Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 5, 1562. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1867.
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June 1562, 6-10
|June 6.||154. Chamberlain to Challoner.|
|1. Has received two letters by King, whereby he understands Challoner has given order for certain of his stuff to be sent home, which has not yet come to hand. Wishes the whole had been sent. Farneham (Challoner's servant,) knows nothing thereof. Challoner has forgotten his promise not to have received into his company so false a knave, who will serve him [Challoner] as he did the writer, to his grief, which he will never forget.|
2. Challoner might have sent the gloves and silk hose that
Mr. Meliadus Spinola delivered to him, by King, instead of
sending by way of Flanders. Commendations to Mr. Cobham.
—London, 6 June 1562. Signed.
Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. by Challoner. Pp. 3.
|June 7.||155. John Cuerton to Challoner.|
|1. Wrote four days since. Will return to him Chamberlain's two chests, which he durst not ship without the King's schedule. Challoner's servants departed six days past in a ship of London. Wrote to the Countess De Feria for a chest for one of her gentlewomen. That which has come from London for Challoner, he may expect daily to receive. In France they are still against each other. His wife sends her commendations to him and Mr. Cobham.—Bilboa, 7 June 1562. Signed.|
2. P.S.—Butter, as now, is none for to be had.
Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. by Challoner: Received the 12th of the same. Pp. 2.
|June 7.||156. The Queen to Throckmorton.|
|1. The Queen of Scots has sent the Laird of Lethington to the Queen with letters and requests for an interview. The Queen would have been content to set aside all the difficulties which might prevent such a meeting, except one, which is so important that she cannot neglect it. It is, that unless the contentions in France shall cease before the last of this month, she will not leave these parts; therefore the interview will be frustrated for this year.|
2. This answer the Queen gave the Ambassador, who has
advertised the Queen of Scots thereof, and also the Duke of
Guise and his brethren. Throckmorton shall let the same
know thereof, so that they may perceive it is not stopped for
lack of love to their niece, but through the unquietness
betwixt them and the Prince of Condé. She expects daily to
hear of the success of things there, and therefore desires him
to send as often as he may.
Draft, in Cecil's hol. Endd. Pp. 3.
|June 7.||157. The Portuguese Ambassador to Cecil.|
Has asked him to take under his protection the affairs of
his master's subjects in this Court, and has requested his wife
(whom he cannot name otherwise for fear of inconvenience)
to remind him. Assures him of his master's friendship, in
token of which he will do him a service before his departure,
and also every year after. He may depend on the writer's
word. He will only employ him in just and reasonable
affairs like those which he has required from the Queen and
her Council, and which he still hopes to obtain, notwithstanding the replies of last year and this. If he is unsuccessful,
he intends to have all the reasons and their objections
printed in English and French, and other languages, so that
all the world may see the injustice with which he is treated.
—London, 7 June 1562.
Orig., but endorsement nearly obliterated. Endd. Fr. Pp. 42.
|June 7.||158. The Replication of the Ambassador of Portugal.|
|1. Offers to name the places which she says she knows not. Through the Portuguese discoveries, Christendom has many precious things, which before they had to attain through the Turks, at great price.|
|2. Though the Kings of Portugal have not built fortresses in every place, yet have they retained certain profits by trading, remaining absolute seigneurs of the traffic and navigation.|
|3. They have regarded as much the reducing of the Indians and Ethiopians to the knowledge of God as the seeking of riches. Sundry provinces have wholly received God's Word.|
|4. Prays the Queen not to be sorry that his master has not the actual possession of all these countries as he is well con tent to have the dominion of the coasts, navigation, and traffic of Guinea, Maligub, Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and the Indies.|
|5. If other Princes had followed the Portuguese, the Turks would not have had so great a footing in Christendom as they have.|
|The Ambassador then replies to the Queen's answer given him through the Council, as follows:—|
|6. To the first point, that as the Kings of Portugal and Castile have justly acquired the right and possession of such lands as they have discovered, so is it lawful for them to use their dominions as is requisite for their affairs. As in England no man may pass out without passport, or approach so near any fortress as to obtain a knowledge of the privities thereof, so by jus gentium may the Kings of Portugal inhibit all men to haunt the navigation into the said countries, so as to avoid the danger that may ensue to their revenues, and by moving the inhabitants to rebellion. As other estates inhibit the trading of salt and other things, so the Kings of Portugal may reserve to themselves what they think good, whereby no nation is kept from the commodity hereof, for the same are brought very near to them by the Portuguese and Castillians. The principal traffic whereof if the Kings should set at large, their realms, having spent their goods and blood in the same conquest, would never suffer it as long as one drop of blood was in their bodies. As in realms long time possessed, it is lawful for Princes to reserve certain things not to be carried out of their realms without express licence, so by stronger reasons may the Kings of Portugal and Castile in their estates merely possessed, with sword still in hand, make all such ordinances whereby the great charges for the furniture continually of 15,000 men by the King of Portugal may be answered. The profits of the fort at the Mina have in the years 1557 and 1558 been altogether decayed by reason of the English and French. These inhibitions established for 100 years have never been denied by any Christian Prince. As for the liberty of the Portuguese to resort into England and certain places in Ireland, like liberty is given to the English to traffic into Portugal, Algarve, the isles of Aultours [Azores], and all their forts in Africa; it is also reasonable that they should be satisfied with this, and observe the laws of the Crown of Portugal, as the Queen would look that the Portuguese should observe her laws.|
|7. To the second point. He thanks her for granting her letters patent. Nevertheless, whereas she inhibited her subjects to resort to any haven of Ethiopia where the King of Portugal had dominion, obedience, and tribute, it was inferred that they might lawfully repair to all such other places where the said King had no fort or tribute, supposing that the other was not of the dominion of the Crown of Portugal, nor owed any obedience to the same, as appears by the preparation of the great ships to make their voyage that way. It is a great deal less damageable that strangers should resort to such places, where the King has forts and factories, where by payment of customs he might have some commodity, than to such places where he is frustrated of those rights. If the words "obedience and dominions" are meant to comprehend all lands discovered by the Crown of Portugal, he begs that such meaning may appear in express words. Her subjects have taken the liberty to go openly, whereas before they have done it underhand, except in the time of Queen Mary, when nevertheless they were commanded to disarm, their costs being paid.|
|8. Thirdly. Whereas the words of the said letters are, "that the Queen's subjects should not sail," etc., five or six months after her merchants took their voyage, expounding that the time mentioned in the said letters was expired. By the words, "where the said King has obedience or dominion," they decide that he has no dominion but where he has forts and receives tribute. He will never say that she proceeded with such cautel, but as the words are doubtful, he desires her by the express commandment of his master to change them into such others as may comprehend all the land discovered by the Crown of Portugal, and to inhibit her subjects from resorting to any part of the same without exception. If she refuses to do this, then he asks her to give him leave to tender to the Lord Chancellor, or the Secretary, the said letters patent granted last year, not for any contempt of them, but for that they are altogether prejudicial to the Queen's authority and the service of his master.|
|9. Fourthly. Touching the resort of the French to La Mina, Malegette, and Brazil, he marvels to hear the insolency of the subjects against their Prince's commandment alleged for an example. Divers of the French have been drowned, some burnt, and some hanged by the Justicia at Lisbon, the said Frenchmen going upon their adventures and not under the protection of their Prince; for the avoiding of which inconvenients between her subjects and those of Portugal the Ambassador humbly begs as before.|
|10. To the fifth. The Queen thinks that by the more haunt of Christians to a country of pagans the faith may be augmented. It is easy to be judged what order they mean to use who go hence altogether upon the ambition of profit, and whose least thought is to increase the knowledge of God. How well disposed the English and French are to set forward Christ's religion may be conjectured by their traffic used since twenty-one years to Barbary, by which they have ordinarily gained 100 for 100, by bringing against all law armour, tin, and other metals fit for the casting of artillery; whereby is come to pass that the Saracens, (who durst not of great time show their faces within twenty miles of the sea,) have not only lately got the town and castle of St. Croix, but at present, with 120,000 men of war, are before the town of Mazagan, where they have lain four months. That merchants are great doers herein one late example may easily induce the belief. A ship which parted from England last September to go to Larache, was freighted openly with oars, lances, tin and other metals, and secretly with certain armours and weapons defensive, and with 120 great coffers laden with bibles and other books in Hebrew for the Jews dwelling in those countries. What order the said King has taken for the instructing of those barbarous nations in the principles of the Christian doctrines, and how hard it is to bring them thereunto, is at length discoursed in the Ambassador's book exhibited to the Queen.|
|11. Sixthly. Where the Queen thinks more regard is to be had to the public weal of Christendom than to the enriching of any particular person by monopolies and parti cular navigations, the Ambassador cannot but think his master's honour touched by the unfitting incongruity of the said word "monopoly," which can only be used among the mean sort of people.|
|12. Touching the seventh. The isles of Malacca are in the possession of the King of Portugal, and there never was any notable falling out therefor between him and the King of Castile. Touching Charles V., he was ever of such modesty as he could not use ill-language to his known enemy; it is not likely he would use any rude language to so near a friend as the King of Portugal.|
|13. Touching the conclusion, where the Queen requires him to consider thoroughly the circumstances of her grant, and to take the same in good part; if the Queen will by express words inhibit her subjects from going to any of the said places, the King will have no occasion left to complain, nor she to inhibit touching the affairs of Portugal. In case of refusal, he begs that she will not take it ill if he refuses the grant of last year.|
14. Touching the five objections that some make touching
the premises, whereof the first is that the lack of making
forts upon the havens of Ethiopia has been for lack of power;
(2) that the Kings of Portugal give themselves great titles of
things whereof they have no property; (3) that they are
wrong to reserve such things as they do; (4) that the French
allege matter much different from the allegations of the
Portuguese; and (5) that such as make traffic thither do it
upon pure zeal to increase the faith of Christ. For the first,
he leaves the matter to be considered whether so small a
thing be not feasible to a Prince who has been able to take
so many great cities in Africa, and in lieu of Kings to make
viceroys about Calicut, etc. To the second, he says that the
King does not take to himself more than he actually possesses,
that is to say, the seignory of Guinea, and of the traffic and
conquest only of such countries as are mentioned in the titles.
To the third, he says that the Kings of Portugal have justly
reserved to themselves some part of the said countries, to
answer the great charges they have been at in discovering
the same, and the continual wars that they have against the
infidel, besides the ordinary charge of 15,000 men and the
ships and munitions. Touching the fourth, the greatest
matter the French require at the King's hands is that it may
be lawful for them to haunt his ports in the new discovered
lands, paying custom, which he refuses. To the fifth, he says
that when he sees other Princes employ their forces against
the Turks and Saracens, who have bills and claws to defend
themselves, then will he believe that they do the same for the
pure zeal of religion; but seeing them only to travail with
merchandise to the poor tame crows, who have neither
feathers or other matter to defend themselves, he cannot
think their zeal to be that way; considering specially the
weapons that they carry, which are rather to offend other
Christian men, or else to sell the same to infidels. Begs her
to take what he has said in good part, as it has been in
defence of his master's right, according as all good ministers
ought to do.
Copy, with a few corrections, and dated by Cecil: 7 June 1562. Endd.: Abstract of the Ambassador of Portugal's replication. Pp. 19.
159. The above replication in French.
Dated by Cecil: 7 June 1562. Endd. Pp. 19.
|June 7.||160. Passport for Arthur Granger.|
Passport for the bearer, Arthur Granger, a Scotsman, who
repairs to the Queen with letters from the Queen of Scotland.
—Berwick, 7 June 1562. Signed by Lord Grey.
Endd. Pp. 2.
|June 7.||161. Passport for M. De Corbry.|
|Passport for Monsieur De Corbry, who repairs to the Court with his servant, one stoned iron-grey "racking," and a gelding.—Berwick, 7 June 1562. Signed by Lord Grey. Orig. P. 1.|
162. Draft of the above.
Endd. Pp. 2.
Labanoff, i. 143.
|163. Queen Mary to the Queen.|
Desires a safe-conduct for David Betoun, of Melgund, to
pass through England on his journey to and from France.—
Holyrood, 8 June 1562. Signed.
Orig. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Broadside.
|June 8.||164. Lord Grey to the Lords of the Council.|
Has stayed the publication of the Queen's proclamation
touching weapons, apparel, and other things until he had
advertised them of his and the Council's reason for being
doubtful whether the same is to extend to this town, which
is of the realm, but not within it. The proclamation limits
the size and order of weapons, for which they think within a
town of war there should be no order. If they are driven to
alter their apparel they must go naked in the meantime;
notwithstanding, they intend that the soldiers shall hereafter
provide themselves with such apparel as is agreeable to the
proclamation.—Berwick, 8 June 1562. Signed.
Orig. Add. Endd. Pp. 3.
|June 8.||165. Lord Grey to Cecil.|
Has licensed Arthur Granger and M. De Corberey to repair
with their servants and horses to the Court, having been
commended unto him by Mr. Randolph. Sends herewith a
ticket of the particulars of their horses. Has written touching the proclamation of apparel and weapons, which goes very
sore with the soldiers here. The soldiers are not presently
able to change their garments (their necessities are such)
until a pay.—Berwick, 8 June 1562. Signed.
Orig. Add. Endd. Pp. 2.
|June 8.||166. Note of Servants and Horses.|
Mr. Granger has with him a man and a boy, and three
geldings described; and M. Corberey, a man and a stoned
"racking," and one gelding described.
|June 8.||167. The Earl of Bedford to Throckmorton.|
The garboils in France must keep Throckmorton as much
occupied in writing as they here in talking. The bearer,
"our friend," retires from the Cardinal of Ferrara; he came
hither and saw all, and therefore can make sufficient report.
He prays him to stand his good friend, and he will thank him
as if some one nearer in blood had received the same.—Russell
House, in London, 8 June 1562. Signed.
Orig. Add. Endd. Pp. 2.
|June 8.||168. Sir H. Sidney to Throckmorton.|
Has moved the Queen for his [Throckmorton's] bond in the
Exchequer, and finds but cold comfort, for she says that he
desired it but in loan. Spoke to her for Henry Middlemore,
yet could get but a dilatory answer, well liking the parts
commended in the man, yet not consenting to accept the
person. Of these two proceedings he made both the Earl of
Pembroke and Cecil privy. Delivered his letter and token to
Lord Robert, and for the dependant between them he rests
as well without satisfaction of himself as condemnation of
Throckmorton till they meet. For his doings in public affairs
both the Queen and he judge in him great rareness and
diligence in service. "The match between my Lord of Hertford and my Lady Katherine as I hear is judged advoutry,
and the punishment thereof left to the Queen, as chief
governor of ecclesiastical matters." The Earl of Lennox
remains close prisoner in the Tower, and his wife at Shene;
she was very obstinate in her answers to the Council sent to
her. The Queen says she will to York and there meet the
Scottish Queen, and order is given for all necessaries to be in
readiness. Does not believe that they will meet this year,
though the Queen's affection is great to see her. Finds so
little will to practise for anything in France, as they will
have cause to thank God only for good luck if any happens
unawares. Lady Throckmorton does well, and her little son
Robert, unto whom she did Sidney the honour, with Lord
Robert, to make him a godfather.—From the Court, 8 June
Orig. Hol., with armorial seal. Add. Endd. Pp. 3.
|June 8.||169. Thomas Windebank to Throckmorton.|
|1. In his conversation with Mr. Cecil since his last coming from Paris he certainly gathers a promise of marriage to the nun, but whether it is made before witnesses he does not confess. Asked him whether his father's displeasure was the cause of his pensiveness; he answered, it was partly; then again, whether it was by reason of his promise to have carried the nun away; he said, No. Then Windebank said it must be through his promise of marriage, which, if made without witnesses, was no matter; if made with them, the matter might be prevented if he would plainly tell it. Cecil said it could not be remedied but by God's help. Talking further, he said she desired him to bring some of his countrymen to be witnesses, which he refused, but promised on his word. He also saith her younger brother knew of the matter, and consequently more of her friends, who determine to have her from the abbey; and sending to know if she was ready she sent word she could not, trusting to the promise Mr. Cecil had made to her. Being desirous of knowing his intention hereafter, he said he would not promise more than he could perform. These things considered, the writer cannot see how he can stay in France, or any other country, except his own, lest the friends of the nun should seek the performance of his promise, and so put him in trouble by a suit, which he told Mr. White he feared; and also when he was gone, lest her friends should be in hand with "his Lordship" for the matter. He wishes he was gone. If he does not go to England, Flanders will be the best place, so that at Louvain he may have the French language. It would be well to keep his going a secret, lest it should be known to her friends. Wishes Cecil would have him home.—Dammart, 8 June 1562. Signed.|
2. P.S.—Mr. Cecil told him he was informed three weeks
since by a friend in Paris that Cecil intended to put him in
prison. He wonders who that friend can be, but he suspects
it is invented by him to colour the shame of his last enterprise. Mr. Cecil says he will deliberate upon his answer to
the last letter from Mr. Allington.
Orig. Add. Endd. Pp. 2.
|June 8.||170. Cecil to Challoner.|
|1. As to the affairs of France, that which is rumoured of the Queen aiding the Prince of Condé with money is false, but ("although I care not, though in both parts some do think so,") he can put it out of doubt in that Court as he sees cause.|
|2. In Scotland, the Earl of Arran (who accused the Earl of Bothwell for moving him to a conspiracy against the Queen,) is in Edinburgh Castle, and so is the Earl of Bothwell and the Abbot of Kilwinning. In the opinion of the writer there was something, but not so much as Arran uttered, and so both are worthy of punishment. Dumbarton Castle is surrendered by the Duke to the Queen, the custody whereof will be given to one of Lord James's brothers. The Duke remains obedient. The Earl of Huntly is in no credit with the Queen. The whole governance rests in Lord James, being Earl of Mar, and the Laird of Lethington. The others that have credit are the Earls Marshal, Argyll, Morton, and Glencairn, all Protestants. The Queen quietly tolerates the reformed religion through the realm, who is thought to be no more devout towards Rome than for the contentation of her uncles. She is very desirous to come and see the Queen, and has been since she arrived in Scotland; and now has sent hither the Laird of Lethington as her Ambassador expressly to request the same, with authority to treat of the manner requisite for the meeting. She remits to the Queen the appointing the time, place, and number, and yields herself to the Queen's disposition. The matter is liked by the Queen here, but being propounded by counsel it is found to have difficulties. One point of most weight is, that except matters in France are ended before the last of this month, without their prejudice here, the meeting cannot be this year, for the Queen cannot leave these parts, nor by interview give countenance to the house of Guise whilst these matters hang in suspense. If the meeting shall be, it will be at York.|
|3. From Ireland. Shane O'Neil has recognized his duty and has left all the countries in Ulster, except Tyrone, and one or two others of small value (by them neglected) to the order of the Queen, which has not been out of his ancestor's tyranny for a hundred years. Before he departed hence, the Baron's son that pretended to be Earl of Tyrone was killed in a fray by one of the O'Neils, who had charge of the country in Shane's absence. There is still another brother alive, not twelve years old, so the title for that earldom is still undecided. Upon Shane's arrival in Ireland on the 26th ult., news met him at Dublin that one to whom he committed his country had taken upon him to be O'Neil. Upon knowledge of the controversies betwixt the Earls of Ormond and Desmond, by advice of the Council of Ireland, they were sent for to come hither to try and end matters betwixt them, but Desmond is so far from being made a quiet subject, that they have cause to despair. He does not profess disobedience, but offers obedience to the Queen and her laws; but in his private quarrels he is so passionate that to scold him they are forced to sequester him; so he is now committed to the cus tody of the Lord Treasurer, where they think he will learn his duty. His faults are but peccadilloes; making war when he list, burning towns, with men, women, and children, keeping of manifest pirates after warning given to him; yet all these would have been pardoned if he had asked for it. No extremities will be used unless his folly provokes such. The Earl of Ormond shows himself humble, and returns with the Earl of Kildare into Ireland shortly, and so does the Earl of Sussex to his charge.|
|4. At home all things are quiet. The Earl of Lennox remains in the Tower. Lady Lennox and her son are at Sheen, in the household of Sir Richard Sackeville. They are charged with two things, one with secret intimation that she has a right to the Crown of England next to the Queen, and the other with secret compassing of marriage betwixt the Scottish Queen and her son, which matters they deny, although there are many proofs. Does not think any extremity is intended towards them. Judgment is given that the child born of the Lady Katherine was not legitimate, and the parents adjudged for penance to such fine as the Queen shall assess; but as yet they remain secure in the Tower, and the fine is not declared.|
|5. There is a matter here likely to be made great there. A secretary of the Bishop of Aquila, named Borghese, upon some unkindness shown towards him, has voluntarily disclosed divers matters of his master's negociations to the dishonour of the Queen, the breaking of the amity betwixt her and the King, the procuring of tumult in this realm, provoking the King to war against England, and other foul things not agreeable to the office of an Ambassador pretending to maintain amity. Compared with his doings, there is great likelihood of its being correct. The secretary has left him, and pretends to be moved in his conscience to utter these things against the Bishop, because he perceives him to labour for breach of amity betwixt the Princes, and to serve the Pope rather than the King; he requests to avow these things to the Ambassador's face. The Ambassador, perceiving the secretary's proceedings, complained to the Queen, and said his doings are through malice, and requests that he be banished from the realm, yet they know the Bishop would fain reconcile the secretary. What will ensue he knows not. The Queen has been counselled to write to the King, requesting the revocation of the Bishop, and the placing here of some meeter person. The Ambassador complains that last month one of the King's subjects, going with his letters into Flanders, was taken by the way, and also that his portmanteau (his letters being therein,) was opened, and after a time all things were restored again, the takers pretending that he had gold about him, to be carried from England by stealth. Does not believe it, or if it was so, it was the attempt of some person who sought more for French crowns than for any writings. Thinks it meet to inform Challoner of the Ambassador's device, for he may devise some such matter towards his [Challoner's] pocket, either coming from him or going to him. No Ambassador ever received such courteous entertainment as he from the Queen. Whatsoever he [Challoner] writes now, he is to have regard it be in cipher, and in the cipher to use discretion, not to put unnecessary things, for the labour of deciphering is not small.|
|6. The Ambassador of Portugal, who came hither from France, has earnestly prosecuted the enlarging of a grant made last year at the request of an Ambassador being then here, at which time the Queen prohibited her subjects sailing into Ethiopia, which only specified the ports and havens of the same, which grant they want to have in general for all Ethiopia, pretending their conquests extend to all those countries. The English know by stories and merchants that Ethiopia is not under the subjection of the Portuguese, but only here and there a haven or creek, kept by a fort, to maintain their trade; whereupon they are determined not to prejudice, by any further grant, the subjects of this realm. The Ambassador, in a replication delivered yesterday in writing, joins his cause with the King of Spain's trade to the Indies, meaning thereby to draw them to offend the King of Spain in denying his request; but in making an answer they will pass over that, and deal with him alone.|
7. The King of Sweden has sent Ambassadors into Scotland only to congratulate the Queen upon her return, and to
desire safe-conduct for his ships, signifying obscurely that he
meant to attempt a new voyage into this realm, of the which
matter there is a similar report from Embden.
Draft, corrected by Cecil. Several passages underlined, to be expressed in cipher. Endd.: 8 June 1562. Pp. 11.
|June 8.||171. Challoner to Cecil.|
Has not received letters from England since the 24th of
March, and suspects some packets have been intercepted
through the broils in France. Since the 1st ult. he has
written three times to Throckmorton by different means, the
double of which he requested him to transmit to Cecil. On
the 13th ult. he wrote to the Queen at large, by Henry King,
his servant. Since then the Prince of Spain has recovered,
and has already voided from the bruise of his scalp a bone
or scalp triangle, broader than a shilling. The Cortes of
Aragon are still deferred. It is affirmed here that the Prince
of Condé has had two overthrows. The King and Council
are yet in great expectation. This King intends to arm for
aiding the Guisians, 10,000 footmen, and 3,000 horsemen,
part from hence, Piedmont, and Flanders. As yet he sees
no earnest preparations here, although sundry Spanish and
Italian captains have been called, and some already despatched;
but before the bands are ready the opportunity may be
passed. Some say this arming is given out as a terror, others
say that the French King's answer for the acceptation of this
aid is yet once more expected. Believes the sending this
aid is meant, seeing the King recommends the Guisian cause
so much. The Duke of Vendôme is clear of the practice.
Thinks the Condians lose advantage the longer they waste
time, considering the humour of the populars, which at length
wax weary. During the Prince's illness all mouths were
filled therewith, now it is these troubles in France.—
Madrid, 8 June 1562.
Draft, portions underlined to be expressed in cipher. Endd.: Sent by Stephen Becon by way of Bilboa. Pp. 5.
|June 8.||172. [Challoner] to Richard Clough.|
Has not received letters from Clough since the 7th
April. His servant, Robert Farneham, in a letter of the 20th
April, sent by sea to Bilboa, makes mention of a packet of
letters sent by the Ordinary of Flanders, dated the 18th of
April, in which packet were letters from the Council of great
importance, which has not yet come to hand. If any has
come to Clough since the 1st March, he desires to be informed
thereof by the next. By France he uses Throckmorton;
by Flanders, in the absence of Gresham, he knows not whom
to address the Queen's packets to, but to Clough. For the
rest of his exchange of the 300l., Francisco Bravo will not
pay it without a new bill from John Fleming, therefore he
desires him to send it by the next, and to make even reckoning. Clough's monthly letters would be a great pleasure to
him, and he would requite them with the like.—Madrid,
8 June 1562.
Copy, in Challoner's hol., and endd. by him. Pp. 2.
|June 8.||173. Council of Trent to Pius IV. (fn. 1)|
The writers were much grieved that opinions differed
amongst the members of the Council respecting the residence
of the clergy, some saying that it was only enjoined by
human, but others by divine law; and therefore they have
laid the matter before him. They wish that the question
might be declared by the Synod to be founded on divine law,
which they think to be the best way for avoiding the scandal
of obstinate disputes. They promise to abide by and uphold
the decision.—Trent, 8 June 1562.
Copy. Lat. Pp. 4.
|June 9.||174. Throckmorton to the Queen.|
|1. She may perceive by his letters of the 28th ult., that M. De Villeville has so negociated betwixt these parties as they seem to mean an accord.|
|2. The King of Navarre and these men sent M. De Ruisse (brother of the Bishop of Valence) to the Prince of Condé on the 1st inst. to move him to accord a conference at Toury, ten leagues this side of Orleans.|
|3. On the 2nd inst. the Prince sent back to Paris M. De Ruisse accompanied with M. De Broquart, master of the Prince's artillery, and late Captain at Verdun, to declare to the King of Navarre and the rest his conformity for a conference at Toury.|
|4. On the 2nd inst. fifteen Knights were created of the King's Order, all of whom are devoted to the King of Navarre, the Duke of Guise, and the Constable. The names he sends herewith. On the same night they left Paris and lodged at the camp.|
|5. The Constable at his departing sent a gentleman to the writer to inform him that the accord was well advanced, and that he thought peace was concluded, of which news he said he would inform the Queen.|
|6. The same evening he sent to the Queen Mother at Bois De Vicennes requesting to know whether peace was so forward as the Constable had informed him; to which she answered that it was not, but to-morrow she with the King of Navarre was going to talk with the Prince of Condé, when they trusted to make a good end. On the morrow (Wednesday 3rd June) she would lie at Etampes, and the next day (4th inst.) she hoped they would talk with the Prince.|
|7. He also charged his servant to desire the Queen Mother (the bruit being suspicious), that some order might be taken that the King might not be seized into any other custody than hers, for which advice the Queen Mother thanked him.|
|8. On the 3rd inst. she left Bois De Vicennes and lodged at Etampes that night, attended by the Bishop of Orleans and Secretary L'Aubespine, with a small train.|
|9. Upon Thursday 4th inst., accompanied by the King of Navarre, (who was attended by M. Damville, general of the light horse, M. De Randan, colonel of the footmen, M. De Sansac, and M. Descars with 200 horse and 300 footmen,) she went from Etampes to Toury, the place appointed for the conference with the Prince, who came accompanied with 150 horse and 150 footmen, which inequality of force was done in respect of the Queen Mother and the King of Navarre, the Prince being alone.|
|10. Is not able to ascertain the state of the Prince's proceedings there at this time, as he is of these men's doings here on this side, not being able to obtain permission to send any of his folks beyond Etampes, although he has used divers means for that purpose. On the 5th inst. he sent to the Duke and Constable, being in their camp at Longjumeau, to procure their licence to send to the Prince of Condé to get two young men who unadvisedly had repaired thither, which they refused to grant. At the same time he wrote to the Constable in answer to his visitation the day of his departure for the camp, the copy of which he sends herewith, with the Constable's answer sent the 5th inst.|
|11. On the 6th inst. the Duke of Guise and the Constable caused their camp to march from Longjumeau to Montlhery, fourteen miles from Paris. The Queen Mother's long journey to the Prince argues well that an accord should ensue. Perceives more difficulty in this matter than many expect, the principal being who should first disarm. An edict of the King of Navarre has lately been set forth (which he sends herewith) whereby all Protestants are expelled from Paris, leaving their goods to the mercy of their adversaries. The poor people so banished are slain by the soldiers and townsmen as they retire, or else spoiled of all they have to sustain them. These Parisians say they will not have peace, nor the edict of January to take place for the toleration of Protestants; and they also speak irreverently of their King, and rail against the Queen Mother.|
|12. The King, with the Duke of Orleans, remains at Bois De Vicennes, attended by the Prince of Rochesuryon, the Chancellor, Marshal Brisac, and the Grand Ecuyer, with 200 gentlemen of his house, and 300 soldiers under young Philipo Strozzi, besides his ordinary guards of Scots, French, and Swiss.|
|13. Marshal Brisac in the absence of the King of Navarre has the governance of Paris.|
|14. The Duke D'Aumale and M. De Villebon, with 2,000 or 4,000 men, hover about Rouen. They have not made any near approach to the same, but march up and down not far from thence, increasing their force, repairing their artillery, and espying how they can best assail the town, which is in sufficient force to resist the Duke.|
|15. Lately he heard that part of the slaves in the two galleys taken at Caudebec by the Protestants to the Prince of Condé's devotion have enlarged themselves and slain certain that were left in the galleys over them; so the galleys being unfurnished of "forsaires" [forçats] cannot do that service to the advantage of Rouen and for the keeping of Seine as they might have done.|
|16. The Duke of Montpensier still remains at Angers accompanied by M. De Chairgny, by whose solicitations cruelties have been done to the Protestants in the town. The castle of Chinon is taken for the Prince of Condé, so is Poictiers, together with most part of the towns of Poictou, Angouleme, Saintonge, and Guienne. Takes the Prince of Condé to be strongest in force of the two. At this despatch the French Ambassador there, M. De Foix, shall receive a packet from a friend in this Court, wherein is contained the Prince's answer to the articles lately proposed by the Duke of Guise, the Constable, and St. André, which articles he sent by Sir Harry Sidney. He had sent it to the Queen before this, if the messenger who brought it him from Orleans had not been intercepted by the way.|
|17. The French Ambassador in London should be informed that the Queen cannot understand the jealousy conceived by the King of Navarre, the Duke of Guise, and the Constable of her proceedings; in consequence of which he [Throckmorton] cannot obtain permission to send any of his servants to Orleans or beyond Etampes. He hears that one of the captains of the galleys has sunk one, and surrendered himself to the Duke D'Aumale.|
|18. Being ready to make up this despatch, he was informed that the Prince of Condé, having intelligence of an ambush being laid for him in coming from the place of treaty (if no accord was made), would not meet the Queen Mother and the King of Navarre on the day and at the place appointed; whereupon they retired on the 5th inst. from Toury to Etampes, which town was guarded by a garrison of this side.|
|19. On Saturday, the 6th inst., the conference was renewed to be held at Toury, where the Prince is content to come, accompanied by such force as he need not fear any ambushes or open assailings.|
|20. Hears that the Bishop of Perigord, a devout friend of Marshal St. André, was lately slain by his diocesans. Sends herewith the copy of two letters sent to him, one from the Prince of Condé, the other from the Admiral, as answer to those lately sent to them by the Queen.|
|21. Of occurrences which he last received from Spain the Queen may understand by the copy of Sir Thomas Challoner's letter sent to him the 25th ult., which he now sends to Cecil.|
22. The conference is more likely to be held at Joinville
than at Toury, a village not far distant from the other.—
Paris, 9 June 1562. Signed.
Orig., with seal. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Pp. 8.
|June 9.||175. Throckmorton to Cecil.|
|1. Perceived by Cecil's letter of the 21st ult., sent by Barnsby (which he received on the 5th inst.), that the Laird of Lethington was expected to arrive shortly, and he surmises his errand is for an interview. That Cecil may better frame an answer, he sends this despatch without waiting for the final resolution of the last conference betwixt the Queen Mother, the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Condé, who have met ten leagues this side of Orleans, as he may perceive by his letters to the Queen. He expects this matter will now come to an issue. Desires Cecil to procure that the Queen may inform the French Ambassador there, that she thinks it very strange that the King of Navarre, the Duke of Guise, and the Constable should be so jealous of her proceedings, and so suspiciously interpret her Ambassador's doings in France. There is no cause why the Duke of Guise, the Constable, the Prince of Condé, or the house of Chatillon should be offended, or suspicious of her good meaning.|
2. It is necessary the Queen should know the true state of
the Prince of Condé and his doings. All the passages are
strictly kept, and almost all his friends expelled hence. If
Mr. Shakerley, who lately dwelt with the Cardinal of Ferrara,
be not too well employed, he wishes the Queen would give
him some present, and recommend him to the Cardinal again,
for Throckmorton believes, that with Cecil's instructions he
could use him here to do the Queen some necessary service;
but the matter must be carefully handled. He desires by
Cecil's next to know in what terms the Earl of Arran stands,
for it is doubted here whether he is dead or not; and they
discourse diversely of the Duke of Châtellerault, and the
state of Scotland. Sends herewith a packet directed to the
French Ambassador (which it may please Cecil to send by
H. Middlemore), in which is contained the Prince's answer to
the articles proposed by these men, sent them by Sir
H. Sidney. He had three of these answers sent to him, but
they "quayled" betwixt this and Orleans. He has written
thereof to the Queen, and wishes she might have a sight of
this answer, for there are three or four things therein worth
noting. Sends also a copy of the last letter he received from
Sir Thomas Challoner. Cecil must beware if bravery is used
there by the Bishop of Aquila.—Paris, 9 June 1562. Signed.
Orig. Hol. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Pp. 4.
|June 9.||176. Randolph to Cecil. (fn. 2)|
Received on the 8th inst. a packet directed to this Queen
by Lethington, with which she was right well contented. She
rejoices at the likelihood of continuance of amity. Her desire
to see the Queen of England continues always one, though
she has some mistrust that it cannot be this year. This day
she passed to Dumfermline, where she will attend Lethington's
coming. She has required the writer to forward letters to
him. Fettiplace, Whitehead, and divers others are arrived
in Loch Ryan, in the West seas, with great prizes of wine
and sugar. Order is taken upon Randolph's motion to have
them apprehended. They are very strong and come not
aland, but have men of the country who repair to them. The
Earl of Mar sends his hearty commendations to him.—
Edinburgh, 9 June 1562. Signed.
Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Pp. 2.
|June 9.||177. Edward Horsey to Cecil.|
Yesterday evening he received from the Lord President a
gift of some money from the Queen with commandment to
depart this day; and remembering he cannot pass at "Noo
port" without the Queen's passport he desires Cecil to
obtain the same for him. Considering how difficult it will be
to obtain post horses, he desires the Queen to give him leave
to take a gelding with him. It having pleased Cecil to advise
him to take the Queen's pardon, he being outlawed, it is also
the advice of his friends. He has requested his brother to
wait upon Cecil for the despatch of the same.—Deptford,
Tuesday, 9th of June. (fn. 3) Signed.
Orig. Hol[?] Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Pp. 2.
|June 9.||178. Acquittance by Alonzo De Jaens.|
Alonzo De Jaens acknowledges having received from
Challoner 436 reals in payment for certain gwadamezzelles (fn. 4)
furnished by the said Alonzo.—9 June 1562. Signed.
Orig. Hol. Endd. by Challoner. Pp. 2.
Labanoff, i. 144.
|179 Queen Mary to the Queen.|
Desires a passport for Pompeo Cynthio to pass through
England to convey five hackney horses into France.—Dumferline, 10 June 1562. Signed.
Orig. Add. Endd. Broadside.
|June 10.||180. John Cuerton to Challoner.|
This day he received three letters from Challoner of the
25th, 29th, and 30th ult. Expects hourly the carrier to take
away Challoner's cloth for his servants. No butter is to be
had here at present, but he has laid watch along the coast for
it. Cheese is not to be bought here, but his wife will send a
couple of them. Dares not send the two chests without the
King's schedule. His wife sends her commendations to him
and Mr. Cobham. Mr. Reed's chest and stuff still remain
here, because the Council will have a commission for it.—
Bilboa, 10 June 1562. Signed.
Orig. Hol. Endd. by Challoner. Pp. 2.