Elizabeth: April 1562

Calendar of State Papers, Scotland: Volume 1, 1547-63. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1898.

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'Elizabeth: April 1562', in Calendar of State Papers, Scotland: Volume 1, 1547-63, (London, 1898) pp. 614-621. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/scotland/vol1/pp614-621 [accessed 25 March 2024]

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In this section

1090. Randolphe to Cecill. [April 7.]

At length, not without "some what adoe," I have obtained the divorce your honour so earnestly and often wrote for. I am required by the Justice-Clerk (fn. 1) (by whose means I got it) that nothing should be wrought thereby prejudicial to the Earl of Angus here in Scotland, to whom he is a special friend. So as much as I might, being altogether ignorant of the purpose, I have promised him, "wherin he assurethe hym self more in your honours discretion in the well usinge of yt, then he dothe in his owne wysedom in yeldinge unto my requeste." I am fain otherwise to use his friendship; and your wisdom best considers what such a friend is worth. If the Queen's Majesty will give him licence for a couple of geldings, he will think himself much bound to her.

Your honour understood by my last how the treason against the Queen, Mar and Lethington, was discovered. The "self same" was intended to as many nobles as were in company at the time of execution, as resisted. For Arran being asked by Argyll, what they would have done with him? Answered, that he should have gone with his "marrows." (fn. 2) After Arran came to Grange's house, whether it was foar of his life from his father, lack of sleep, meat, &c., after he had taken some rest, he began to rave and speak strange purposes, "as of divels, witches and suche lyke," fearing that all men about came to kill him. The Queen hearing, sent Mar who brought him that night, Tuesday Easter week, to Court. When at supper with Mar he showed many tokens of an unquiet mind both in his talk and doings, and so continued all night. Next day the Queen removed from Falkland to St Andrews, with Arran in company, Bothwell and the Abbot being sent before under guard to the castle. They have been examined, but confess nothing; and Arran is very well come to himself, but not so constant in affirming what he wrote, as he promised. The Queen has herself spoken with him, and he says under conditions, he will affirm the verity. "He imaginethe to myche in his owne conceate of that, that is impossible, and pyttie that ever sholde comme to passe." (fn. 3) She will receive none such; either he must justify his own letters or confess his evil disposed mind and great fault in writing thus to his sovereign. He is quietly attended on, not by his own. The Queen willed me to speak with him on Friday last: and in "all commen purposes" I found in him, as before, good and resolute answers. When I spoke of the cipher which he willed to be deciphered by me, he said "all those thynges ar but phantasies, I knowe not howe God hathe suffered me to be diluded with dyvels and witches." When I asked what witches they were ? He said 'the Lord James mother,' and had said it before to Lord James and others. In all matters except the verity of the conspiracy, his answers are plain and ready. His father is still at Kenele, he never yet wrote word to the Queen, but (it is reported) laments sore that his son "is owt of hys wytte." It is now said he has twice before been in the same case; and takes it of his mother, "whoe in deade, with bothe her systers (of which the Erle of Morton hathe maried one, and thother was wyf unto the Lord Maxwell) are certeyne tymes or the most parte of the yere distempered with an unquiet humour."

It pleased the Queen herself to talk with me, who shows herself not a little offended with Bothwell, to whom she has been so good, and doubtless I think shall find little favour. She reads daily after dinner, instructed by a learned man Mr George Bowhanan, "somewhat of Lyvie." She found lately there in an oration of Cato against "those that would have had legem Opiam abrogatam, these wordes—Hominem improbum non accusari tutius est, quam absolvi." I believe if Arran had behaved himself well since he came to Court, and confirmed with his mouth what he wrote to the Queen, he had won great favour, but now is out of credit with all men. Some would make it a forged matter, for the hatred that is borne to "the howse"; (fn. 4) but the appearance hereof is very small, and the end will show the contrary. By her grace's will, I have promised to inform her Majesty of the case, by the gentleman that shortly comes to you, and so to France.

The ministers are here assembled to confer on matters touching appointment to livings "for them" in every shire. On the 20th also the most part of the nobles are warned to be in this town, before which there will be no resolution taken as to the interview or any envoy to you thereon. When I had written thus far, I received your letter of 27th March—the chiefest points whereof I have answered herein, so return your instructions for that matter. (fn. 5) If your honour requires it more "attentique," the matter must be more open, "wherof nether you nor we have anye great good wyll: yt is coppied by the Justice Clerke hym self, and I harde yt conferred with the principall. Yf more be required, yt shall be a harde myscheif that we cane not fynde a shyfte for."

I look daily for Butsheade, and am advertised by Argyll that MacConnell is lother to part from him, "bycause of the knowledge of his countrie." I purpose sending to Berwick for the "angels," to have them ready, and incontinent will send the man to your honour. I am required again to remind you of the Earl's "mother in lawe" and her husband. It is bruited that Lord "Darlie" is conveyed to France, and the young laird of Barre has lost his head. Both the one and the other have little appearance of verity. St Andrews. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

This day Arran was sent to the Castle here, I judge it rather ad terrorem quam ad pœnam. He would now go from all that he wrote. Before he wrote to the Queen, "in as good healthe as ever he was, he broke the same matter unto Mr Knox, and by his advice and perswation reveled yt, and that dothe Mr Knox verifie to his face."

5 pp. Holograph; also address. Indorsed (by Cecill).

1091. Randolphe to [Throckmorton]. [April 7.]

I wrote to your lordship by Captain Wallace, and sent to my good lady "a dosayne of knyves; whoe nowe I here is arrived in Englande, and your lordship lyke to receave a successeur." This gives me hope shortly to see you at the interview of the two Queens, which now stays on so little, that I look daily for the dispatch of Lethington hence to my mistress, with this Queen's request, and to take order for time, place, &c. Before you leave, I trust you will so acquaint me with your successor, that we may use the like "reciproque" friendship in the Queen's service that I have received at your hands. As Sir Thomas Smythe is utterly unknown to me, but by "name and face," so unless acquaintance insue, and conference by letter, the Queen's service may suffer.

[Here follows the substance of his letter to Cecill on Arran and Bothwell's conspiracy with some slight details. The authors "inciderunt in foveam quam fecerunt" . . . "Pilatus et Herodes amici facti sunt ex die illo."] Arran escaped from Kinneil, by his "sheetes blanketes and other thynges above xxx fadome owte of a wyndowe in his hose and dubled, and so travayled from Ester evee at nyght upon his feete untyll Ester Twesdaye (fn. 6) in the mornynge," to Grange's house. The abbot of Kilwinning is . . . "one of the Duke's chief consellors," . . . "Chryst flocke shalbe never the worce fedde thoughe hys hedde were from his sholders." The Queen behaves herself honourably and stoutly, neither over remissly nor too rigorously. "Scribled in haste." Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

4 pp. Holograph. No flyleaf or address.

1092. Randolphe to the Queen of England. [April 9.]

Though your Majesty is fully advertised by my letters to your secretary, "yet for that I am ernestlye required by this princese the Quenes grace to signifie unto your Majestie self as presentlye I do see occasion, bothe the imprisonmente [of] the Erle of Arrane and Erle Bothwell, as also howe woide her grace is of that, that perchance somme surmise, which is a desyer to be revengede of suche as at other tymes she hathe conceavede evle of"—I thought myself bound in duty to give the effect in few words, without rehearsing the whole circumstances. [Here follows the substance of his letter to Cecill of 7th. It is added that Arran had formerly refused the Queen's mediation in his quarrel with Bothwell, insisting on the latter publicly denying his words at the Market Cross "with sounde of trompet."] In proof that the Queen has no ill will to the Duke or his son, "I wyll onlye declare that unto your Majestie, that I myself (havinge maynie tymes had suspicion hereof) have observed and marked." Ever since her arrival, she has more sought to win their good will, than they have shown willingness to their duties as her subjects. They are no way separated from her other subjects, but by disobedience and transgression of her laws. She knows the afflction of many to that house, how many they are and how allied, and that unjust dealing with them would be her own ruin. She has used the Duke his son and friends with gentleness, to show that she loved them as kinsmen, and esteemed them as her successors, if God gave her no issue. She lately promised the one a reasonable support to his living for his father's life, and remitted to the other many things, both by law and conscience due by him both in body and goods. Even after detection of this crime, she so well thought of Arran and his sincere meaning, that she devised with her Council what yearly sum of money or other thing she might bestow on him. Without your Majesty's advice I believe she will determine nothing hastily against one or other of them. I report nothing to your Majesty but before God I think true, and dare verify in your presence. Her benefits to Bothwell have been so great, that no man thinks anything intended to him, but more favour than he deserves. The abbot has long deserved much more than it is judged he shall receive. St Andrews. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

4 pp. Holograph; also address. Indorsed (by Cecill's clerk).

1093. Randolphe to Cecill. [April 9.]

In a word, I give you warning that you shall shortly hear some news of "our Metropolitane" for saying mass on Easter Day. I wish he were "in handes, with one or two mo untyll the enterveue wer paste." I was required to write to her Majesty and trust more in her pardon than my well doing. This bearer is servant to the Grand Prior, his name is Malvasier, not credited to say much to her Majesty, to whom he has this Queen's letters, as some other is purposed to be sent. Her grace heard of two Almaynes returned from Berwick to the Court; and wished they had arrived before this man's departure. I shall have to write shortly more at large. St Andrews. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

1 p. Holograph; also address. Indorsed (by Cecill's clerk).

1094. Mary to Elizabeth. [April 24.]

In the wars "led be youre umquhile sister Marie aganis this our realme, (fn. 7) the Lord Gray our subject chanceit to be takin presonere," was detained by his takers, and then "lattin hame upoun ane band." We caused him to re-enter lately on the suit of Lord Grey your subject, where we hear he was extremely "handillit," and put to greater charges than he can bear. We desire you command two gentlemen to confer with two of ours on the border to modify a reasonable ransom that he may pay, or to let him come home on band to re-enter when called. St Andrews, 20th of our reign. Signed: Your richt gud sister and cusignes, Marie R.

Broad sheet. Addressed. Indorsed.

1095. Randolphe to Cecill. [April 25.]

I understand by your letters sent by Mr Hume the Scottish gentleman, how desirous you are to know if Arran is clear of the conspiracy with Bothwell, and the charge of murder against his father? I wish I could say all as I conceive it after long conference and talk with those that know the truth. I verily believe he is distempered in his wits, and as I last wrote was sent to the castle. Whence after 5 or 6 days, he again wrote to the Queen, that if he might, he would before her, avow to Bothwell's face what he had spoken before. On the 10th or 11th in presence of the Queen and Council, Bothwell was charged with treason, Arran to his face confirming it, the other constantly denying it. Many words passed between them, Arran's behaviour most commended. Bothwell required the combat, or to be tried by the Session: one the law of arms, the other the law of the country. Arran referred himself to the "princese" will, accepting either as seemed good to her Majesty and Council: he doubteth not God would give him as great strength to maintain truth, as to the other seeking to cover "a moste heineus" treason. So they were dismissed, Bothwell to the castle, Arran to Lord Mar's house. For his plain dealing, and "reverent and modeste usinge" of himself before her grace and Council, and her hope he would deal as frankly in confessing the charge against his father: after he had at reasonable liberty passed 2 or 3 days in Mar's house, as his father was expected, he was again brought before the Council. He confirmed what he said to Bothwell's face, and being examined of his charge by letter against his father, also spoken to the Queen herself and divers other, he utterly denied that his father knew of the conspiracy, that he ever spoke to his father of it, or that his father ever threatened him; but what he did came of a foolish fantasy without cause, that he had offended God and his sovereign, and was ashamed of himself. But suspicions were so great, it was thought good to deliberate further, and not proceed with rigour yet; wherefore he remained 3 days more in Mar's house, and being sent for on the fourth, the Council finding nothing could be got, sent him again to the castle where he still is, "nothynge altered."

On Monday (fn. 8) the 19th instant, the Duke arrived with a good company of his friends; most part of the nobles being assembled to judge this cause, and some others in hand. He had that night presence of the Queen, and declared his great grief at her suspicion of him on his son's false accusation, and had come for trial of his innocence, refusing all pardon or grace. He thanked God his son was there, that the verity might be tried, and he had brought the chief of his surname with him to underly the law and be in her Majesty's will. This moved her not a little, others pitied his case, "the more also to see tholde mans teares tritlinge from his cheekes as yt had byne a chylde beaten." He received comfortable words, and promise of favour, however the matter were.

Next day the Council assembled, the Queen present, and rehearsal was made of the whole "facte" of Bothwell, the Duke accused of privity, and his own son's letters and words put in writing laid before him. He denies the whole, and persists therein. Touching the violence offered to his son, he desires him brought before his face, assuring the Queen and "their honours" that the night his son departed from him to bed, he was in as good charity and fatherly love to him as any day in his life. Some thought Arran should be sent for: others knowing how obstinately he had before denied that he said of his father, would have it deferred till the morrow, and proceed deliberately.

But next day revolving it, nothing more could be had, and as there were no proofs but the son against the father, "the Quene herself thought not good to rigoreuslye to procede, and the same well allowed of her whole counsell, and her grace worthylie commended." She then leaving the place, it was friendly moved to the Duke, that as Dunbarton might always give her grace suspicion of him (as the place of her imprisonment if the treason had taken effect) they advised him to deliver it to her hands, whereto incontinent he accorded, and it is this day delivered. Thus far on this matter.

Regarding the interview, it was accorded by the noblemen assembled, that nothing could be more profitable or needful for the country: only one great difficulty alleged, whereof I must write before I end. The Duke offered with any or all his sons, as the Queen pleased, to attend her, with body, goods and all. I talked twice with him at good length, besides his first meeting with the Queen, "drawne in I thynke of purpose to beholde the maner." Next day after the Council was risen, "the Quene grace, as she dothe ofte, dyd in her previe gardayne shoote at the buttes, whear the Duke and other noble men were present, and I also admytted for one to beholde the pastime." The Duke wishing to speak with me, asked leave, and that some of her Council might be present. "Her answer was that her opinion of us bothe was that we wolde her no evle, which he assured for his parte, and saide that he thoughte no les of me." He then began to lament to me "that yt had pleased God to plague hym in that, that in the worlde he estemed moste, and more (as he knowethe nowe) then that God was pleased with." For I have often heard him say: "that he had rather see all the chyldren he hathe deade at hys foote, then that his sonne the Erle sholde be sycke." He desired my advice, and I thought nothing so fit for him, as to show his obedience to his sovereign, so the world might see whatever befell him, it came not of his deserts, and God would sooner send him relief of his sorrows. Touching the accident befallen his son, he must patiently wait what time works therein; whose case is harder as accuser of his own father "in a case whear nether lykelyhoode nor apparance of truthe is." He here rehearsed (as many times before) the Queen my sovereign's benefits to him, and he had no other help or refuge. I confirmed him therein, showing him there was no such danger as he feared, as his Queen could do no less than she has in so important a matter. So we ended our talk, and gave ourselves again to behold the pastimes. It would have well contented your honour "to have seen the Quene and the Master of Lindesaye to sute (fn. 9) agaynste the Erle of Mar and one of the ladies." Our next meeting was in the Duke's own chamber next day; I being lodged in the house before his coming. He asked my advice what to do if the Queen took Dunbarton from him? I advised him not to stand against her therein, seeing he had no right but at her will. Also to offer himself to attend her to England, rather than be required, as I know it is already determined by her and the Council. The third was of more difficulty—being whether after he had delivered Dunbarton, the Queen would not put him into the castle of St Andrews? I seemed to be much grieved at this suspicion, he knowing his sovereign's clemency and his own innocence; and gave him as comfortable words as I could, "in a matter that then I stoode in dowte of myself, but nowe am resolved that no suche thynge was mente towardes hym." He is now well pleased to set forward the "yornay," and begins to take some comfort to himself, "he ridethe, tawlkethe, lawghethe with the Quene when so mever he please." Though your honour can judge the issue better than I, this is not to be omitted. Arran at all times since the Queen's return has so behaved, that she has a marvellous suspicion of him, "and I am sure ofte wysshed in her harte for no worce occasion then nowe she hathe, to do with hym as she dothe; yet by cawse she hathe no juste cawse to tayke awaye his lyf, seinge he hym self reveeled the treason, yf any were, she wolde be contents to be in good assurance of hym in tyme to come; not that I wyll saye, Morte la bestia, morte il veneno, but other wyse as I trowe I wrote, improbum hominem, &c." So I think he is not yet like to escape: his friends are ashamed of him, and wish him out of the world; his enemies rejoice and wish him worse than they know how to procure him.

Bothwell sues daily to have his innocence tried: if by "a syse," there lacks probation, and if he be "quytte," then by law Arran must be convicted of false accusation, "and sustayne the same payne." If found good that it be "lefte to God," and they debate it with their hands, whatever of manhood there be in both, the issue will be uncertain.

The full resolution for the interview of the two princesses cannot be taken till St Colme's return; but as the Queen is advertised that her uncle the Cardinal finds it so convenient, order is taken to consider all things needful in this Convention. The Council to remain is appointed, the number assigned of "all sortes" to go with her, and order taken for quiet on the borders, &c. The greatest difficulty of all is the scarcity of all kinds of gold here, current in England; and if some mean be not devised for exchange of their silver, her grace and whole company shall sustain great loss. Here they think no way so reasonable as this—if it please the Queen's Majesty to send to Berwick so much treasure that they may leave their Scottish money there ("onlie golde or testons of good sylver") and have for the same, English money to spend in the country, leaving their own for the Queen's Majesty's use there—as to pay soldiers, workmen, &c. It is said plainly to me this will be the only stay unless the Queen's Majesty and her Council will consider it. Lethington desires excuse —he is behind hand with you for three letters, which he will recompense with one, and presently excuse himself "by mouthe," he hopes immediately after St Colme's return.

This day comes news of a Swedish ambassador who landed at Leith. It is said he is a Duke, his name yet unknown, "but one that married the Kynges mother, or at the leaste kynne unto the kynge"; and in his company not above 18 persons. Those that have spoken with him say, "a man of a good agee, longe berde torninge to whyte." He has not yet sent to the Queen. He came in a very great "houlke" well furnished with men and munition. St Andrews. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

9 pp. Holograph. No address or flyleaf.

1096. Randolphe to Cecill. [April 25.]

I have "presently" received your letters by my servant. I pray your honour remember me to Mr Noel, whose kinsman Mr Lawrence Noel I often times wish in this country for 3 or 4 months. When we were both "schollers" in Paris, and he then partaker of "that smale thynge" I had, he travailed by help of some Scottish men I acquainted him with, to set forth the marches of England and Scotland. If it were now thought worth his travail, opportunity serves better than ever, and I know he can do it well.

For the interview, I have written as much as I can in this other letter. (fn. 10) To avoid expense, it is determined that all men shall wear black cloth, for the Queen herself has not cast off "her murnynge garmentes which wyll holde in verie myche monye." The Bishop of St Andrews, of whom I wrote a word or two by the Frenchman, ever since Easter has kept his house sick. I find them lother to have to do with him till the castle of Dombriton be out of their hands; "yt is not good also to have to maynie irons in the fyer at ons"!

A Frenchman that was a captain in Leith, arrived here by the west seas, sent by Martigues to desire the Queen to be godmother to his daughter. Martigues married a gentlewoman of the Queen's, whose mother is presently here with her.

Your honour may remember the Queen's Majesty wrote to this Queen in favour of certain merchants, which I received a good space since, with others from the Council and your honor. They were presented to her grace, who desired me to move it again when she came to Edinburgh, as I purpose to do. I write to show it is not neglected. St Andrews. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

1 p. Holograph. No address or flyleaf.

Footnotes

  • 1. Marginal note.—His name is Sir John Balendine, Lord Justice-Clerk of Scotland.
  • 2. Friends.
  • 3. His pretension to marry the Queen?
  • 4. i.e., of Hamilton.
  • 5. The divorce.
  • 6. Originally "Mondaye."
  • 7. The raid of Swynton.
  • 8. "Sunday" by Bond's Calendar.
  • 9. Shoot.
  • 10. The preceding.