Elizabeth: October 1564

Calendar of State Papers, Scotland: Volume 2, 1563-69. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1900.

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'Elizabeth: October 1564', in Calendar of State Papers, Scotland: Volume 2, 1563-69, (London, 1900) pp. 79-89. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/scotland/vol2/pp79-89 [accessed 18 April 2024]

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In this section

101. Memorial for Randolph. [Oct. 4.]

After greetings, &c., he is to say to Mary that he was in readiness duly instructed to go to her before her servant Melvyn arrived, and though the Queen has imparted some of her reasons for delay to Melvyn, and received satisfaction, yet she thought fit to send him to signify her reasons in full—viz., though she liked well Mary's offer to treat the matter secretly, and had determined who she would send, she had credible intelligence from France that her "motion and particular offers" to Mary for marriage were reported there, and the latter was determined merely "to entertayne" her, and direct herself by the advice of her other friends—which she thought very strange. And was "much perplexed" a few days after, to hear both by speech of the French ministers and their letters to France, that "the very particularetyes of our offer of mariadg made to hir" and meant to to be secretly dealt in, were made open and common, "in that sort."

And "behold, uppon a just occasion," the Queen having before written to Mary for the Earl of Lennox coming thither, not only received "even in that unsesonable tyme," her written answer much different from her "desert and expectation," but also saw some letters of Lethingtons "of a stranger manner than ever" had been to her knowledge before, and using "sharper wordes" in disallowing her request than was reasonable—a reproof she did not look for, as she has showed already to Melvyn. She fears that some new humour, entered not into Mary's breast but the heads of her council, will make her farther writing vain, but would have done so, had not Lord Robert and her Secretary written both to Murray and Lethington, to complain of "this oblique dealyng" with her in the matter of Lennox, but with grief learning they have received no answer, she is "loth to have any repetition made." Unhappily now she hears that her subjects specially of her East and Middle Marches, have credibly learned that the Scottish wardens have secret orders from Court to "hold ther handes somewhat streyghter" in administering justice than hitherto, as shown by their refusal at last meeting. He is to show Mary how much tempted the Queen was to recall her former "syncere intentions"; but how far off she is from this, is shown by her proroguing her parliament which should have began in October, contrary to the desire of her people, advice of her Council and detriment of her own "private lucre," as her people intended to have gratified her with a subsidy—for she meant to have no assembly, wherein the interest of her sister might be brought in question till better considered, and they two had farther established their amity. Also though wisdom and advice would have led her to make stay, her inward friendship and natural affection had taken such deep root, and to say the truth, her judgment was so overcome with her love, that she could no longer forbear to send him to her dear sister with these letters and message. And she had so resolved, and commanded him to be in readiness, as he may show her "the truth was"—when her servant James Melvyn came, by whom and the letters he brought from his mistress and others, she was "made suddenly so gladd" that after being long burdened in mind and tossed hither and thither, she received more good than ever before by any messenger. To conclude, he is to assure her that "this comedy" has been "altogither lyker to a tragedy," but she is now minded to neglect the matters that have troubled her, and being sure there is no change in either of them, is determined "to recontynew" her former motion, and appoints him to attend with the Earl of Bedford to commune with any such persons as the Queen of Scots shall name—or if she prefers to send them to Elizabeth, then he shall return to Berwick, confer with the Earl, and report with all speed for further direction.

7 pp. Draft by Cecil, with many alterations. Indorsed (by him): "4 Octob. 1564. A memoryall for a messadg by Tho. Randolph to the Q. of Scottes."

Entered in Book of Instructions.—Note by ["R. L."]

102. Mary to Elizabeth. [Oct. 6.]

Requesting safe conduct for her subject David Allane to pass to and fro between France and Scotland, for a year. Palace of Holyrood House. 22d of her reign. Signed: Your richt gud sister and cusigne Marie R.

Broadsheet. Addressed. Indorsed.

103. Elizabeth to Bedford and Randolph. [Oct. 6.]

Commissioning them to treat on Border affairs with the persons sent by the Queen of Scots—and also on certain matters specially sent by an instrument under her hand. Under her signet.

1 p. Draft by Cecil. Indorsed.

104. Instructions to Bedford and Randolph. [Oct. 7.]

The Queen thinking nothing more meet for their two realms, than to have the Queen of Scots married "to some of the noble blood of this our realme:" and amongst them can see none meeter, "nor for that purpooss more apter than one whom for his good and noble giftes and qualliteis" she esteems meet for the company of kings and princes; for if he were not born her subject, but had been as nobly born under another prince, she thinks the world should have as well perceived this her estimation of him in deeds, as she notifies it to them in words. The person is Lord Robert "Dudly" whom "lately we have avanced to be the Erle of Leicester," whose parentage they both know, and whose conditions, qualities, and virtues are able to make a noble man. "You Randolph" can tell how this motion began, and how far it has passed. Her earnest desire is that her sister might content herself therewith.

The reasons are (1) nothing can more conserve amity than her marrying one of this nation. God could not have blessed these two kingdoms with greater felicity, than if one of the two Queens had been a king, and married the other—but seeing this cannot be, the second degree to make them and their realms happy, is that Mary will marry him whom Elizabeth favours and loves as her brother, and would prefer him "to this place afor all persons lyving." The respects thereof are not particularly for his or Elizabeth's commodity (though it would give her unspeakable joy), but therewith are joined such advantages to her sister as she knows not how by any other person she should have the like. First, what account it pleases Mary to make of their amity to continue, by accepting him she assures it—what favour of Elizabeth's subjects to her interest she would look for in marriage, she would find greater in no one person—"as well for the nobilite of his hous, and conjunction in blood with the gretar part of our nobilite, as for the good favor he hath by his owne good merites gotten of a gret multitud." Besides he shall bring no controversy of title with him, which in matches with princes, has been always a matter of great moment. Lastly, whatever pleasure she could show to her sister "with any that wer in degree to us as our brother or coosyn germayn," she means to show it with him.

If they press Bedford and Randolph to know what Elizabeth will do to establish Mary's title as her next cousin and heir: they may reply, they see no better way to further it than this—for first by Elizabeth's dealing against them that further contrary claims, Mary may see how well she means to further the justice of hers, "that first make so speciall a choiss of frendshipp of hir, as we esteme the amyty of no prince lyke to hirs! secondly, we preferr hym to be partaker of all hir fortunes, whom, if it might ly in our power, we wold mak owner or heyre of our own kyngdom." They must also require the Scots to consider the policy of England, assuring them that "as much as any kyng may doo herin by order of justice, for direction of this matter to hir avantage, with our own assurance, (fn. 1) we will doo it." No good will in Elizabeth shall be wanting, but men of wisdom must weigh her power, and how best to act, "for many tymes gret thynges take most hurt by negligence of the manner in procedyng, and being of them selves good and avaylable, have contrary successees by disordryng of them." Lastly, they may say, as of themselves, that if the Scots "shall in the name of ther mastres regard nothyng, but presently suerty of that she desyreth to hir peculiar avantage, it may work in us some scruple to imagyn, that in all this frendshipp, nothyng is more mynded than how to possess that which we have, and that is but a sorowfull song, to pretend more shortnes of our lyff than ther is cause, or as though if God wold chang our determynation in not desyryng to marry, we shuld not by lyklood have children." As she shall see the justice of her sister's title, so will she maintain and preserve it, doubting not she shall enjoy all that is due to her, and is more ready so to do, "because we ar so naturally disposed with gret affection towardes hir, as before God, we wish her right to be next to us before all others.

If the Scots require of what sufficiency she will make Lord Robert's private estate: they shall say that she has already begun to advance him to honour and livelihood, and means by degrees of time to do more—not dealing "sparyngly" with him, to make him more acceptable to her. And this should most content her, that if the Queen her sister pleased to be "conversant with" and live with her "in houshold," she will gladly bear the charges of the "famyly" both of the Earl of Leicester "and hir, as shall be mete for on sister to doo for another."

Thus may they treat with the Scots commissioners, obtaining as many requests as they will make, and by reasoning reduce them to as few as they can, and to "the meanest estates and conditions" that they may, omitting no means to understand if this her offer is like to take place. For if they see the contrary, then she would the less communication to be had, and other ways devised for amity; and "uppon that part" they shall stay themselves, and report their doings from time to time as necessity arises.

7 pp. Fair draft in Cecil's hand. Indorsed (by him): "7° Octob. 1564. Instruct. for the Er. of Bedf. and Tho. Randolph."

105. Randolph to Cecil. [Oct. 9.]

I met the bearer of these enclosed letters by the way. The man for whom they sue was condemned (as I believe) worthily, for a pirate, but being a stranger, execution was deferred, and since then his pardon granted, or at least order sent to Sir John Parot for his deliverance. As her majesty granted him life, it may please her to order his liberty—but as one of the letters requires also his ship and goods, I remember nothing of this, leaving it to your consideration. Huntingeton. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

1 p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

Inclosed in the same:—

(1) (Murray to Randolph.)

I wrote to you before for a countryman held captive "at Waillis" with his "guidis and gair," and thank you most heartily for his pardon—but though delivered to his keeper "Pirot," he retains both the man, his ship and goods. I will yet ask you to take the pains to get Master Cecill's order to the said "Thomas Pirott" both to deliver the man and restore his ship and gear. "Frome Dynnottar the ferd of September anno 1564." Signed: James Stewart.

1 p. Holograph (?). Addressed.

(2) (Maitland to Randolph.)

Reminding him how "at my lord of Murrayis request," he procured the Queen's remission to "ane Alexander Hog, Scotisman, the sone of Monane Hog, servaunt to my lord Marscheall," who was detained captive in Wales by Sir John "Pirrot" vice admiral there, who withholds the "remit" and keeps the young man prisoner. Praying him that Sir John may be commanded to deliver both without further tract of time. Edinburgh 24th September 1564. Signed: W. Maitland.

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed.

106. Mary to Elizabeth. [Oct. 10.]

Requesting safe conduct for "Williame Lokkert burges of Air" and two in company, to trade with England for a year. Palace of Holyrood House, 22d of her reign. Signed: Your. richt gud sister and cusignes Marie R.

Broadsheet. Addressed. Indorsed.

107. Randolph to Cecil. [Oct. 16.]

The Saturday after leaving London I reached Berwick, and found there Archibald Graham waiting answer of the letters he brought from my lords of Council touching his suit—which caused me to tarry to see the end—which will damage many that never offended. Sir John Forster has replied to the Council's letters. This party unsatisfied, I fear it will hinder many Englishmen's suits here, as weighty to them, as this is grievous to these long suitors. Here I met the bearer my lord of Lennox's servant hasting to Court, who knows more of things here than I can yet write. Only this I am sure he will not tell—how many of his master's men went to mass, till such time as friendly advice of those that wish him well, caused him to look better to such disorder that the whole town spake of it. Dunbar. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

1 p. Holograph; also address. Indorsed.

108. News from Scotland. [Oct. 16.] Cott. Calig. B. ix., fol. 216.

This last Monday I was in Edinburgh but three hours, and saw and heard Lennox's restitution proclaimed at the market cross by 5 heralds in coat armour and "tua maisseris," in presence of the lords on horse back; the cross hung with "tapastrye"—and how for the special favour the Queen bore to him, and at the "requeist of hir derrest syster Elizabetht Quene of Ingland" &c., she restored him "in intugrum" to all his possessions, annulling the forfeiture led by my lord Duke against him "the xlv yeir of God": and by blast of trumpet parliament to begin on 4th December. "The Lordis raid up the gait in pairis" Argyll and Lennox together: and "doun the gait" Lennox and the Chancellor. All the lords dined that day with Lennox. Some believed that the Duke should be in Edinburgh "this Furisday (fn. 2) or elles the morne": others that he would not. The Queen will not leave Edinburgh before Yule, and Murray is to be chosen lieutenant general. How soon the weather begins to be "stablit," it is meant that my lady Murray see the water of Tweed—if she comes there, I think "your m. will get hir lord presente."

1 p. In a Scottish hand. Addressed (in same): "To my lord thes be delyverit." Indorsed (by Cecil): "16 October 1564, from Scotland newes."

109. T. Hedley to Randolph. [Oct. 24.]

Men fear the events of things they would not have come to pass, and dream nightly of their day's thoughts. So do we, that the French are at Dieppe [Depe] and coming here in force. My lord, since coming home, heard how men have "devoured" your deserved thanks for writing trusty intelligence to Court, by staying your letters and sending up their own. He prays you to be open with him and not mistrust him as a "colprophet, nor a cormorant of others desertes." I pray you "applye your better hand" to him and thank him for his friendship. My fellow Capell is come, who may stand you in stead, and Sir Richard Lee would be remembered "from you." I laugh to think how fantastically I "assigne" you as though I were wise. But I lack not friendship, "and therof I assure you all my mocions do surge." Berwick. Signed: "Your owne T. Hedley."

1 p. Addressed: (To. Randolph as the Queen's agent in Scotland).

110. Randolph to Cecil. [Oct. 24.]

Hitherto in my "legation" I have done very little. I arrived here on Thursday last, but the Queen being at "her pastyme abowte the feeldes," I did nothing. Next day at "the sermonde," I met such lords as I had most to do with—and before dinner had almost 2 hours' talk with Murray and Lethington. They had liberty to say what they would, as well why the answer to their last message by me was deferred, as also of the occasion of the late unkindness and suspicion arisen between our two mistresses. I answered as well as I could, laying no less burden upon their backs than I know they deserved for their negligence in letting slip such an opportunity as they had, to win for their mistress "the greateste felycitie that coulde be," and for their country so much good as they should never again catch hold of. Also we fell in talk of "the booke": two ways they were grieved—one that the authors and supporters received so slight punishment—the other, that by no means the favour of a copy could be had. To the first, I said that in a case not deserving death by law, no "greveuser" punishment could be than prison and loss of the prince's favour. To the second, the book was not asked from the proper hands, for being so much misliked by the prince, I knew no man so bold as to publish or communicate it to foreign princes; and asked them why they so earnestly desired to have it? Murray said, to know and answer the contents. I said I thought my mistress had done better in suppressing it, now almost out of men's memory, instead of being abroad and "moe" confirmed in it than satisfied with any answer. 'No' saith Lethington, 'I assure you my mestres makethe smale accompte of the havinge of yt, and to be playne with you' saith he, 'yt was rather my curieus heade then anye greate desyer of hers; but be as be maye, God gevethe righte to princes and power also to them when he pleasethe, to defende the same.' I replied merrily, that I doubted not God's power, as I knew a great many that doubted her right. 'Not so maynie perchance' saith he, 'as you do thynke.' I willed him not to make over great account of his party with us, without better assurance than Welche's, who said all the Papists in England were this Queen's own. Hereon "we grewe bothe into farther coller then wysedome ledde us"—yet in the end agreed, that no way was better for his mistress or her country than to seek it as they had begun. Wherein they both said they had good will to persist, if they found the like in my sovereign. Of this I said I had brought sufficient testimony, but if they were always so suspicious of her mind to their sovereign, "theie were no people to be dealte with." 'Well' said Murray, 'what have you nowe broughte'? 'Marrie' quoth I, 'maynie greveus complayntes of your mestres injuries done to myne,' wherein I thought neither he, but specially Lethington, could purge themselves.

I "reckned" to them the effect of my instructions, remaining longest on the matter of my lord of Lennox, which I thought so far passed all "courtoyse," that between such princes and friends, so little regard could be had of his mistress's sisterly care, (unless a quarrel had been sought) the like answer could not have been given to "so frendlye advise!" But I thought it best first to discharge my special commission to their sovereign, and then talk with them, and notwithstanding what had passed my mouth in way of "reosinge" with them, I had brought enough to content their sovereign—so as they both would freely bend themselves to do their utmost for the amity, as most in trust with her. 'The greater' said Murray, 'that the truste is, the more oughte to be our care and circumspection—and whoe so mever is matchede with suche gallantes as ye are, my good masters of Englande, had neade to looke well unto them selves!' Many such merry words passed, and in the end Lethington said—'Mr Randolph, we two here' (meaning my lord and himself) 'are more bounde unto the Quene your mestres then in anye commen bande of amytie—we acknowledge in particuler a benefite receaved that passethe anye that ever we receaved the lyke—we have our countrie, our libertie, and our lyves, which we acknowledge to inyoye by her, with the losse of maynie of her people, and greate consumption of her treasure, which I beleve her majestie dothe not repente, consyderinge the honour she hathe therby, and so maynie lyvinge createurs in thys realme that fynde them selves dette bounde for the same, which is as freshe in our memories thys daye as when we sawe them daylye marchynge before our yeis and maynie of their dedde carcases tyeinge at our feete. Whearfore never thynke us to be suche that ever wyllinglye we wolde, but these two countrie sholde at the leaste lyve in amytie thone with thother, yf unto that passe yt cane not be broughte that theie maye be made bothe one. Whearfore suspecte not our myndes, but prove our good willes, propunde unto us suche conditions as ether in honour or in reason maye be imbraced, you shall fynde that ther shalbe no staye in us to do the uttermoste of our powers.' And more to like effect, also purging himself of ingratitude or evil thought to any. He said his earnest writing to your honour was but to signify his desire that the matter proponed should be continued, lest the long delays bred suspicion that nothing was intended. After my suitable reply, we broke off well satisfied to have said so much—I thinking it a good "overteur" to the rest of my commission. He said the Queen wished to talk with me after dinner, which I showed myself very desirous to do. Being required by my lord of Lennox that morning, I dined with him, and found, as reported already to your honour, the house well hanged, 2 chambers very well furnished, "one speciall ryche and fayer bede, whear hys lordship lyethe hym self," and a passage made through the wall, the next way to Court, when he will. He is honourably used of all, the Queen liking his behaviour. There dined with him the Earl of Atholl, in whom he has singular trust, and are seldom asunder, save when Lennox "is at the sermonde,"—also his brother the bishop of Caithness, a protestant, who sometimes preaches. The Earl's cheer is great and his household many, though he has despatched divers of his train away. He finds occasion to disburse money very fast, and of the 700l. he brought, I am sure little is left. If he tarry long, Lennox perchance may be to him a dear purchase. He gave the Queen a marvellous fair and rich "juell," whereof is made no small account, (fn. 3) a clock and a dial curiously wrought and set with stones, and a looking glass very richly set with stones, "in the iiij mettals." To Lethington a very fair diamond in a ring, to Atholl another, also somewhat to his wife, and to diverse other; but to Murray nothing. He also presented each of the "Maries" with pretty things he thought fittest—thus to win all their hearts. The bruit is that my lady and Lord "Darlie" are coming, and some ask me if she is on the way? I find marvellous good liking of the young lord, and many desire to have him here.

Word was brought after dinner that the Queen tarried my coming, and Lennox went with me to Court. I found with her in her "utter" chamber, most of her nobles in town. The Queens majesty's commendations and letters were thankfully received, and her grace heard me long with good patience, never interrupting me, though I saw well enough some things discontented her. Having said so much, her grace spoke thus—'I understonde,' said she, 'that ther hathe byne somme great greef in the Quene my good systars mynde, sins the tyme of your departeur hens, and I promes you that for my parte I have byne as myche greved as she, to see that we beinge good fryndes, anye occasion sholde chance whye we sholde not so contynue, and therefore I wolde that bothe our myndes were well knowne, and triall myght be taken whear the fayle hath byne. I am not hable,' said she, 'to answer everie worde you have sayde, but I praye you let me aske you somme questions: What occasion hathe my good systar to be angrie with me, yf the secrecie of that matter propounde unto me by you of my mariage be dysclosed by her owne minesters? as yf I wolde name them I coulde, and also have in wrytinge their tawlke in the Frenche Courte at the sweringe of the peace. I wyll not saye' (quoth she) 'whether yt were my lord of Hunsedone or anye of hys compagnie, but thys I assure you, Johnne Baptista came over with the novelles to me, which I founde verie straynge, and was lothe that anye of my private doynges with my good syster sholde come to suche a mans knowledge, whear I have my self keapte yt secrete from maynie of my dere frendes ther. I shewed my self dyscontented inoughe with hys commynge of anye suche message, as he knowethe hym self, and some here cane wytnes that sawe me more offended with hym, and gladder to have hym despeched, then I have byne accustomed to anye of that contre. And for the Frenche embassadeur: I praye you howe long ys yt since I tolde your self, that he had gotte knoweledge owte of France, that thys matter was knowne ther by the Frenche embassadeur advertysemente to the Quene mother, whear of I frendelye shewede you the lettre? And I praye you thynke not but that yn a matter that touchethe me so nere as that, I cane, and have abowte me that cane keape consell as well as other; and therefore you do me wronge to charge me with that, seeing the fawlte proceded from amonge your selves'! Seeing her in this somewhat earnest, I would not at first move her too far, but said, though this matter might cause suspicion, my mistress, being resolved that nothing proceeded from her grace "of evle mynde," commanded me to speak it as a warning for the secret handling in future of such matters, because of those enemies to their good accord, who would labour to prevent it. 'Well' said she, 'for my lord of Lenox home commynge, whye saye you to me that your mestres for speciall care she had of me and myne estate, gave her advise that yt were better he sholde not come, then come, seinge that she her self was the fyrste suter and motioner for hym to me to be good unto hym, which I coulde not be withowte hys home commynge, to restore hym unto hys owne, and to agre hym with the parties with whome he was owte? And yf that were not, he beinge of my bloode and name, whye sholde I be so unkynde as to refuse hym to be restored to hys countrie, and to stonde unto his triall, whether he had righte or wronge? And yf that she dyd yt in respecte of anye persons here that are greved with hys home commynge, then ys your mestres more to blame, that favorethe them more than me; and what your owne parte hathe byne here in I knowe not, but thys I cane assure you, had not my systers erneste requeste byne, I had not so easlye granted yt; and she shall see I truste that hys beinge here shalbe no occasion of unkyndenes betwene us, for yf ther be so myche intended as we looke for, ther muste be no suche strangenes nether betwene ourselves nor the subjectes of ether reaulme.' I said that my mistress, finding (by report) many in this realm, and many wise of her own, that misliked it, fearing inconveniences, wrote as she did, but now seeing how her grace took it, and matters had fallen out otherwise than was thought likely, was glad, and wished rather she should accept it as a friendly warning "of the worste," than take it ill. 'That' (said she) 'I am willinge to do yf I knowe that yt was done rather in respecte of my self than any other whoe were the soliciters to her so to hynder my purpose, and a thynge that I had granted, which with myne honour I coulde not revoke. But hereof,' said she, 'we have commende inoughe, and I fynde my self well satysfied. For the laird of Cesfordes doynges, you knowe well inoughe howe maynie tymes I have byne offended with hym, and angrye with my counsell, that my lord of Bedforde was not satysfied: and what I have done of late you have herde, and shalbe previe your self what shalbe done from tyme to tyme—and I confesse that my good syster hathe more cawse to be angrie with thys then anye of the reste. You knowe inoughe' said she, 'of thys matter, I neade saye no more. And nowe for that matter which laste of all you have tawlked with me of—touchynge the sendinge of some of myne to confer with my lorde of Bedforde: I muste ther in as you knowe tayke advise and commen with my brother and Liddingeton, as I also I praye you, do yourself, and I dowte not but we shall sone resolve what is to be done.'

Then she was pleased to talk of common matters, as of my mistress's health, exercise, pastime and hunting this last summer "etc.," giving my self many good words, blaming my long absence and evil will to return. She asked me by name for almost every nobleman that haunts court, what ladies there were "etc"; willed me not to be a stranger, and to thank her good sister for "the well usage of Melvin," and Lord Robert for his cheer to him. After thus taking leave of her majesty, I saluted divers of the ladies standing about in my mistress's name, and so retired.

Next day Saturday, hearing in the morning that the lords would be occupied all day on a case of murder by some Eliotts on some of the Scotts, and that the Queen would not come forth, I spoke with neither. The lords kept the "Tawbothe" till 5 p.m.; there were 5 Elliots and Scotts condemned, and 3 beheaded that night after 8 on the Castle hill by torch light.

"The Sondaye" a daughter of the Justice Clerk was married 3 miles from Edinburgh, where most part of the lords were. After dinner, thither went the Queen and her 4 Maries to do honour to the bride. She returned that night and supped with Lennox, where I also was at the same table. In the midst of her supper, she drank to the Queen my sovereign, adding this word 'De bon cuer.' That night she danced long "and in a maske playinge at dyce, loste unto my lord of Lenox a prettie juell of crystall well sette in golde." The lords from the bridal went to Morton's house where they have tarried these two days.

This is all I can say to your honour on the business wherein I travail: God knows what may be the end and I can only conjecture.

Tomorrow the Duke is to be here well accompanied; next day Argyll will be here again. The Queen is determined to accord Lennox and the Duke, and there is much talk to what end all this favour to Lennox tends. He is well friended of Lethington, who is now thought will bear much with the Stewards, for his love to Mary Flemyng, of whom there is more spoken than I find certain, of her marriage. There is much discord between divers noble men and gentlemen in divers parts. Lord Seton and Lethington, from great friends, are become mortal enemies for the cause of one Francis Duglas òf Longenetherie to whom Seton has done wrong, and is like to have the worse of the bargain. The day I came here, I saw 500 horse assembled to have debated this action with "speare, swerde, and jacke," had not the Queen sent a discharge to the parties. She has altered her mind as to my lord of Murray's "lieutenantrie," and much thought thereof by the Protestants. There shall also be a "newe reformation of the thyrdes of the benefyces to be payde unto the preachers." The abbot of Corsrogall is dead, and the Kennedys ready "to fall by the eares" for his goods. Mr George Buchanan has given to him by the Queen the whole temporalities of that abbacy—"with spiritualties he wyll not meddle, bycawse he cane not preache." She would have made him abbot. I doubt when I shall end this letter, matter so increases on me.

The "Clangriggar" that in the beginning of last spring went to Ireland, being pursued here by authority, the earls of Argyll and Atholl commissioned to apprehend them,—are returned very poor, and have sued the Queen to be received to mercy. There are great bruits of much harm done in Ireland. James MacConnel being lately here, left a servant to speak with me on his matters there—what I know not yet. I have as commanded, done the Queen's commendations to the Master of Maxwell, and thanks for his good will to justice with Lord Scrope. Edinburgh. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

12 pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

111. Elizabeth to Mary. [Oct. 25.]

Having heretofore by her own letters, and her servant Randolph, recommended to her the lamentable complaint of William Clarke of Yarmouth and his associates, concerning their ship and goods taken by a French ship by aid of a number of Scots—yet unsatisfied—again urges speedy redress, as the claim is just under their treaties, and she will do the "semblable" in like case. Manor of St James.

2 pp. Draft corrected by Cecil, &c. Indorsed: ". . . for Yarmouth men."

Footnotes

  • 1. The last four words interlined.
  • 2. 19th.
  • 3. From this word to "nothing" added on margin.