Elizabeth: June 1575

Calendar of State Papers, Scotland: Volume 5, 1574-81. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1907.

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'Elizabeth: June 1575', in Calendar of State Papers, Scotland: Volume 5, 1574-81, (London, 1907) pp. 154-167. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/scotland/vol5/pp154-167 [accessed 24 March 2024]

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In this section

161. Walsingham to the Regent Morton. [June 10.] S. P. Dom. Eliz., vol. XLV., fol. 48.

By this bearer, Mr. Murray, he shall know the whole course of their proceedings here; who has so well performed the charge committed to him, to the honour of the King his master, her majesty's contentment, and his own commendation, that a man of more desert could not be fitter chosen, showing himself to be so sincerely devoted to the maintenance of good friendship between both the realms, that it is hoped he will be no less careful hereafter to prove a good minister to further the advancement thereof. Upon the general good liking that is conceived of him here for his soundness and sufficiency, the same has been an occasion the rather to move them to deal more frankly with him in declaring to him their opinions touching the matters that have been handled, whereof he doubts not but he [Murray] will make a perfect and ample relation to his lordship. Is very glad to understand by him [Murray] that there remains no suspicion of unkindness between his lordship and him. Assures him he has witnessed by divers good effects the greatness of his true and unfeigned devotion towards him [the Regent], as to a nobleman most worthy to reap the fruit of all honest affections.

2/3 p Copy.

162. Elizabeth to the Regent Morton. [June 10.] S.P. Dom. Eliz., vol. XLV., p. 47.

This gentleman, the bearer hereof, Mr. James Murray, being in some doubt of the alienation of his favour and goodwill towards him, and knowing the great respect he [the Regent] bears towards her, has made his humble request to her to recommed him to him, and to desire him to restore him to his good opinion, which request being so reasonable, and having heard very good report of the gentleman as one well affected to the present State, and knowing for many respects how necessary it is to have such as are of account rather reconciled to than alienated from him, she could not with reason nor in honour deny his request, hoping that for her sake (unless there be great cause to the contrary) he will deal towards him that he shall rest contented, and she will think herself beholden to him. Hatfield.

p. Copy.

163. Elizabeth to the Regent Morton. [June 14.] Cott. Calig., C.III., fol. 524.

The desire we have to understand of the well doing of our good cousin the King, your master, as also to send to you our resolution touching certain points contained in a memorial delivered by you to our servant, Henry Killigrew. moved us presently to despatch him towards you; and whereas, perhaps, you may find our long stay in sending somewhat strange, we doubt not but when you shall understand by him whereupon the same has proceeded, you will rest content with that which we have given him in charge to impart to you for your satisfaction in that behalf; for we would have you so to think of us that having found by so good proof your affection and devotion so constantly settled towards us—as we must confess we have—we should in our own conceit condemn ourself for "ingrate" if we should not, by friendly using of you, make open demonstration to the world of the great goodwill and especial favour that we bear towards you. Hatfield.

½ p. Copy. Indorsed.

164. Henry Killigrew to Walsingham. [June 26.]

Received his letters of the 22nd, and perceives thereby that there is no hope to alter his instructions, and therefore will endeavour to make the best of them he may for her majesty's service. Incloses a note of the ordnance that was taken in Hume Castle, which pertained to the King, which he received from Sir Valentine Browne, who heretofore had a warrant to deliver them, but because it was specified in his warrant that he should deliver such as had the King's mark or names on them, and he finding none so marked did not deliver any. There are few pieces in Scotland that carry that mark, for the ordnance of Scotland came out of France, or was given them, or taken by them from strangers; and therefore if he causes any warrant to be made for the delivery of them the effect would be that such ordnance as was taken in Hume Castle and known by any proof to be the King's, or appertaining to the crown of Scotland, and not properly belonging to Lord Hume as his own, are to be reserved to the Regent; and for proof that they were the King's he will procure Lady Hume to signify which were her husband's. Requests him to write his mind touching this matter that he may not return this time, as he did the last, without fulfilling the promise he made the Regent in her majesty's name, according to his said instructions. Thinks Sir Valentine Browne had proof made to him that they were the King's when the Regent sent for them.

Is now ready to depart, having taken order for the receipts and payments of her majesty's treasure and safe custody of that which remains until his return. London. Signed: H. Kyllygrew.

Postscript.—Since the writing hereof, finds among his papers a note of Lord Hume's given him when he was last in Scotland touching the ordnance of Hume and Fast Castle, which he sends here inclosed, whereby it may appear which were Lord Hume's and which the Laird of Restalrig's, wherewith he has not to meddle, and which, in effect, were the King's as left there and delivered at sundry times to Lord Hume by them that were rulers for guard of that place.

Further:—Sir Valentine Browne showed him by a servant of his that the Regent challenged those which are mentioned in his schedule to be the King's, and not properly pertaining to Lord Hume or any other subject in Scotland. The matter is not worth exquisite trial, nor does he think will like to be further urged, having ere now sent his kinsman to Berwick for this cause, upon promise from hence that they should be delivered.

3 pp. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed.

Inclosure with the same.

(Artillery taken out of Hume Castle.)

"Memorandum—the ticket of the artillery that was takin out of Hume."

Item:—the first given by Mons. de Lorge at the Queen Regent's command to keep the house of Hume, "with all twa colveringis battartis."

Item:—one "moyane" which the Duke lent to keep the house with when he was governor.

Item:—that time the governor came to Grenlawring after the burning of Kelsoe he left ten "conttrotis" and certain "slainges" of iron behind him in the house of Hume, because he could not get them carried home with him.

Item:—a single falcon which Lord Hume's arms were on, at that time given by the governor.

Item:—given by the first Regent to Lord Hume, another single falcon, at Langside [Launsyde], which Lord Hume's arms are on.

Item:—two "merlownis" of brass brought out of Fast Castle, which pertains to the Laird of Restalrig.

Item:—four falcons with certain other pieces which I cannot remember. The Marshal of Berwick took [them] out of Fast Castle, which pertains to the Laird of Restalrig.

½ p. Indorsed by Drury.

165. Things Misliked in the Regent. [June.]

He grants out licences for wines and other things inhibited by law, wherein he is noted for corruption. He has of late bound the merchants to bring 3 ounces of silver, broken or whole, for every last of herrings they transport abroad; for every cauldron of salt 2 ounces; and after like rate for coals. Which converted by his order into Scottish coin is noted to redound greatly and only to his particular commodity. He has inhibited the carrying of any English silver out their realm by way of exchange, which he likewise converts into Scottish money, making, as they say, upon every shilling sterling 6d. clear to his purse.

½ p. Indorsed.

166. Disorder on the Borders. [July 7.] Cott. Calig., C. V., fol. 57.

"Notes of the beginninge of the disorder at Redswier, and of reformacion and punishment appointed to followe."

"Theise came with lettres from the Earl of Huntingdon of the [ ] of September, 1575."

Upon our meeting with the Regent we took order that such as were taken prisoners and were under promise or bond to re-enter should be set free by proclamation.

We charged Scotland with breach of the amity and league, dishonour done to the Queen's majesty, and their forgetfulness of her goodness to them. They acknowledge the Queen's goodness towards that realm, but alleged the fault and beginning of the outrage to arise on the English part, and required the same might be examined. We agreed that execution should be done of the murderers at the next day of truce, and in the meantime to get the best knowledge we could who they were; yet that to be as privily done as could be, lest the offenders should escape. Because her majesty's commission was to my Lord [Huntingdon] not to seem contented with anything before her pleasure known, we forbore to appoint any day for execution, or any number to be executed.

Upon examination of the matter we could not find who was the first offender, nor certainly of which realm he was. We charged them much with the taking of prisoners and putting them under bond or promise to re-enter. They excused it for the wording of further revenge and inconvenience, and no evil, but good ensued, and were answered that that was not sufficient to take away the blemish which touched the Queen of England. When the Regent himself offered the delivery of Carmichael we left that to the direction of the Queen of England, and trusted that the Regent being contented to deliver him who was the principal man on their part, and in whom no great fault was found, would not "stickle" to deliver so many of the other takers as we should reasonably require. Part of the best of ours who were taken prisoners were taken by their friends for their safety, and might have gone home, but dare not, and had money and friendship offered them. Neither dare we demand anything certain nor seem to be satisfied with any offers until her majesty's pleasure was known, for so my lord was appointed by her letters, and therefore my lord first sent up in writing the state of the whole matter. Then my lord sent up Mr. Robert Bowes with instructions concerning the whole proceedings, whereunto he was also privy, and with him was sent up the Regent's offer and the Earl of Huntingdon's letters to her majesty. Now having received her majesty's pleasure we will endeavour [to do our] duty to the best of our power. But it is to be remembered that our deliberation always was to have the offenders executed shortly after the Queen's pleasure is known, before which we dare not seem content with anything, and we kept that as privily as we might, for that we would have perfect knowledge of them; for if we should have taken such as they would have delivered, it might chance it should have been both of poor and simple men and innocent of the facts.

It appeared to us that the beginners of the fray were the evil men of both the realms, and if it lies in their power to break the league, amity, and peace by their disorders, and to raise war, then, surely, no peace shall long continue, and unless at this time the execution and punishment be so sharp that it may be a terror to both the frontiers they will hardly be kept in any order hereafter. Let the evil smart for their faults, and not the innocent. It is to be feared that there be some persons who mislike of the quiet, amity, and state of both the realms, or of their religion, the government of both realms or either of them, or of the persons who govern. The Regent and all the commissioners, and all other wise men of Scotland, as it is reported to us, acknowledge the goodness and benefits of the Queen's majesty, and the commissioners seem very willing to satisfy her as much as they may, yet they are but subjects and servants, and if they do more than shall be well allowed of, it may be to their displeasure and displacing from offices, and so the state altered betwixt both the realms, which might chance to be displeasant, and some placed in authority who should not depend on her majesty's devotion. It is thought and much spoken that the Regent has many privy enemies in Scotland, and is in danger of displeasure. The matters that most touch in honour are the detaining of prisoners as it were in time of war. Though the game was very injurious, yet good came thereof; for the Borders during that time remained quiet. But now since their coming home there had chanced divers raids and robberies.

This collection was made by Mr. Gargrave, and surely the notes be good and true, therefore I send them to you to consider of as you think good.

2 pp. Copy.

167. John Chisholme to Mary. [July 7.] C.P., vol. X.

"Please zour majestie"; since being here, these two years and a half past, I have forborne altogether to trouble your highness with any letters or other importune suits of mine, except at the first beginning, and that in respect your ambassador has been so favourable to me for your sake sundry times as occasion has occurred, at my earnest instance to write and "remember" your grace of me, and by his letters has witnessed and certified (as I believe) your majesty of my goodwill and general faithful affection borne to your grace's service, if time and place would permit, "als" that it was expedient and convenient that your grace should understand particularly my sincere devotion and loving mind, or yet were it notified to your highness, as knows God, my good heart and true meaning towards your majesty, I am sure your grace would be as content and well pleased with me as if any of your servitors of my quality, whatsoever he be. Also, I put no doubt, of all the letters my lord ambassador has lately sent be come safely to your hands, but your highness shall find his lordship to make good testimony of me, my behaviour, and zeal (according to my duty) anent all that may concern your majesty's welfare so far as my little "spreit" or capacity may serve. I cannot think otherwise but your highness ever to this hour has given me good cause of obligation thereto, and, as I may consider, by reason of the good demonstration made to me in deed. Your grace, I believe, is sufficiently persuaded of my honest and dutiful part in all things, for your majesty of your accustomed goodness has "plesit recognosce" me among other your faithful servitors with 200 francs yearly pension, which began last year, etc. "Attour" I have lately understood further of your good mind towards me, being remembered by your grace in the roll of the distribution of the silver which was thought to have been got from this King; so that by all their favour and gracious dealing, besides my most humble thanks to your highness, therefore I must grant myself infinitely and wholly "oblist" to your service for ever. But now, madam, seeing the matter is so fallen forth that no part of that silver which was promised by the King here is recovered, nor in anywise is further hoped for, as your grace, I trow, is well informed of ere now; also, that abiding so long in "esperance" of the getting of the same, I have for my little part contracted great debt and remained (as I do yet) in extreme necessity, I am compelled humbly to entreat with your majesty, and beseech the … most earnestly to have pity on me by calling to mind my good and faithful service ever s[ince you] came first into Scotland. The great wreck, scaith, and "hinder" I have had in my goods and living fo[r your] cause, how willingly and only for your sake I hazarded and lost all that your highness ge … and advanced me to for my true service long before the troubles, as also all that I "conquisse[d" for my own part, wherethrough I am left altogether destitute, and in right lamentable case abandoned and pr … of any means to live in my own country. Wherefore, if it should please your majesty to bestow some little piece of silver on me besides my pension it would be a great help, and relief to me, etc., for, as I shall answer to God, I have no shift or help in the world but only the said pension, which your grace may well consider, as the dearth of living stands in this land it is not able to sustain me, and scarcely for to buy my clothing if I should not live with more moderation than in times past, and like a banished man. [Further complaints as to his poverty.] Madam, think not hereby that I am moved by covetous or greedy heart thus to crave some aid of your majesty, or that my intention be to make myself rich of anything I demand of your grace at this time. I take God to witness it is no such thing I mean, neither do I desire any great matter, but whatsoever—much or little —your highness shall please [to] vouchsafe, etc. Remember when I departed last from your highness, I proposed, and your grace liked well thereof, that after that voyage ended I should have returned to remain beside your highness with my wife, who would be found, as I "suppone", right proper to serve your grace as she should be commanded. She is a young gentlewoman having no bairns as yet, and I dare answer for her affectionate mind as I known my own, that we would both be most gladly contented of the most simple life that might be, yea to have no better entertainment but bread and water, "sna we mycht have therewith daylie the sicht of zour grace's guid face and presence." What your highness shall find "with tyme" expedient in this, and if the means be "impetrate" of the Queen there and such as your grace has to deal with, I refer to your majesty's own best liking and good pleasure to advertise me, for we shall be ready to quit loving good kinsfolk, friends, country, and all to obey that happy fortune if it shall so chance. Madam, howsoever it pleases your majesty to do to me or use me in these matters that I most humbly crave, I pray your grace to be assured, so long as my life endures, I shall never alter my, "wowit" affection nor "spare" myself in any sort from your highness' service, with the promise that if the time will not permit me to supply the same so far as I would, at least, in the meantime, I shall not fail, by God's grace, daily to pray the eternal God, as I have done, for your highness' health, prosperity, and "suddane" delivery from all your troubles. Paris. Signed: Johnne Chesholme.

2 pp. Closely written. Addressed: "To the Quenes majestie my soverane mestres." Indorsed.

168. Farnyhurst to Mary. [July 8.] C.P., vol. X.

Madam, since my hither coming I delivered some letters to my Lord of Glasgow, your majesty's ambassador, to have been "convoyit" by his means to your grace's hands, by the which was declared at length my hard case and very great …, and now in consideration of the long time past that neither have I gotten any answer or yet assurance of h … whether the said letters be delivered or not, I thought good to write anew and essay if by my wife's means (being in that country) your highness may surely get this letter, in case your grace has not as yet received the other, [and] by the same implove most humbly and earnestly your help and speedy support in respect of the right hard and strait point I and mine are at, and have been this long time, as your majesty may perceive by the contents hereof, which a[re the] very same and whole substance of my other former letter. Albeit I never took on me to write to your highness in time past—and specially since your entry into that realm—it was nowise for lack of my goodwill, b[ut for] fault of sure means on the one part and on the other, fearing lest it might have been prejudicial in somewhat to your grace. "Nocht the less" God and the world know how faithfully, constantly, and with most loving affection I have at all times, [as] occasion served, hazarded myself, my friends, servants, and all the means I had in the world in all and whatsoever actions that have occurred these seven years bygone in Scotland for the defence of your majesty's good cause and furth[ering] of your highness' service, "quhairthrow" I have sustained such wreck and destruction of all that [to] me appertained, as is most manifestly known to all men, the which if I should declare particularly, as it is true indeed, even as it would be over tedious and "displesant" to your grace to understand the manner of it, so I put no doubt but it would move your majesty to p[ity] my case and consider the same to be more hard and lamentable than of any other, whatsoever he be, who has bestowed [him]self and suffered in your service. I would fain eschew to trouble your grace with any rehearsal thereof, the matter itself being so unpleasant, but seeing it imports me so much, and how heavy it is to me, I cannot forbear to info[rm] your majesty (as shortly as I may) how extremely things have passed concerning my particular, and the adverse estate I am … into at this present.

First, at the coming in of the Queen of England's army my whole houses were burnt with powder [and] "castin doun," my lands and rooms, and likewise those of my friends and servants "over all quhair" also burnt, spoiled, and all utterly harried, with all my "plenissing" and theirs taken and reft away. At which time, as I am a Christian man, my scaith ex[ceeded] 20,000 crowns. Notwithstanding, since, according to your divers letters written by your own hand [to] me, I continually found myself, "with my haill freindes and all that I mycht do," with your lieutenants in Edinburgh, together with the Captain of the Castle and others your ministers being therein, in all the enterprises and executions that w[ere by] them devised, and as they commanded, and "nochttheless" of the want of such as your grace shall know with time, who were my men, "feollis," and servants, who rendered themselves to your grace's adverse party, whom they continually served against [your] highness' actions and causes. I "left" not for all that to remain in the said town on my own expenses without any entertainment whatsoever, "but the onlie promise of grit guid deid" to follow, oftentimes accompanied by 300 men or more of my own surname, special kinsmen, friends, and servants; of the which number I am sure … remain alive 40 or 50, who were evil hurt, shed their blood, and yet bear, as they will to their l[ives'] end, the marks thereof, besides some of the principal gentlemen come of my house "mutillat" for ever, with others many who lost their lives "for altogether"; so that I never swerved nor abandoned them in any sort, till in … about the beginning of the abstinence I was advised to come to France, seeing I was not able to make my party g … against the Earl of Morton, then elected Regent, for the great hatred he "buyr at me," and obtained letters of the Captain and the Secretary directed to your ambassador in France for my reception, sufficiently written in my favour [to] the effect I might there eschew the danger of my life for a certain time. Yet, nevertheless, immediately thereafter, I w[ith the] self same persons "contremandit" and prayed with great instance to remain still on the Borders and "hald" the cou[ntry] as great trouble there as I could, whereby the forces of the enemies might be diminished and "skayllit" from about t[here] by sending companies to invade me and stop my enterprises; whereunto I agreed, and did according to their desire "at the last parceaving England to tak part aganis them, and mak to the sieige of that house; the Lordes of Lie … and rest of the nobillitie of zour grace's partie to agre every man for him self, and I left out, the said castell … to the utter exterminionyn of those quha war in it, and to my grittest hurt of all, because that nocht onlie bayth silver, jewellis and cloithing I had there, bot alsua all my haill evidences, chartoris and saisingis of landis being in ane coffir within the said Castle for the mair suyr keiping wer gottin be th'erle of Mor[ton], quha possessis and detenis thame still; sua that gif God of his guidnes restoir nocht zour grace onto zour awin a[nd] be able with full power to redress me in this poynt of the lose of my saidis evidences I can nocht escaip my house and posteritie unwraykit for ever, in sic a maner as I and my house ar at ane far worse poynt nor ony he that servit zour majestie, quhatsumever he be." I will except none, for I dare be bold, and will affirm that I had a living worth enough and sufficiently "dottit" with all pleasure, commodities, profit and "case," so that, in verity, I would not have … the same with the living of any man on the Borders. Then, after the execution of the Captain and others of who[m I] think your grace ere now has good knowledge, I was compelled to leave Scotland for altogether and pass into England, my wife, friends, servants, and all that were with me, there to abide for the safety of their lives. During which time my whole living, woods, and all were "disponit" and given to the Earl of Angus by reason of my forfeiture long before; who now "bruykes" f … all that was mine; and yet he, not content therewith, at the same time, of very malice and cruelty, "causet violentlie … down and destroy" a great part of my forests and woods, which were such as no lord, baron or gentleman in the lowlands of Scotland could compare with the like, and on my conscience I dare say these woods "cuttit and destroyit," are m[ore] scaithful to me than 40,000 crowns. What shall I say more, but that I am wholly destitute and "private" of all [I] had in the world of my own, and a great number of my friends and servants in the like state, at as evil point [and] extremely handled as any in their respect—banished with wives and bairns forth of the country, for the most part through me and for my cause—are brought to such ruin that I am as so grieved for their "inconvenient" and continu[al] "displesour" as for anything that I feel touching myself? "Attour," madam, I being in England "causit travell" [with] the Queen by sundry means and very long suit to have been assured of my life, and to have remained there [under her] protection, abiding some good occasion of help or support to have fallen forth for the redress of your … in Scotland, but it was not possible that I could obtain any such favour at her hand, so fearing that w … by the great pursuit of Morton I might, peradventure, have been delivered into his hands, I took deliberation—as I h[ad] proposed long before—to withdraw myself from that perilous and miserable state, and came as quietly [as I] might to this country, where I arrived eight months since, "soir troublit in my veaige be sea with pilliaris, (fn. 1) a[nd] besides verray grit cost maid for my passage," in great danger of my life, or at the least to have been de[livered] again either into England or Scotland. Yet God of his goodness has preserved me and brought me safe hither, w[here] immediately, and as soon as I might, I addressed myself to my Lord of Glasgow, of whom I received such good comfort and courteous entertainment, for your sake, as he could make me, and daily does. At … time I prayed his lordship to advertise your majesty of my being here, and to write to your highness expressly in my favour, [which] he assured me to have done already. Yet, nevertheless I thought it convenient to write myself so at length as I have, praying your majesty most humbly [to] call to remembrance the good and sincere affection I ever bore to your service in all the time past, etc. The which being all considered, "positlie" weighed and respected by your most wise judgment and accustomed dis …, I may find myself "thocht on" and in effect regarded by your highness as one whose honest part and unmovable … is clearly known and well declared in deed to your grace, whereof my proceedings, the great inconveniences that h[ave] happened me, and present adverse estate bear good testimony, not doubting but your majesty will favour [me] far, both in respect of things past, and in hope of my further service to come, if God shall grant either your own … or yet any help or support of the Princes, your friends, to that effect, that in the meantime I with my wife, bairns, and servants—of whom my said lord ambassador has sent your grace "elles" the number by "wrayt"—may be honestly entertained and sustained with some sufficient and sure means, wherethrogh your majesty may both have honour and I sure contentment to encourage myself and my said friends thereby to abide such a good time as, at the pleasure of God [shall] shortly fall forth, wherein we may have the occasion yet again to bestow ourselves in all our power to the advan[cement] of your welfare and preferment, unto the which we shall be found with the firmest, most willing, and re[adiest to] "jeopard" life and all that remains to the uttermost. I would humbly wish your majesty would please take such … and sure order that without delay or spending of time I may have your effectual and substantial answer in deed, that whatsoever your grace thinks good to bestow of your liberality on me, and the same to be earnestly and in special recommended to your ambassador and others, ministers here, for ev … trust I have well deserved, so I believe assuredly your majesty will well enough foresee and provide for me [in] respect of the hard and strait care I am in, and have been for years bypast, during the which space I nor [any] that [to] me appertains ever "josit" nor profited the value of a groat of my living in Scotland, wherethrogh I was constra[ined] as I was in that country to borrow great sums of money from my friends for my sustentation, and of all … there and it that worst of all, which grieves me most, since my being in England with so many depending on me, after they had spent all their own, I had no other way to entertain myself and them, but have borrowed from Englishmen of name who had pity on my case above 500l. sterling upon my faithful promise to repay them again at days appointed, assuring your grace that ere I kept not promise to them "I had rather want the lyf," and that for many good causes both concerning your own service and my honour. Truly, if I had any kind of help of any part of my living forth of Scotland to relieve me with I would be most sorry and loth to importune your majesty for any aid, but seeing I have no other refuge except to your highness I will most humbly crave that I may be considered and acknowledged by your liberality with the means to acquit myself at the hands of these Englishmen only, and as for the rest of my debts in Scotland I will leave off to burden your majesty anywise therewith till God sends a better time and your grace further commodity.

This, madam, is near hand the effect of my first letter dated the 8th of March last, and yet can I not "leave to ampliffye" the present with somewhat further by reason of the occnrrences last happened in my affairs at home, whereof I have been but lately advertised forth of Scotland. My wife and friends have written that since my arrival here the Earl of Morton has greatly increased his deadly hatred against me, and has caused the Earl of Angus [to] come to Jedburgh and other rooms that were mine under your majesty, and there has not only of his accustomed cruelty set pioneers to pull down the "stanis" of all my houses to the ground, but also has caused and compelled the folks of the country [to] fall to work and cut down my whole woods and forests wherever they grew, which was not done when I departed from England, but a part thereof. Besides [he] has given command that neither my wife nor bairns shall be received in Scotland, under such pains as can be devised therefor. Thus seeing that neither myself, friends nor servants, who are banished, nor yet my poor wife and young bairns can be suffered to remain in their native country, nor can have any kind of support forth of the same, "bot aither must beg or de," I most humbly beseech your grace to provide some hasty remedy for me and them. As to these great losses and scaiths that I have incurred for your causes, which I take on my honour extend to 200,000 crowns and better, I will remit the same till your highness be restored to liberty. At the very point of my departing forth of England there was lent me by a gentlemen of name, only for your sake, 600 crowns of the sun, whereof I remain yet debtor, as of the other 500l. sterling. These 600 crowns … I expended every penny as well on the furnishing of my ship and passage hither, as since, in this country, daily accompanied with three or four … &c., I and mine could not have lived nor been sustained were it not [for] the favour accompanied with three or four … of your ambassador, from whom I have also borrowed 500 crowns to help my entertainment, etc. "Beseikand" your highness, therefore, to have regard hereunto, and consider of your goodness to what extreme point I am driven, in such a manner that if your majesty shall not find the means hastily to put remedy in these cases, spec[ially] to relieve my great debt contracted in England and here, and therewith ordain some sure and honest entertainment fo[r me] and mine afterwards, I stand in danger to lose my honour and credit, which are dearer to me than all that I have else ty … Yea, and rather would I wish to be forth of this world ere I should fail of my promise to such as I have to do with, seeing the days approach near, and that they expressly and only for your sake have shown me so great friend[ship] many ways, without the which I had been utterly "perist." I fear this long letter and "fascheulx" discourse will se[em] tedious to your grace, but God is my witness, as I am most sorry to have such occasion, so I am very disp … to utter the same to your highness in this manner. Marry, I can do no more but crave your majesty's pardon therefore, wishing also that all be taken in as good part by your grace as my meaning is honest and upright. Paris. Signed: Farnherst, knycht.

3 pp. Closely written. Addressed: "To the Quenes majestie my soverane." Indorsed: "To the Q. of Scotes from the L. of Fernehurst." Underlined in parts.

169. Henry Killigrew to Walsingham. [July 8.]

Whereas he wrote to him yesterday somewhat doubtfully of the great inconvenience happened between the Lord Warden of the Middle March and the Laird of Carmichael, the same has been confirmed to him this morning by Mr. Selby, the gentleman porter of this town, to whose relation he refers these matters, because they are his proper charge. Forasmuch as this accident is of such moment, prays him to let him know whether he shall proceed or stay till he be further commanded. Howbeit, is not the fittest man to come suddenly by true intelligence among them of this town, yet he hopes within two or three days he will be able to know what both parties can say for themselves, and whether this mishap grew upon the sudden. Beseeches him to communicate his advertisements only to such of the Council as will not make him author of them, for that this is not incident to his charge. Thinks he shall learn out of Scotland from such as were present at the chance, and the like of them that were with the Lord Warden, and make him [Walsingham] judge of both. Before this chance happened he learnt that there was never better justice done on the Borders by the Scots than Carmichael did of late. That it should appear it is no "pretensid" matter, even as the deputy warden and governor here immediately upon the news rode forth to take order, so he perceives the like course was taken by their wardens of the Middle and East Marches, one whereof wrote him this inclosed; whereto, in the governor's absence, by advice of some of the captains he made the answer inclosed, to the end he might be assured of her majesty's good meaning, etc. The like letter the governor of this town for the present received from the other warden, with this addition, that whereas upon the news of the breach between the warden and Carmichael some under his charge had taken certain cattle pertaining to Englishmen, he had made them sure to be re-delivered upon the first call, and since the sudden fray he cannot hear of any more harm done by either side. Notwithstanding, unless this matter be wisely and temperately handled, the broken men of the Borders, thieves, and others that desire nothing but war and trouble, will draw this sudden misadventure to great inconvenience and a dangerous consequence. Peace or war hangs now by a twine thread; and there be more in this town that profess war than peace. Hears there have been certain frays of late against the orders of the town unpunished, but trusts the like will not follow.

As for his stay here, has thought it so necessary that if now he did go into Scotland till he heard from the Council he should well deserve punishment. Thinks it fit that the Scot should first clear himself by letter to her majesty. The Earl of Huntingdon told him he had no commission from the Queen of England to oversee the proceeding of the wardens. Prays him to remember this point, and also touching a warrant for the delivery of the ordnance in Hume Castle, if it be thought fit he should proceed in that article. If the Queen and Council think good that Mr. Davison shall remain as her majesty's agent, beseeches him to remember a warrant for his allowance; for to send him back to the Court and abide his return should be an over long delay, unless the matters of his despatch should be of greater weight than hitherto. Out of Scotland he can learn of nothing. but all quiet and obedient to the Regent, whatsoever has been written to the contrary, and so he thinks it will continue unless her majesty shall see cause otherwise; and if so, then truly he would be an unfit instrument to handle the same, because all those who were or might be procured to be enemies to the Regent, of all other Englishmen, would not trust him nor discover themselves to him, because on late service he [Killigrew] showed himself to be so entirely his, and the Regent his, as the necessity of the time required. Which impressions cannot be so soon pulled from them. Berwick. Signed: H. Killigrew.

Postscript.—Since the writing hereof has received this other letter from Sir James Hume, to whom the deputy warden, Mr. Selby, went this morning, and to whose relation he refers him. Incloses a true copy of a letter from Sir John Forster.

2 pp. Addressed. Indorsed by Walsingham.

170. The Regent Morton to Walsingham. [July 8.]

Is now, to his grief, pressed to burden him to present these his letters to the Queen of England and her Council touching the late unhappy accident fallen at the Middle March on the 7th instant, the manner whereof, according to his knowledge and advertisement received, he has written to them. Is ready upon return of answer to proceed to that which shall be thought next best for eschewing further breach and mischief that hereon may grow, if by wisdom and diligence the same be not prevented; wherein he prays him in particular to extend his friendly and effectual travails so that their common enemies may find themselves frustrate of their expectation. Dalkeith. Signed: James Regent.

p. Addressed. Indorsed.

Harl. MSS., 289, fol. 194.

Copy of the same.

171. Sir James Home of Coldingknowes to Henry Killigrew. [July 8.]

Is come to the East March to stay all inconveniences, and to see to all good order. Is desirous to speak with him, and will be glad to meet him at the Bound Road. Hutoun. Signed: James Home of Coldkneys.

p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

172. Walsingham to Henry Killigrew. [July 12.]

The Council having some cause by Mr. Selby's letter of the 10th instant to hope that the disorder lately happened in the Middle Marches was not a thing "purpensed," but fell out by chance upon some untemper at speeches that passed between Sir John Foster and Carmichael, think it very convenient (unless he sees great cause to the contrary) that he proceed onward to the Regent, and that he should, as of himself, deal very earnestly with him for the redress of this late inconvenience, and lay before him that the Queen of England cannot in honour endure that a minister of hers of that quality that Sir John Foster is of should be so used, and that others should be slain and taken prisoners without revenge, unless he shall see some severe punishment executed on the offenders; and for that it is thought that Carmichael is one whom the Regent dearly loves, and therefore (notwithstanding he is the man that is chiefly thought culpable of the disorder) would be loth to use that severity in punishing of him that in justice he is bound,—yet they would have him persuade him to commit him for a time to Edinburgh, that it may appear to the world that her majesty is not had by them in contempt, which cannot be otherwise conceived unless he be punished.

It is also thought convenient that he move him to do execution on some that shall be discovered to have been the murderers of Sir George Heron and others of her subjects at that time; for that her majesty may not endure to have her subjects slain, and the slayers of them not punished according to such treaties as have passed between the two crowns. Kenilworth, 12th July, 1575.

2 pp. Draft. Indorsed by Walsingham: "A Minute of a letter to M. H. Kylligrew dispatched 11 July, 1575."

Cott. Calig., C. V., fol. 36.

Another copy of the same.

Footnotes

  • 1. Pirates.