The Queen to Lord Grey.|
The Queen of Scots has now reasonably moved her to
procure an end of the captivity of Lord Gray of Scotland, she
cannot but motion him [Lord Grey] to have regard thereto.
She sends him a copy of the Queen's letter, and informs him
that he shall either deliver Lord Gray upon a reasonable
ransom or deliver him upon bond.
Cecil's hol. Draft, dated and endd. by his secretary. Pp 2.
|May 29.||111. Lord Grey to Cecil.|
Now that Lethington is "comed to the Court," hopes there
will be no impediment to the writer's journey. The frontiers are quiet.—York, 29 May 1562. Signed.
Orig. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Pp. 2.
|May 29.||112. Randolph to Cecil.|
|1. On the 7th [27th] inst. received Cecil's letters of 20th and 22nd; and the next day (having to do with the Lords of the Council for answer of certain letters from Sir John Foster touching the Borders,) he repaired to the Court, and communi cated the news he had received to the Earl of Mar and the Earl Marshal. Though there were some things which they knew would not be very pleasant to the Queen, yet by their advice he took occasion to let her understand what he had heard. She sees so great appearance of their utter overthrow that she laments their unadvised enterprise, which will not only bring their persons in danger but also into the hatred of many Princes. She fears also their doings will be the occasion of the alteration of the Queen's mind towards her, in which case she blames more her uncles than any Prince that is adversary to them. She trusts, however, that the proceedings of others shall not diminish her credit.|
|2. To all these purposes the writer gave her such answers as he thought fittest to comfort her, and told her that it was possible that in time she should find in the Queen of England that which at her uncles' hands she never looked for. He also alleged to her (as a conjecture of his own) that the time of the year for the interview was very far past, the journey would be very long and the train great, whereby the difficulty would be greater to make the provision as it ought to be. Of all these she would admit nothing, but trusted to have better comfort upon Lethington's return. To prove her mind he asked her what it were the worse if it might be next summer. She said it would be never better than now; and feared that those who were the occasion of its stay now would be little able to do her good next year. Thinks that she meant her uncles, and that the Queen would not far depart from London until the matters were appeased in France. In uttering these words the tears fell from her cheeks, which she coloured not so well but some, though they stood afar off, perceived them. She said that he must not think much of it, though she tendered the cause of her uncles, who were dear to her, and that she would be loath to lose them, or that they should lose the favour of the Queen of England. She is presently in great doubt whether she will see the Queen this year, and many are of the mind that it will not be. She requested him to send a packet of her letters to be delivered to Lethington, and also to make her participant of his news. After this she departed to her cabinet, where she wept a good space, and then wrote these letters which she sent to Randolph this present-morning by five o'clock.|
3. Has conferred long with the Earl of Mar on all these
matters, who finds the time far spent for the interview, but
the necessity great. Mar thanks Cecil for his friendly advice
to be ware of "legerdemain," whereof they have many pretty
parts played. The Ambassador of Sweden upon Wednesday
afternoon talked long with the Queen, and after him the
Frenchman, very long alone. Their purposes are not yet come
to light. They dined next day with the Earl of Mar.—
Edinburgh, 29 May, 7 a.m., 1562. Signed.
|May 29.||113. John Wyllok to Cecil.|
At the request of sundry of his friends he was content to
resign the parsonage of Loughborough to Mr. Whittingham;
and to obtain the good-will of Lord Hastings he caused the
Earl of Bedford, the Lord Robert, and Mr. Goodryk to move
his Lordship, who answered that he had already granted the
advowson to one of his chaplains, named Adams, and could
not with honour revoke the same. Would have been contented had it been bestowed upon some honest learned man.
Begs Cecil to be a means that he may remain here and keep
the same for five or six years. It shall be so used as God shall
be there served, and the fruits bestowed to His and the world's
contentation.—Edinburgh, 29 May 1562. Signed.
Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. Pp. 2.
|May 29.||114. Windebank to Cecil.|
They have been eight days at a place seven leagues from
Paris, during which time Mr. Thomas has not had the means
to continue his accustomed haunts, by reason that there are
no horses for money to be got, and for those that he might
borrow by friendship Windebank has already so wrought that
he shall get none that way. This being here in the country
solitary somewhat troubles him. Thinks it were better for
him that he were clean out of the country. His bestowing
his time is at his own pleasure, for Windebank can do nothing
with him.—Dammart, 29 May 1562. Signed.
Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 2.
|May 29.||115. Francis Peyto to Throckmorton.|
|1. Wrote about the 8th inst. by Pieravanti. Has had an answer to letters addressed at the same time to the Ambassador of Florence. There are here many talks of the matters of France. The Flemings have their affections as well as the French, though not with the same ferventness, because their humour is more made of beer than wine. All things here stand in peace and silence, and every man's eye is bent but to see the last act of that tragedy.|
|2. Mr. Englefield being here at Termond on the 23rd, was presented by the governor of the merchants with a letter from the Queen of revocation, and another from Mr. Secretary, which coming so unlooked for has made the writer muse upon the matter, the rather because it has since been advertised him by a servant of his how Mr. Secretary has borne some in hand that he [Peyto] is thereof the only occasion. It is his fortune so to be slandered to his dearest friends, and to bear the burden of other men's faults. For his better satisfaction he would be glad to understand some particularity of this his so hurtful talk, which if he might learn by Throckmorton's good means he would be greatly beholden to him.|
3. Englefield has written a most humble letter to the
Queen in the excuse of his absence, tending to this purpose,
that of the two evils, having his conscience so shackled as one
way or other he must do contrary to the Queen's will, he
choose this of absence rather than with her presence and not
plyable to the religion set forth by the laws, to show himself
not a conformable subject. Did what he could to persuade
him homewards, but perceives his conscience is somewhat
more straitlaced than his own in a point or two of these
causes of religion. Princes' humours are oftentimes as the good
or evil disposition of those about them do form them, as Peyto
found in Queen Mary's time.—From Termond, being going
towards Bruges, whence after six or seven days he intends
to return to Louvain; the morrow after Corpus Christi Day.
Orig. Hol. Add.: Al Sr. Throckmartono, a Parrigi, nella casa di Mr. di Verbery, fuor della Porta di San Marcello. Del porto tre soldi. Endd.: 29 May 1562. Pp. 3.
|May 29.||116. Challoner to John Cuerton.|
|1. This day he received two packets of letters from him, one by a servant of Nicolo Grinaldo (Genevois) without date, with a schedule of the King's, and a transcript enclosed concerning Chamberlain and the Countess De Feria's gentlewoman's coffers; the other dated 16th inst. from his servant, Robert Farneham. Has not left unanswered any letters from him. Concerning his last letter excepting the two mentioned, and the bill for 300 ducats payable by Simon Lectari, he has sent the same, which has been accepted, and he expects to receive it on the last day of this month, to his [Cuerton's] use, and will consign the same for him to receive at Burgos. He should have had the 2,400 rials plate, that Challoner is debtor to him for, before now, if his letters of April and May (sent by way of France from Antwerp with his bills of exchange,) had not been intercepted through the broils in France, as by his servant's letter sent by sea he perceives. Before eight days are past he will have letters from him. He will speak to-morrow with his "lady" about the gentlewoman's coffers, and will inform Cuerton thereof in his next, and also of Chamberlain's stuff.|
|2. The Prince is well amended, but of the King's removing they hear no certainty thereof, but undoubtedly he will visit those frontiers.|
3. Desires him to send a firkin of butter, a fardel of cloth
for his servants' liveries, and the doublet his servant sent him
in James Coumant's ship. Commendation to Mrs. Cuerton.—
Madrid, 29 May 1562.
Orig., draft in Challoner's hol. Endd. by him. Pp. 4.
|May 30.||117. Queen Mary to the Laird of Ormiston.|
Commands him to hold himself or his son ready to accompany her on the 15th July to meet the Queen of England
near the Borders. As all her train will be in "dule," he is to
address such as be in his company after that sort.—Edinburgh,
Penult May 1562. Signed.
Copy. Add. Pp. 2.
|May 30.||118. The Council of the North.|
Certificate that letters under the Queen's signet were this
day sent by the Council to the justices of the peace of Yorkshire, etc., for the execution of the proclamation touching
apparel, armour, great horses, the wearing of great hose, ruffs,
swords, daggers, etc.—Signed.
Copy. Add. to Cecil, and endd. by his secretary: 13 June 1562. Pp. 2.
|May 30.||119. Randolph [to Cecil].|
The friendship he has found at the hands of this bearer's
brother forces him to write. Cecil knows what labour has
been made to the Lord of Loughborough that Mr. Willockes
might resign his benefice to some worthy man, seeing that
his vocation is here in Scotland. His Lordship intends to
place a Papist priest in the same in Mr. Willock's place, to the
great slander of the Queen's godly proceedings. His petition
now is that he may have licence to enjoy the same for five
years in his absence, finding a sufficient man to discharge
his duties, he bestowing the revenues thereof within the
realm to godly uses.—Edinburgh, 30 May. Signature cut off.
Orig. Endd.: 30 May 1562, Mr. Randolph, for Mr. Willock. Pp. 2.
|May 30.||120. Delivery of Lord Keith of Scotland.|
|"Articles made at York, 30th of May 4th Elizabeth, by the Earl of Rutland and others of the Council in the North, between the Earl of Northumberland and others, concerning several claims made to Lord Keith, son and heir of the Earl Marshal of Scotland, taken prisoner at a raid called Swynton Chase in the late wars," to the following effect:—|
|1. As the right to the prisoner appears to be in John Richardson (which right the Earl of Northumberland has claimed), it is ordered that the said Earl of Northumberland shall have the said Lord Keith as his prisoner.|
|2. As John Selby and John Selby the younger have not done well herein by causing trouble, it is ordered that they shall humbly require the Earl of Northumberland and Sir Henry Percy to be their friends.|
|3. That the Earl and Sir Henry shall forgive the said John Selby, John Selby, Will Selby, and Will Parrat all former displeasures. And likewise that the said William Lord Grey shall forgive Will Grey, Rowland Forster, and Thomas Clavering, and others, who have witnessed with the said Earl in these matters.|
|4. That Lord Grey, John Selby, John Selby, William Selby, and William Parrat, shall release all right to the said Lord Keith to the said Earl.|
5. And whereas certain claims are made to the Lord Gray
of Scotland by the said Sir Henry to have the third part of
the profit of him, (for the said Sir Henry was the general of
the field when the same was taken,) it is ordered that the
said Lord Grey shall have the said Lord as his prisoner to his
profit, without claim by the Earls of Northumberland and
Westmoreland, or by Sir Henry Percy, to or for a third
profit that shall come by the taking of the said prisoner.—
Signed by the Council.
|May 30.||121. Margaret, Countess of Lennox, to Cecil.|
At his last being with her he opened so many new and
strange matters against her that she desires to see those that
made the same. If they will not come to Shene she desires
that she may go to the Court, where she may answer for
herself. Finds the old proverb true, "Long ways, long lies."
Being under the Queen's displeasure, she does not doubt but
that she will have some of the worst sort to speak against her
in hope to win reward. It is the greatest grief she ever had
to perceive the little love the Queen bears her. "Even as God
hath made me so I am lawful daughter to the Queen of Scots
and the Earl of Angus, which none alive is able to make me
other without doing wrong." Desires that her man Fowler
may be allowed to come and go.—Shene, 30 May. Signed.
Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Pp. 3.
|May 30.||122. Confession of Arthur Lallart.|
|1. The Lord of Aubigny (who warred on the French side) was taken at St. Quentin by the Hertzog Von Mansfeld, and wrote to his brother, the Earl of Lennox, that for his relief he would send some of his men to him, and so he sent a Scot named Albert at sundry times with bills of money. But he, tending more to his liberty, wrote other letters desiring some of his gentlemen to devise the procuring of his ransom by his friends to the Queen or King Philip. For which matter the deponent being sent by the Earl of Lennox to the Hertzog with favourable letters of the Count De Feria, brought such manifest tokens that the Earl perceived his diligence.|
|2. Since that time the Earl of Lennox heard no more of the Lord D'Aubigny until Queen Mary returning into Scotland, when he wrote out of France that he would come with her. One Archie Craig, servant to the Lord Robert, brought the said letters, with a book of emblems, to London to Hugh Allen.|
|3. The Earl of Lennox being thus informed by the same letters, and hearing three weeks before Michaelmas that the Queen was come into Scotland, sent this deponent thither with these instructions.|
|4. He was to go to the Lord D'Aubigny and let him understand how he had sent divers times to him, that he might allege no unkindness of him to his friends during his captivity. He should also do this message to the Queen for him: That forasmuch as he had been a long suitor to the Queen of England for licence to sue for his and his wife's inheritance, and upon certain causes was stayed, he would renew his suit so that he might be sure of the goodwill of the Queen of Scots. Understanding that a Parliament should be kept in a few days, where the Earl of Argyll and the Lord John (who had the better part of his inheritance) would seek to be invested thereof by Act of Parliament, he should ask that it might please her not to suffer the same to take place. This was the chief cause of his sending, for if the ratification went forward he would think the loss irrevocable.|
|5. If the Lord D'Aubigny was not there he was to resort to the Laird of Gaston, and bid him do this message. But if neither were there, then Lallart was to make shift by some of the Earl's friends to speak to the Queen himself. Wat Nepe, the falconer, would assist him.|
6. Being thus instructed he took his journey, whereof all
the house knew. When they had come to Edinburgh and
found neither the Lord D'Aubigny nor the Laird of Gaston
in Scotland, he knew not what to do, till Wat the falconer
met perchance the Earl of Sutherland, the Earl of Lennox's
brother-in-law, who giving credit to him said that he would
assist him to speak to the Queen. This he brought so to pass
that she, being in her progress from Edinburgh to Stirling,
being ready in the morning to move from thence to St. Johnstone, Lallart spoke to her; all her ladies being about her
and the Earl of Sutherland standing by, and making his
Lords' and her aunts' commendations to her, let her understand his message. She, being ready to horseback, answered
him thus: That she was but newly and rawly come into her
country, and that she could not give him such an answer as
she would, but all that she might do for Lord and Lady
Lennox, her aunt, for their right, she would with time and
place; desiring his lady to be always her good aunt, with
her commendations to them both. These words spoken, she
went straight to horseback towards St. Johnstone, and
Lallart returned to Edinburgh and so to the Earl of Lennox, to
whom he declared his answer.—Signed.
Endd. and dated by Cecil. Pp. 5.
|May 30.||123. The Prince of Condé to Throckmorton.|
Has received the letters of the Queen and him, and is glad
to see her goodwill for the tranquillity of France. If their
opponents had been similarly inclined they would never have
stood in the terms that they do at present. Refers him to
the bearer.—Orleans, 30 May 1562.
Copy. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Fr. Pp. 2.
|May 30.||124. The Admiral of France to Throckmorton.|
Is very glad to see by his letter the desire which the Queen
has for the pacification of these troubles in France, and refers
to the bearer for further information.—Orleans, 30 May 1562.
Copy. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Fr. Pp. 2.
|May 30.||125. John Frampton to Challoner.|
Has received one of Challoner's letters, and thanks him
for his kindness in his suit. When the schedule shall come,
being obtained of the King, it may be sent to the receiver,
Pedro De Morga, who has possession of the goods. Mr. Tipton
has power from all parties for recovery of the money, he being
under him. Intended to have gone to "Lishebron," but is
disappointed. Wishes also to have seen the country in
Castile, but he remains still in Seville.—Seville, 30 May
Orig. Add. Endd. by Challoner. Pp. 3.
|May 30.||126. Luigi Schifanoya to Challoner.|
Has received his letter and is sorry to be compelled to reply
to it so briefly, but will be more diligent and careful in future.
Has nothing of importance to communicate.—Antwerp,
penult. May 1562. Signed.
Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. by Challoner: 29 May, received 20 June. Ital. Pp. 2.
|May 31.||127. Sir Francis Englefield to the Queen.|
Has received her letter commanding his return home. The
experience of her clemency has emboldened him to lay before
her the cause of his desire to be absent. It does not proceed
from indevotion, as his due respect to her in her sister's time
sufficiently witnesses. Besides his bodily health, formerly
and truly alleged, there is a certain grudge and loathness
which he has always felt to be a slanderous or offenced
subject, joined with a persuaded conscience that will not
suffer him to conform to the laws or orders of that religion
present, which scruple he leaves to her consideration. Her own
unpleasant experience will have taught her the great force that
conscience carries. Chooses by his absence to leave unshown
the service he owes to her, since in causes of religion his conscience is not pliable, in which matter God and forty years
time have settled him. He is forced to choose either the
insatiable worm of a guilty conscience, whose teeth cease not
gnawing here or elsewhere, or to be displeasant to her.—
Bruges, last of May.
Copy by Peyto. (fn. 1)