Elizabeth: October 1562

1142. Maitland to Cecill. [Oct. 1.]

As many bruits of our doings here are brought to your ears, and I fear not the truth, I have commanded this bearer to declare how every thing has come to pass. The matter is not so difficult as some would make it, for whatsoever has chanced contrary to our expectation, "I doute not shall redound to the Quenes Majesties both honour and commodity; and nothing hes bene so secretely conspyred but God with tyme will uter it." Huntly by his messages will plead not guilty, and seems to charge the youth and folly of his children with what has been amiss. How it will fall out is uncertain and her Majesty will not burden any innocent. "If any falt be his it may be thoght to have proceaded frome to greate simplicity rather then any craft or malice; specially by so many as have had experience how playnely sincerely and upryghtly he hes bene allwayes accustomed to deale!" I would be glad to hear what you have heard hereof and your opinion. We long sore to hear what issue this matter of France is like to grow to; God maintain the just cause. Here in religion all things go right, "no shrinking nor alteration." I must earnestly recommend this bearer and his cause which you know to be just, and how long his suit hath been, to his great charges besides loss of ship and goods, and unless by you he may get restitution, for poverty must leave pursuit of his just cause. I remit it farther to his report, whom please credit. He has a packet of letters from the Queen to M. de Peguillion, which she prays you to send to France. Aberdeen. Signed: W. Maitland.

1¾ pp. Holograph; also address. Indorsed

1143. Elizabeth to Randolphe.[Oct. 11.]

Directing him in delivering her letters to Mary, to say they were written long since in hope of hearing from her. That sending her men to Normandy is only for the safety of her own country, and if she could otherwise have stayed the cruelties in France, she would not have thus proceeded. Seeing the tender years of the King, and his mother unable to order their subjects, and prevent ruin in their country, and also some she mistrusts intending to seize ports in Normandy, she has thus done two good deeds at once, for which the King will thank her when he comes of age. To assure Mary her love shall not be "any jott" diminished.

1½ pp. Draft by Cecill. Indorsed (by him). Written on back of a letter to Cecill: "From Westminster Colledg this Fryday 1562." Signed: ". . ." (obliterated by Cecill).

1144. Randolphe to Cecill. [Oct. 12.]

The authors of the troubles in these parts have now gone so far, that they have no hope of their sovereign's favour, and she is determined to proceed with all extremity. As I wrote last, she sent for divers gentlemen, and also levied 160 soldiers, either to take the two houses, or pursue the offenders. As Huntly is the chief deviser of the whole mischief, it was resolved to apprehend him, easy enough had the enterprise been as well executed as devised. It was known to the Queen for certain, he never lay in his own house at night, nor never 2 nights in one place, but always in the day returned to his own home. So it was thought easy enough to take him there in the day, or at least to find means to keep him in, if entry were denied to those sent by the Queen to himself, to make his house patent to the Laird of Grange and Tutor of Pitcur and a dozen with them, searching whether John Gordon his son was received there or not. Under this "couller" their charge was to enter the house or keep it that none should go forth, and the lord of Cowdingham should follow with 40 horse, and after him the foot, either to have the house rendered, or remain till it was taken by force. So the Laird of Grange and the Tutor and company took horse in this town on Friday last the 9^th "rathe" in the morning intending to be at Strathbogie by 12 o'clock, 24 miles off. An hour after, Lord John of Cowdingham follows with his 40, and not long after him, the Master of Lindsay and Fife gentlemen accompany the foot. Grange and the Tutor arrive at the hour appointed, when the Earl himself was in the house, and being few in sight was not suspected. While Grange questions the porter and servants, the Tutor rides about the house and garden, "which is a great space," that no man should escape at the back door. In the meantime Lord John shows himself almost a mile from the house with his men, who being discovered by the watchman in the tower, gave the earl "suche alarome that withowte boote or swerde with all speede conveythe hym self owte at a backe gate over a lowe walle of stone whear he tooke hys horse before that the Tutour could gette unto hym, and so rydethe awaye in dyspyte of as maynie as followed," he being well horsed and many of the others tired with their long journey that morning. The way also was better known to the Earl and his 8 or 9 companions, yet they were chased above 2 miles, some taken and brought back to Strathbogie. The Lady meantime kept the house, and when they returned from the chase, set open the gates and doors, and made them such cheer as she could. The house was searched, but no suspected person found, nor any stuff, save a few beds of the worst sort. Her chapel remains "garnished" as I last wrote, and she being asked why not disfurnished also? said she was sure the Queen would not be offended with that. Having thus refreshed, they returned and reported to the Queen as above. Whilst they were absent, 2 hours after their departure, a boy came to this town with 2 keys, one of the house of Finlitter, the other of Auchindoun [Ochendowne] sent by Huntly, he said, to Murray, and to tell him the houses are "lefte woide." These came so suspiciously and disdainfully, "sent as by a boye that, savinge your honour, kepethe horses," that the Earl and Lethington refused to receive them, and the Queen being advertised, said "she wolde none of them, and that she had provided other meanes to open those doores." On further inquiry, it was found they had been brought by a brother of M^r Thomas Kear whom your honour knows; who was also then present here, and being examined thereon, was put in ward, suspicious letters being found on him. He excuses his master by all means, and burdens John Gordon as author of the whole evil; yet he is certainly in his father's company and does nothing but with his advice. I do not see how he can be pursued, except the Queen had a greater force, and a better time of year than it is, for he can more easily shift from place to place than any can follow. So except betrayed by those he trusts, it will be hard to apprehend him. "Ther want in the Hyelande no good fellows to be instrumentes to anye suche purposes." I think shortly a parliament shall be called and he pronounced a rebel, when those that succour him must run into the like danger— and thus they think to overthrow him, for I see the Queen "utterlye determined to brynge hym to utter confusion."

There lately arrived here a merchant of Nantes who brought marvellous comfortable news to the Queen from her uncles of their notable victories over the Protestants, that many thousands were slain, and all the towns in France rendered, except "Orliance, Roan, Diepe, and Newehaven," for succour whereof the Queen's Majesty had sent 3000 soldiers, but in one month all the Protestants will be subdued, and these succours driven out of the country. These have made our Court so merry, that for 3 whole days we had almost no other talk, and have heard nothing to the contrary—which drives those that favour the Protestants into such fear that their pain is little less than theirs who are under the enemy's hand. We trust to have soon some better news: for I have never been so unprovided to requite the merry pastime they make of the matter, as I have been those 8 days. The Queen found fault that the messenger made the English so few. He reports that Dieppe sent over pledges for the safe landing of the Queen's army—that Sir Nicolas Throkmorton is in Orleans, but says nothing of the Duke of Guise's unkind usage of him, how his house was spoiled, or the injuries done to his servants in Paris—though the Queen has heard this otherwise. Pardon my hasty writing, for these 3 days I have been marvellous evil. Aberdeen. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

5 pp. Holograph; also address. Indorsed.

1145. Mary to Elizabeth. [Oct. 13.]

Requesting safe conduct for Robert Watsoun merchant burgess of Edinburgh, his factors, &c. to trade with lawful goods in her realm for a year. Under her signet. Aberdeen, 20^th of her reign. Signed. Your richt gud sister and cusignes, Marie R.

Broad sheet. Addressed. Indorsed.

1146. Elizabeth to Mary. [Oct. 15.]

"Coppie. Treschere sœur"—If it were not impossible that one should forget her own heart, I should fear you thought I had drunk the water of Lethe; but I assure you that besides there is no such river in England, you are the chief cause of the fault. For the long delay in the arrival of your messenger prevented my writing as formerly. And hearing you were on such "long pelerinage," I thought it would hinder you; as another occasion restrained me from writing of the tragedies every week brought to my ears. On my honour I assure you that until the ravens croaked, I kept the stopped ears of Ulysses. But when I saw that my councillors and subjects thought me too much beguiled, my intellect gone astray and mind improvident, I awoke from slumber thinking myself unworthy to govern my kingdom if I could not be Prometheus in my affairs, as I have known Epimetheus. And remembering how it greatly touched your's "(mon Dieu)" how I felt at heart—not for them, you know that well,—but for that one to whom I wish all the good she can desire, greatly fearing lest you think these old sparks may fan this new fire. Notwithstanding, when I saw that necessity had no law, and that we must guard our houses from spoil, when our neighbours' are burning, I had no suspicion but you would lift the veil from nature and look at the bare course of reason. For what hope can be in strangers when cruelty so abounds in a family? I pass over in silence the murders on land, the burials in water, and say nothing of men cut in pieces; pregnant women strangled, with the sighs of infants at mothers' breasts do not stir me. "Quelle drogue de rubarbe esvacuera la colere qui ces tyrannyes engendrent"? In these broils my own subjects have lost their goods, ships and lives, and received a new name formerly unknown to me, "cest Huguenotz." The faults charged on the poor soldiers, will remain on the wicked chiefs, who though daily admonished, instead of correcting one evil, do twenty! My letters from the King and Queen mother show me he is only king in title. I cannot suffer such evils, as a good neighbour. You shall have no occasion to charge me with deceit, having never promised what I will not perform. If I send my people to these foreign ports, I have no other end than to help the King. Think of me as honourably as my good will to you merits; and though I know what finesse has been and will be used, to draw you from the affection I am assured you bear me, yet I trust so much "en ce cueur que je garde"—that sooner shall rivers surmount their channels than it shall alter its intention. My hot fever prevents me writing more.

2¼ pp. French. Contemporary copy. Indorsed: " . . . the Quenes Majesties lettre to the Scottishe Quene."

1147. Randolphe to Cecill. [Oct. 23.]

On the 19^th instant arrived here from France by sea one John Beton brother to the bishop of Glasgow, who brought me these letters, delivered to him, he says, by "Monseur Mouret," with request if he passed not through England, to deliver them to me in Scotland. I did not refuse them, though the bringer is not of those I best trust, or desire to have much ado with. His news are— that the Queen's army is in France, placed at Newhaven and Diepe,— that M. Dandilot is come out of Almaine with 8000 men, and the King himself is coming to Rouen with 30,000, many towns are rendered, and all the rest like shortly to be at the King's devotion. His tale is framed as little as can be to the advantage of the poor Protestants—this is the favour they find of those bearing his name in Scotland! He chanced (I think against his will) to say that Sir Nicolas Throkmorton was spoiled of all he had and taken prisoner by the Guisians; while before it was commonly said here that the "Hugonetes" were the doers. Of Italy he says the Pope and other princes have promised the papists in France 400,000 "ducates"; and that the soldiers sent into France from Geneva, "Berna" and other cantons are revoked, as they that sent them "myslyke the cawse."

Troubles daily increase here and I see not how they can be soon appeased. Huntly on Saturday last, was put to the horn, as they "denunce men traitours and rebels to the prince." Two nights before, John Gordon with 140 or 160 horse, hearing that a captain and some soldiers lay in a little village apart from their fellows in Finlittor and Auchindoun, assailed them at night, took the captain in bed and 56 harquebusses from his men, dismissing them. The captain they have taken with them—little account is made of him—is one of the sons of captain James Steward now of the Guard.

Strathbogie was demanded for the Queen, and refused by Huntly; she purposes to take it by force, and has levied 200 more men. The nobles with her have sent for their tenants and friends—some more, some fewer, as they are able. Huntly for his part strengthens himself in his house in the "Hielandes cawlede Bagenaughe [Badenoch?]," whither it is thought impossible to bring men or artillery in winter. He thinks thus to make the Queen weary of this country by the weather and dearth; and she resolves never to depart, till she leaves it so that she will be better known as their sovereign hereafter.

M^r Thomas Kere and his brother have confessed what they know of their master's determination three several times, to have slain Murray and Lethington; letters found on M^r Thomas import no less but what so ever was done by John Gordon was by his father's advice and counsel.

The Duke lately sent letters by a servant to move the Queen for Arran's liberty: who gave him gentle words without granting it. Huntly presses him to take his part, and I assure you it is doubtful. I spoke long with him that brought the letter, and suspect the matter more than I have ever done. Lord Gordon is with the Duke, whose daughter he married; either to persuade him to take part with his father, or else to remain with him as guiltless of others' enterprises.

On Tuesday last (fn. 1) the Earl's wife came within 2 miles of this town to present herself to the Queen, but being advertised by a gentleman she sent, that the Queen would not speak with her, returned to Strathbogie. Divers gentlemen of his surname have given pledges, and promised not to leave the town or support their chief, till these troubles are ended at the Queen's pleasure. And those with the Earl at deadly feud, as the "Forbois, Lislies, Grauntes, Machentoshe," &c., are at liberty to use force against him. So your honour may see what he is like to come to. Argyll leaves this day homeward to make all the force he can against him. So who will befriend him or take his part I know not, if the Duke do not.

Bothwell was lately at Leith with his friends, pretending good service to his sovereign—to little effect I think.

I pray your honour to weigh my great charges here; "assuringe you before God, that the Quenes Majesties allowance do the not in this towne nor hathe not the moste parte of thys yornaye, defrayed the charges of my meate, my mens, and my horses." What other occasions there are of expense your honour can judge better than I can write.

Lord Hume lately wrote to the Earl of Murray against the porter of Berwick. However it be, his terms might be more moderate. I send copy of the letter, and have written to the marshal to answer it.

James MacConnel has advertised my Lord of Argyll that O'Nel is made one of the Council of Ireland. I see James has no great good will thereof; it may be he fears to have his brother chased out of the country. Aberdeen. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

May it please you to favour "my hoste" of Edinburgh M^r David Foster, in his safe conduct, for which I send this Queen's supplication to the Queen's Majesty.

4 pp. Holograph. No flyleaf or address.

Inclosed in the same:—

(Lord Hume to the Earl of Murray.)

At the last day truce with John Selby porter of Berwick, Lord Grey's deputy, he unreasonably refused to proceed in justice, alleging that a thief delivered for a bill of Scotland, and after 40 days should have been delivered again to the English warden, is stolen away, so the keeper's bill is unpaid and he is answerable to the Queen's grace and Council for negligence. And as the deputy has since written to me that if I will not deliver the escaped thief, and deliver for another bill, known to be unrighteously followed, being avowed by the man that sold the horse "therintill" to the party complained on—so I continued the day truce till 6^th November next, that you may confer with M^r Randolphe on the porter's "vane allegeances"; as the thieves are glad of his justice, for now is the time "to lay their lardiners; and he is not converted yet from his olde natyve trade of upbering." So unless M^r Randolphe make redress therein, there will be no good justice "by the porters." Hume, the fyfte of October 1562. Alexander Hume.

1 p. Copy by Randolphe's clerk. Indorsed (by Randolphe), and Hume's name in his hand.

1148. Randolphe to Cecill. [Oct. 28.]

Considering the good success "yt hathe pleased God" to send the Queen here against Huntly, I thought good with diligence to advertise your honour "onlye the facte, as thys daye yt chanced," and give the circumstances as I learn the verity. The Earl assembling 700 men, marched towards Aberdeen, with purpose to apprehend the Queen and do with the rest at his will. She having good intelligence, found it best to send out her force to meet him before he came, so this day 28^th, the Earls of Murray, Atholl, Morton and others here, with 2000 men or thereabout, march towards his encampment 12 miles off, and so environed him, that after some defence by his men, he yielded himself, "as also John Gordon his sonne the autour of all these trobles, and one other sonne named Adam Gordon xvij yeres of age," which two are brought here alive, but the Earl himself after he was taken, "withowte ether blowe or stroke, beinge sette upon horse backe before hym that was his taker, sodenlie fawlethe from his horse starke dedde, withowte worde that he ever spake after he was upon horse backe." He is brought to this town, as also his "other" two sons, the one of which it is thought shall be "justified" to-morrow, whatsoever favour be showed to the other, by reason of his years. What hope of support he had, only his friends, tenants and servants were with him—of whom divers stole away two nights before. Of those that remained near 120 were slain, of the other part not one man, but divers hurt and many horses slain. These news are assured, though I was not there myself, being required all day to attend on the Queen herself; but had 2 servants there to see the "maner," and besides have seen the "dedde corps of the Erle," and saw the others brought in. This afternoon I received your letters of 10^th and 16^th instant with the Queen's Majesty's letters to this Queen, and other advertisements and "bookes" from your honour. To-night I could not present her Majesty's letters, and doubt also how time will serve to-morrow, "for that I see her graces mynde sore occupied in those matters that are nowe in hande." There were found about the Earl letters "verie suspicious" against some; who they are I know not yet, nor their contents. This "defeate" was between 3 and 4 p.m., and "worde" brought to the Queen at 6 o'clock, and this letter written same night at 11 o'clock. I have received and will answer Lord Robert's letter with all possible expedition. Aberdeen. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

2 pp. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed. The date originally "xxix^th."