Elizabeth: December 1574

66. Shrewsbury to Elizabeth. [Dec. 4.] Cott. Calig., C.IV., fol. 303

May it please your most excellent majesty; the commandment your majesty once gave me that I should sometimes write to you, although I had little to write of, boldens me thus to presume rather to avoid blame of negligence than dare [to] tarry long for any matter worth your majesty's hearing. Only this I may write,—it is greatly to my comfort to hear your majesty has passed your progress in perfect health, and so continue. I pray the Almighty God to hold it many years and long time after my days ended; so shall your majesty's people find themselves most happy. This Lady, my charge, is safe, and at your majesty's commandment. And may it further please your majesty to understand of late your majesty's displeasure sought against my wife for the marriage of her daughter to my Lady of Lennox's son, I must confess to your majesty that true it is it was dealt in suddenly and without my knowledge, but I dare undertake and answer to your majesty for my wife, I finding her daughter disappointed of young Bartye, whereof she hoped, and that the other young gentleman was inclined to live; who, after a few days acquaintance did her best to further her daughter to that match, without having therein any other intent or respect than with reverend duty thought towards your majesty. I wrote of this matter a good while ago to my Lord of Leicester at great length. I hid nothing from him I knew was done about the same, and thought it not meet to have troubled your majesty therewith, because I took it not to be of any such importance as to write of, till now that I am urged by such as I see will not forbear to speak and devise what may procure any suspicion or doubtfulness of my service here. But, as I have always found your majesty my good and gracious sovereign, so I comfort myself that your wisdom may find out right well what causes there are that move them thereunto, and therefore [am] not afraid of any doubtful opinion or displeasure to remain with your majesty of my wife or me, whom your highness and your Council, as good cause is, have tried many ways in most dangerous times. Sheffield.

1²/3 pp. Copy.

67. William Wharton to Sir Thomas Gargrave. [Dec. 10.] Cott. Calig., C. III., fol. 482.

I humbly besech your mastership (even as I always have reposed my trust and confidence in your friendship) that you will move the Lord President to stay the extremity of the recognisance for my nonappearance, and that my adversaries may have commandment to put in their bills of complaint against me, which I am ready to answer according to justice. The importance of my promised service to the Queen's majesty forced me to presume on my said lord's accustomed goodness for my non-appearance, because even at the self-same time I was with a secret friend, and set down with him, under "pretensed" friendship to the Queen of Scots, such an order that I will perform my promised service, or else let me have condign punishment according to my demerits. I wrote to my said lord from Wakefeild on the 26th of November last in this behalf, and as I want not secret enemies to suppress my credit and doings, so I assure your worship that you do not stand free from whispering obloquy, which, God willing, shall not be concealed from you, and although I too have great logs laid in my highway to hinder my credit, yet I trust by God's grace to "walter" over as I may, and to my recommendation. Sir, the peril, travail, and charges in this matter have been mine, the little I had and could borrow is spent about it, my poor wife and children want their accustomed welfare, my enemies rejoice at my adversity, and, truly, since my departure from my said lord, I have not spared any travail or time, nor will I, whatsoever becomes of me, to bring my service to take good effect. "Teste W^m. Whartone."

1²/3 pp. At the head:—"The copie of a lettre sent unto S^r Thomas Gargrave from William Wharton the x^th of Decembre 1574."

68. [Walsingham] to Huntingdon. [Dec. 22.] S.P. Dom., Eliz., Vol. XCIX., No. 15.

Whereas your lordship has of late desired to understand her majesty's pleasure touching Thomas Fowler, the Lady Lennox's secretary, and Malliet, detained by her commandment, and to have some order taken for them, so it is that her majesty has lately been advertised by secret means that the bishop of Ross and a Scotsman called the Laird of Kilsyth, about half a year past, who remained in London well near six months, pretending to be enemies to the Queen of Scots, have had before their departure out of England some secret access to the Lady Margaret's house at Hackney, that one Fogas, a Portuguese abiding here in London, is a conveyor of letters to Sheffield and acquainted with the Lady Lennox, and, as is informed some of her household, that Guerras has since the late marriage between the Lord Darnley and the Earl of Shrewsbury's daughter, and especially since the Lady Lennox has been commanded to the keeping of her house, showed himself so inquisitive and fearful touching her case, as though some part of her dealings, not yet discovered, might reach unto himself, upon these advertisements her majesty, I say, thinks it not amiss to stay their enlargement, Fowler's especially, and to have him examined again by your lordship to see what may be drawn out of him.

Guerras has enquired often whether the Lady Lennox shall not be committed to the Tower, and seeks to have a vessel in readiness, as it is secretly informed, for the transportation of some "whomesoever upon the sodane, and need be."

There is also, as it is advertised, one Wendslowe, cousin to Wendslowe who is now the Bishop of Canterbury's steward, who waits as a serving man upon the Lord Darnley, but indeed and by former profession a Popish massing priest, as is also informed. What ill instruments such disguised men of his calling oftentimes have been, and are in these days most like to be, your lordship knows or may easily conjecture. Upon these grounds and suspicions her majesty's pleasure is that Fowler shall be examined upon these interrogatories which I send to you here inclosed, which your lordship may augment, abridge or alter as you see occasion. But before his examination it is thought convenient that he be for four or five days committed to some close and strait custody, and such appointed to repair to him in that time as may persuade with him that unless he shall dutifully confess what he knows further touching these matters he has been examined of he is like to incur some greater peril, for that it cannot be but upon this strait imprisonment he is to be charged by somebody's confession with some matter of importance. Some such kind of persuasion cunningly used may, perhaps, breed such fear and deep conceit in him as may cause him to utter such truth as otherwise may hardly be drawn out of him.

As for Malliet, four or five days before you have sent up hither the examination of Fowler upon such matter as now by those is sent to your lordship, you may set him at liberty, except you see more cause to detain him still in custody than hitherto you have found.

2¼ pp. Draft. Indorsed: "1574. To the E. of Huntingdon the 22 of December, with articles to examine Fowler uppon matters about the mariage of the Lo. Darly with the La. of Shrewsbury's daughter; in M^r Secretary Walsingham's hand."

Cott. Calig., C.IV., fol.306.

Copy of the same.

69. Advertisements to the Earl of Leicester. C.P., vol. IX.

"Humble and dutifull advertisementes to the right honnorable and noble earle the earle of L[eicester.]"

(1) To consider what singular favour and hearty affection is borne by the English Papists for the cause of the Romish religion, and by atheists towards the Scottish Queen and her pretended title.

(2) To consider the frontiering of many thousands of Papists round about the country where the Scottish Queen now remains; whose power is such that they need not to stay for two days for enlarging of the said Queen, only they rest, as it seems, upon some further secret devices which are not yet grown to perfection.

(3) It is to be considered, that if the Papists be not able to make their party good in the realm on the Scottish Queen's behalf, after her enlargement, nevertheless there are sundry apt havens and creeks in Lancashire from which they may speedily transport the said Queen into Spain, France or Scotland, to the intent she may return with more aid and mischief to disquiet the State of the Queen of England.

(4) It is reported that more ships have arrived at the haven of the Pile of Foudry [Pilefodrey] —where Martin Swart arrived in Henry VII.'s time—and at other papistical places and creeks in Lancashire since the time of the last rebellion in the north, than have arrived there these hundred years, and their traffic thither is not without great suspicion of dangerous practices intended that way; and the rather for that Sir John Nevill, the traitor and rebel, hath of his late lands and tenements lying in Fornes [Furness] near adjoining to the said haven (sic). But hereof his honour may understand more by his vice-chamberlain, Mr. Glasier of Chester.

(5) For proof of further intents towards transporting the Scottish Queen—the Captain of the Isle of Man, a Papist, has of late built a tall ship at Liverpool haven.

(6) Though the Earl of S[hrewsbury's] fidelity be never so great, yet his power is too slender to resist the force of the Papists in Lancashire, Derbyshire, and Yorkshire.

(7) Most true it is that so long as the Scottish Queen remains where she now is no policy can be devised to restrain the goodwill, affections, devices, and practices of the Papists touching her enlargement, for the eyes of all Papists in the north parts of England, besides other places, are zealously bent towards the Scottish Queen, as towards one in whom rests the only hope of all their desired Popish felicity.

(8) So long as the Scottish Queen remains in the north parts it is almost impossible that the Earl of Huntingdon or any other godly magistrate can draw the affections of the doubtful northern subjects from the Scottish Queen, or reclaim them to faithful and true obedience.

(9) Providence seems to have sent the Scottish Queen into England for no other end than to have her power and wicked will restrained from all opportunity of doing any harm to the Church and people of God. If then she escapes by negligence and returns to any place where she may freely enter into the public exercise of her bloody religion, it is greatly to be feared that the Lord will make her an instrument to punish the neglecting and contemning of his providence.

(10) The case thus standing, that the Papists are of goodwill and sufficient power to set the Scottish Queen at liberty, he cannot see with what reasons they are led who persuade that her abode in the north parts, or where she now is, cannot be dangerous to the Queen of England's State and safety.

(11) If it be objected that the regal power of the Queen of England shall be able to withstand these dangers,—indeed, so it may, if it be exercised in time against those undutiful subjects whose eyes are "bleared" with gazing for fit opportunity to set the "Scottish Dame" at liberty.

(12) If it be further objected that this enlargement of the Scottish Queen cannot be brought to pass without the service of many men, who, thereupon, must needs be forced to fly with her,—it is answered that many of the Papists, namely, Sir John Southworth, Hawghton, Talbott, Towneleye, Clyfton, Westbye, and Standishe, in the county of Lancashire, esquires, and many others, have prepared, as it seems, for such a voyage; for they have already set their lands and goods by deed of alienation out of all danger of law: and touching their bodies, they had rather be with the Scottish Queen to have the free use of Romish religion, and to live in hope of speedy return and great preferment at her hands, than to abide at home in danger of law and restraint of liberty.

(13) If the opinion of unkindness to be conceived on the Earl's behalf be objected against her removal, etc., assuredly wise men, and such as love the Earl well, are fully persuaded that the Queen's majesty cannot work a greater benefit for the said Earl's safety than to ease him of that charge. Neither is it to be be supposed that the said Earl will mislike whatsoever her majesty shall think meet to be done, especially considering that the safety of her estate, the continuance of the Gospel, and the lives of thousands professing Christ crucified depend, after a sort, hereupon.

3 pp. Indorsed: "Humble advertysementes touching y^e Scottyshe Q[ueen], etc. 1574."

70. Countess of Shrewsbury to [Mary]. C.P., Vol. IX.

Madam, I most humbly thank you that it pleased you to make me partaker of so welcome a letter. None wisheth him better than I. Your "lettell pore creatuar" showed more gladness than was to be looked for in one double her years. She and the rest most humbly thank your majesty that it will please you to remember them. I have sent four letters, which I desire may be showed. If it seems good to your majesty to write as is required, I beseech you send it by this bearer. I dare assure there shall come no harm of it. I beseech you write earnestly. And so, being not well, I humbly take my leave this Monday, at night. If it please you, I think it as good, or better, to write to my son to be showed, and the letter shall be returned. Unsigned.

½ p. Holograph. No address, etc.

71. Countess of Shrewsbury to Gilbert Curle. C.P., Vol. IX.

My good friend, I pray you deliver this letter, and procure answer with that speed you may. And so being always bold of you, I end with my very hearty commendations. "Your assured loving frend, E. Shrowesbury."

¼ p. Holograph, also address: "To my good frend M^r Gelbert Curle."

72. Matters wherewith the French Ambassador is to be charged. C.P., Vol. IX.

That he has had secret intelligence with the Scottish Queen. Has sought to know how the Catholics of this realm stand affected in case any foreign Prince should seek to invade it. Plots have been delivered to him to that purpose. Has sought to draw the affections of her majesty's subjects to the Scottish Queen. Has daily intelligence [with], and is a cherisher of such of her majesty's subjects as are traitorously affected towards her and her estate. Receives letters daily from Thomas Morgan, Thomas Throgmorton, and other practising traitors in France, and conveys their packets and letters to the Scottish Queen, and hers to them. Has secret intelligence with Francis Throgmorton, and has employed him as a minister in practising treason against her majesty.

¾ p. Indorsed: "Principall matters wherewith the Fr. Amb^r. is to chardged."

73. Confession of Peter Douglas. C.P., Vol. IX.

"Certaine thinges observed in the confession of Peeter Dowglas, touching the late voyage into Fraunce."

(1) That he has been an old and trusty servant to the Queen of Scots, and yet rests greatly addicted to her, which appears by a discourse made of his time spent in her service before her first going to France, his remaining with her there, afterwards his being sent into Scotland with the hazard of his life, his imprisonment and loss of 4000 crowns without any recompense, his fighting against the Earl of Morton and his party, his practising her delivery, his often and earnest commendation of her, and especially in his late attempt for her sake, finding no indirect means to further her liberty, he has sought to such as might soonest make known to her what she has to trust to from foreign parts, and desires nothing more than that she would submit herself in all things to her majesty, and that way seek her own deliverance; which was the counsel, as he protests, he purposed to deliver if he might have access to her.

(2) He has been carried into this action partly through simplicity in harkening to the vain rumours given out in his country for the preservation of them in France, and partly through a deep consideration of his former reputation in Scotland and the present view of his miserable state, with the loss of his goods, lately taken from him by the Earl of Morton and his servants, in whom he reposed greater hope of some other consideration for his long and faithful service done to him.

(3) He is very hardy to enterprise and rash in prosecuting any dangerous matter; which may appear by his departing out of Scotland without either instructions or credit from any there, and his bold acknowledgment of a revenging mind.

(4) There is now little or no reckoning made of him by his old and greatest friends; which is manifest by his naked coming from Scotland, the little account made of him by the French ambassador, being forsaken on the way by Du Vray, the cold entertainment he received at the bishop of Ross's hands, his repair to Sir A. Paulet, and his willingness to return hither alone.

(5) The hoped success of his late voyage has altogether failed— especially through the absence of the bishop of Glasgow from Paris. A repulse was given him by the bishop of Ross and Mr. Divichamber who straitly charged him not to meddle in any such attempt for the Queen's liberty, saying it was not the way to do her good, but to increase her bondage. Also he desired to be entertained by any that would relieve his present necessity.

(6) He stands much on the keeping of his promise. He offers to lose his life rather than frustrate the Queen of Scots.

The matter of greatest moment mentioned in Sir A. Paulet's letters he denies ever to have spoken. He pretends he never heard of the 300,000 crowns ready for his party in France by order of the King of Spain. He says he heard of some preparation in Spain to invade Ireland, but knows not by whom or when. He further says that the daughter of one James Curles, in France, is shortly to come to attend on the Queen of Scotland with some others in her company, but he says that must be by licence obtained her by the bishop of Glasgow.

2 pp. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk): "1574, A note touching Peter Dowglas his confession"; and in another hand: "Examination of sondry persons in especial matters concerning the estat."

Cott. Calig., C. IV., fol. 279.

Copy of the same.

74. Oration by the Bishop of Ross to Henry III., King of France. C.P., Vol. IX.

If there was ever a man, Henry, most Christian King, either in our memory or the memory of our ancestors, who being placed at the head of most flourishing nations and empires, and who reaching this glorious height of honour held this position of unique fortune with the goodwill of men and the highest reputation for virtue, that man I judge you to be at this time, you towards whom the zeal of all good men turns; so that, since we have received from your actions both at home and in war many proofs as well of your courage as of your prudence, by reason of which we have blazed forth into an incredible love for you, it is difficult for me to hesitate among so many voices of praise, and not rather pursue your majesty with wishes for your happiness and hopes for your safety and the increase of your honours, but especially since I hope that those virtues which we see to be excellent and firmly established in you, will save our common wealth and, above all, the Christian religion. And even if this reason by itself seem to be great enough and sufficient to deserve the thanks of all and to procure the zeal of all Christian men, yet a personal reason none the less forcibly impels and urges me to fall at the feet of your majesty and render you all the thanks that in my weakness I can, impelled by all the many and great benefits which I have received through your majesty. And although it is the duty of a private person to recognise a benefit and not only to keep his gratitude locked up in his mind but also to bear witness to it with his tongue and publish it abroad, "let gratitude remain well fixed in the heart of him that is mindful of an ancient deed," yet verily a certain care and a thought standing clearly out kindles my heart enough and more than enough, so that, while I congratulate your majesty, I not only render thanks for the past but also seek that new benefits be piled upon the old. That saying of Cicero's is true that—"it is the mark of a noble mind that to whom you owe much to the same you desire to owe very much." This causes me not to hesitate to assume the character of a suppliant before your majesty and add prayer to prayer, and speak of the wretched plight of the most serene princess Mary Queen of Scots and of the condition of the Scottish realm, not so much in order to persuade you to have a care for her affairs (to which you set yourself in other respects of your own will) as that your majesty may understand by what reasons and grounds you are bound in helping to soften the blows of fortune upon your sister you are striving to soften and to give consolation for the present calamity of all pious men. First, therefore, as far as in me lies, I recognise, most Christian king, and as long as I enjoy the use of this light I shall publish it in no vague or silent terms, the great benefit of the most Christian king your brother Charles (may whose memory be for ever blessed) towards me, and his care and solicitude for my safety. For when I was performing the office of ambassador for the most serene Queen of Scots in England, and by the wiles and calumnies of our enemies being thrown into prison and being compelled to suffer terrible injuries seemed to be but little short of the danger of losing my life, the repeated demands of the most Christian King both by letter and by his ambassadors at length effected that being released from the fear of death and set free from bonds and prison I should be sent across to France according to my wish and desire, where I showed my obedience, care, labour, zeal, and industry (if there is any in me) not less in his presence than becomes my feelings in the royal absence, being prepared to undergo anything in which my strength of body or intellect seemed likely to gratify his majesty. And this from of service that most moderate prince received with a grateful mind, wrote me among the number of his faithful servants, and as long as he lived always gave me charge of some business as far as affairs and times allowed. Then when he was removed from life by fate, when your most prudent mother the Queen, who sustained your person by administering the empire, demanded from me the same care as far as I could do and provide it, I ceased not well to advise and admonish her what things in my judgment seemed likely to disturb the State and to destroy the tranquillity of peace and leisure. But now, and may God be my witness, since your majesty is restored to the kingdom of your birth and your forefathers, I deliver myself into your hands, I give and deliver myself as a slave, I promise the same duty to you as to your brother and mother, and will serve you with no less faith than I did them. For when my liberation was being discussed in the time of the late king, I was, as I hear, deemed worthy of your trust, and by the counsel of the queen your mother it was brought about that King Charles should intercede so earnestly with the Queen of England for my safety. You have, therefore, a man most obedient to your behests; you have a man whose life was so greatly your care, prepared, if ever it can be useful to you, to lay down that life for you, and to restore to you the life which he has received by your benefit. Lastly, you have among all princes and nations the greatest glory in this, that you caused to be liberated by your patronage the ambassador of an afflicted prince held in bonds contrary to the right of nations, and, setting an example for pious princes to imitate, had him restored to you just as though he were your own. For which reason the first among the great princes of the Christian world, that patron of sanctity, the Pope, lately rendered thanks to the most Christian king, your brother, in a letter written by himself.

But, most Christian king, if so great and so glorious an accession of honour has come both to the king your brother and to your majesty for the liberation of a prince's ambassador from bonds and prison by your aid, what great glory, I ask you, will accrue, if you loose the bonds and procure the freedom of the princess herself, for whom he went on embassies? If your clemency saw fit to undergo so much zeal, care and solicitude for the slave, what ought we to think you would do for the mistress who was herself also once a queen ? If for a foreigner (though the Scots are least of all foreigners to the French) the King of the French laboured so hard, what do you think the King of the French will do for a prince not so long since adorned with the insignia and titles of Queen of the French, born of French parents, educated in France and showing the highest affection to the kings of the French beyond all princes ? what lastly do you think he will do for a sister, a most dear relative and kinswoman ? Therefore it becomes you by far most of all, you so great a king and of such unconquered spirit, to undertake the defence of this afflicted princess and queen, to liberate the captive against all law and rights detained in prison, and to restore her to the sceptre of her sires. For the examples, too, of your ancestors ought to move you to restore our commonweal which has long lain prostrate and oppressed by the conspiracy of all men. For, as they never failed us when our affairs had reached a narrow pass, not only that inborn love of piety and religion, that accustomed clemency and greatness ef soul which has so far impelled you to take of the cause and patronage of the wretched, but also very many other things better known to your majesty than to me, bid us hope the same from you. For that most ancient friendship of the French and Scots left to posterity perpetual and eternal offers itself to us in the first place so well known to all that it ought rather to be touched lightly upon in passing than that anything should be said of it at length. At any rate, after it had once been sealed with a perpetual bond between that Charles, king of the French (to whom the name "great" was given on account of the greatness of his deeds) and Achaeus, king of the Scots, no one has thus far dared to break it, and it has gained such admiration from all the kings and nations, that throughout the remaining circle of the whole world nowhere has it been handed down to memory that a similar bond of friendship has been entered into by princes from so long a time and so religiously observed. How much use has accrued to each of the two peoples from this bond it will be easy to see from the annals of either nation. But one or two heads of this most sacred compact and brotherly bond, agreeing with my purpose I will recall to your memory. And lest anyone should think that he is being deluded or deceived I will put before you the very words of the compact, which though they seem a little foreign to the purity of the Latin tongue, yet will deserve the great faith, because they so savour of antiquity and the venerable simplicity of that age than anything that can be said in more correct Latin or more elegantly by anyone. And first of all this occurs that:

All injuries and warlike force of enemies brought to bear against either prince or king be common to both princes and peoples.

That the kings of France preserve a mutual love for the kings of the Scots, the heirs and successors of the same, for all future time, and vice versa.

That they give counsel and consideration mutually the one to the other in turn, and to the forces and reserves of their nations, and mutually aid in their own persons if need be, even against all enemies and adversaries inside or outside the realms of Scotland or France who can live or die.

That adversaries and manifest rebels of either prince by no means be received nor publicly or privately be maintained in the kingdom of the other.

That the kings of Scotland and France, their heirs and successors do preserve the honour and interests, the true privileges and immunities of their peoples with all their forces and auxiliaries to the good interest and honour of themselves and their friends or allies and to the confusion and ruin of their enemies.

That the one by all means combat and destroy insult, scandal, loss or injury to the other king or people.

That if ever adversaries against the lawful king of the Scots move war by the power of a common enemy, the most Christian king of France, his heirs and successors do maintain and guard him and his heirs.

That the kings of the Scots, their heirs and successors do lend like aid and help to the kings of France and their successors.

What could be more sacred than these laws of perpetual friendship ? What could tend more to the principal good of both realms and the observation of mutual regard ? What could be better or more compactly expressed or committed to letters ? And will you, o most Christian king, allow the rules of a most sacred treaty kept most religiously by your ancestors for so many centuries, will you who wield the sceptre of France allow them ever at any time to be destroyed or rendered useless? you whose dignity and royal splendour it becomes to render help to suppliants, to rouse the afflicted, to give safety and set men free from danger, even though no law compel you.

Wherefore to you we bring the cause of our afflicted prince and of our commonweal, as a prince whose justice is no less sacred, than his right hand is unconquered; and for her you ought to have and maintain regard, zeal and care, not only because she is most dear to your majesty by the intimacy of friendship and the rules of a treaty; so that this cause seems as it were to be yours, but also because of itself this cause urges you with its great equity and justice which make it worthy that all good and pious men, especially kings and princes, whom it most greatly concerns, should embrace it, sustain and follow it out with brotherly care, and it is their duty to see that this illustrious queen, expelled from her kingdom and oppressed by ungrateful captivity, be saved and restored to her sceptre. What cause, I ask you, can be more just, than the defence of a queen inaugurated by hereditary right and a long line of succession of kings and princes and by the unanimous consent of all the orders of the realm, sealed with the sacred diadem and the solemn rites? than the freeing of that kingdom which never till now was in the power of any save just princes and true lords ? What could be more unjust than against all the laws of good and right to drive from the throne and tribunal of justice and to strive to throw into infamy and shame the prince through whom laws are given to the people, justice is administered, piety is observed towards God and man, that prince, I say, who ought to be the ruler of just and unjust ? If this is not the summit of injustice, let my adversaries say what injustice itself is. Nor did those ungrateful and wicked men confine themselves within these bounds, nay they wished to destroy the piety of all and the true worship of God and to bring it to pass that all the glory of religion should depart together with their queen and prince exiled to some other nation. This madness of our race we see that God truly hated by the fact that so many nobles, themselves the authors of conspiracies, who had intruded themselves into the position of the true prince, have been slain, so that there can scarcely be found among them men willing to undertake the supreme office. Venerable priests and men who love piety and religion hating this wildness of their countrymen, have left their sacred episcopal seats and convents empty and departed into foreign regions in voluntary exile. The queen herself also yielding to the violent madness, rather by divine providence than by human aid was snatched from their hands and asked aid of her, who above all other princes of the Christian world was most nearly related to her in kinship of blood, to wit the queen of England, into whose borders she descended of her own free will, and committed herself and her possessions to her friendship and faith, hoping for help and aid by means of which she might be restored as soon as possible to the kingdom which had been snatched from her by her ungrateful subjects. But the matter fell out very differently to her hopes, for so far was she from receiving help against violence from her kinswoman and sister, that she was even detained in the most strict custody, nor could free power of departure be obtained by any means for six continuous years. Truly this sort of piety is very different from that kindness which our countrymen employed towards the kings and princes of the English when they were expelled from their kingdom by the rebellion of factious men. One of them, Henry the sixth, king of England, when in the battle which arose through Edward Duke of York and the other companions of his faction, found that safety lay in flight descended into the Scottish territory with the queen his wife (who was sprung from the house of the Dukes of Anjou, your ancestors), with his children, and certain noblemen of his party. And him James III., the then king of the Scots, received most kindly, kept him a long time in Scottish territory, amused him with huntings and pleasures of every sort to which he was accustomed, and sent the same with a magnificent band of soldiers, money and supplies to regain the kingdom of England, and at last sent him away freely to his own. You see what thanks the descendants of this king return us. Wherefore this is altogether worthy of your majesty, this is owed to your excellence, this is the right of so great a king, agreeable to your deeds and to the expectation which you have roused, that you should give yourself up to consideration of this most glorious deed, whence you may set a most famous name and increase to your virtue and happiness. For this alone seems to surpass that whole most beautiful band of virtues with which you are adorned, of which the opportunity is now offered, forsooth the restitution of this afflicted princess who is imploring your aid, and the restoration of our commonweal which is most devoted to you. Thither your wisdom urges you, thither the glorious deeds of your ancestors, thither the life of the kings of the French; look at their life in history as though in a mirror, and place before you for imitation their bravery, strength of mind and constancy. Nothing was ever cared for more by them than to bring aid to the highest pontiffs, kings and princes when they sought it, even though joined to them by no tie of blood or treaty, and when they had scattered and put to flight their enemies to restore the power and rule which had been taken away. Witness, Henry King of Castille, whence that whole line of princes which now holds the sceptre of Spain is sprung, who was restored to the kingdom of Castille by the aid and help of Charles the wise, your ancestor, when Peter had been killed and the adversaries scattered. A second Henry, too, the seventh, King of England, grandfather of that queen who now reigns over the English and greatgrandfather of the most serene queen of Scots, by the help of Charles the eighth, King of the French, obtained the kingdom of England when Richard had been slain and the men of his faction put to flight: nor have the kings of France ever failed the Scots. For the kings of France have never thought it consistent with their good faith that the Scots who were most friendly towards them and joined to them by a very close bond should be turned out of their affairs and possessions. But they have often taken care to send forces by sea and by their aid the Scots have expelled their enemies and preserved their ancient liberty. Witness to this, that I may omit the rest, David Bruce, king of the Scots, who was compelled to leave his country and retired to France owing to Edward, king of England, when Edward Balliol thrust himself into the rule of the Scots: he was honourably and magnificently received by Philip de Valois and preserved to a better fortune. Meanwhile Philip did not cease helping those who had remained on David's side in the kingdom with resources, money, and supplies till at last when the enemy had been scattered and the English expelled together with Balliol, the kingdom was partly quieted, and to the great joy of the Scots and gratification of King Philip he returned to Scotland, where he was received with great and solemn preparations, and when a space was given for recovering from his daily calamities he bound the hearts of his people to himself with all the benevolence he could, and rewarded them liberally according to the virtue of each.

Then when Edward was besieging Calais, the same Philip sent envoys to Scotland to King David to ask him, according to his treaty, to invade England with an army, and recall the enemy from the siege. David, mindful of the infinite benefits of Philip towards himself, was unwilling to be ungrateful to him who had so kindly watched over him when he was in exile, and willingly commenced hostilities against the English, and, penetrating into England, laid waste all things with fire and sword, so that he raised the siege of Calais. Nor did the Scots cease from their expedition till peace had been confirmed between the French and English, and had brought an end to wars and dissensions. I can adduce many other instances of kings and princes and pontiffs innumerable who were restored by the aid of kings of France, but these in knowledge and prudence I pass over. This only I will say, that not undeservedly has this kingdom always appeared as "defender" ("[alexikakon]") of friends, peoples, and princes. We who are overwhelmed by so many and so great calamities, when we compare your most brave actions (in which nothing which adorns the name of a great and powerful king is wanting); when we compare them, I say, to the monuments of your ancestors, when we behold your glory and greatness, when we perceive that the order of your actions is produced from inner fountains of prudence, we are led to the certain hope that since, in comparison, as it is more illustrious for a great king to consult the public rather than private interests, so the greater praise is put before you in guarding our prince and commonweal, you will henceforth give no less proofs of your piety to our prince and commonweal than you gave before of your courage. Human plans only assent, but we are much more strengthened and confirmed by the divine will. For who on turning his mind to the wars which you have waged and the victories you have gained, and your prudence not only in them but in every department of your affairs, your strength of mind and almost incredible goodness of thought does not understand that you are called and instructed by the inspiration and will of the immortal gods to the performance of a most noble work that, though you may be both the author of the revival of the Christian religion, long hoped for in the prayers of all men, and also the avenger of its violation, yet it behoves you to show yourself the defender and patron of all those—above all of Christian princes—who on account of their piety and justice, suffer violence and injury. To this end that Lord of kings and maker of princes, even God, saw fit to adorn you with His liberality and great grace, whose benignity you too have felt and others look for through you, since by his hidden and divine judgment he has bestowed on you a most august empire, innumerable peoples, kingdoms, praise, victory, and triumph. Nor must you think that to you alone they are given, nor even to your commonwealth alone, but also to the commonweal of the whole Christian world: for God has not made the end of his benefits to be in one man but has determined through one man to pour forth the fruitfulness of his celestial beneficence upon all men. That one thing, then, you must earnestly strive after, most Christian king, that in approaching and performing great deeds you may be seen to be a worthy author of human salvation and minister of divine liberty. Furthermore, to us who are in such deep despair that eternal night seemed to be spread over our minds, this hope of true safety has first flashed forth from heaven, which the immortal gods have set before us in you, on account of which we are refreshed and roused as though you were raising a sign of better fortune, and we have delivered and reposed in your virtue alone ourselves, our affairs, our considerations, and every hope of safety. Nor can we persuade ourselves otherwise than, nor feel nor think otherwise than that, since you have obtained such praise in beginning your actions, as all nations cease not to proclaim, you will bring to bear upon those actions that remain, much greater and more powerful as they are, that same force of virtue and wisdom: and not we alone share in this opinion, nor is this our own judgment, but we hold it in common with our enemies: and they do not think it less truly and deeply of you than we ourselves. Nor has that increase of your rule and authority brought us greater pleasure than it has brought them fear. For they, in their fear, are so terrified and struck spiritless by the very fame of your name that has wandered to the uttermost nations of the world by reason of your many victories, and they so fear your approach that at every mention of your name they tremble. But since it is accepted by all men that those who approach foreign princes to beg for help ought not only to recall to their memory old benefits and associations, but should also show, in the first place, that what they ask will be useful to those of whom they are making the request, or at any rate not to their detriment, then that it can be easily accomplished. Lastly, that they will render great thanks for the benefit they have received, and that if they show none of these things, not to be angry if they get nothing. In this cause we hope that we shall lack none of these things, so that you yourself will confess that we have justice on our side when you have considered the matter with a little more attention. First, you will be rendering aid to men who are receiving, not inflicting, injuries. And that fact will bring praise to your majesty in the eyes of all nations and races, and will gain for all time to come the thanks and goodwill, zeal and love of those on whom you have conferred the benefit, who will be able to confer not less protection and adornment than they have received. If by your help, zeal, and care our affairs were settled, and the princess most dear to you enjoyed with her subjects in mutual love their wonted peace and repose, she would be able to supply for the aid of your majesty no less forces than formerly Achy King of Scots supplied to Charles the great under the leadership of Sicomus his brother, as the Regent Robert did to Charles the seventh under John, Earl of Buchan, his own son; also when King James the First of Scotland was held a prisoner in England, and as many other of our Kings have done formerly to the Kings of France. And this would certainly now be most expedient and convenient to your majesty, who is hiring mercenary soldiers from foreign nations. But let me by your pardon say and state this one thing, that in these civil and intestine disturbances of France only the absence of our legitimate sovereign and the consequent disturbed condition in every part of our state has prevented you, contrary to the wonted custom of both kingdoms in former times, from enjoying in this calamity the fruit of that compact of our ancestors, the Scottish forces: this fact has deprived you of an instrument of great weight in carrying out your affairs and of the opportunity of a more speedy and, perhaps, more fortunate victory, or, at any rate, it has slightly delayed it. And, to omit all the relationships and intercourse of both peoples, this ought to be of no little weight with your majesty—namely, that the Kings of France have most religiously cultivated that ancient bond of friendship with us by frequently seeking marriage in Scotland. For you will find that marriages have been contracted with no other foreign nation so often as with ours, so that if you follow the true account of the annals and hark back to your own cradle and the first beginnings of your origin, we claim you, as it were, as a countryman, since the most serene princess and queen your mother can trace back her origin on her mother's side to the Kings of Scotland. And lest anyone should think that I am trying to delude your majesty by these means and to give you bad counsel, as though I wished to persuade you to neglect the care of your realm which is now nearly exhausted and consumed by long civil war, and to launch all your forces and strength to the restoration of our affairs, that intention is far from my thoughts. For I protest that it is my duty to your majesty to wish to counsel not less to your good than to that of my most serene Princess, and to wish that all things may go well and prosperously in like manner as well for you as for her, and to call on God in my daily prayers: especially as all those who have erected the monuments of both kingdoms have perceived, that the condition of each has been so linked from many ages past that the safety and good condition of the one seemed to depend always upon the other. Far be it, therefore, from me that I should seem to persuade you anything else than what is good for both kingdoms, and what can be done with little trouble. For with you to urge our cause I doubt not that the Queen of England, being first pacified by good conditions and rich agreements and on the exchange of hostages, will permit our princess freely to leave her territory. For she has never turned away from her just conditions. For when I myself three years ago was attempting, as envoy in England, to procure the restitution of our most serene princess, the business was all but accomplished. For one efficient and rich satisfaction only was wanting to confirm the peace and ratify with incense the concord between princesses otherwise most friendly, and that was one on which indeed the Queen of England could rightly depend and fully touch that that thing could by no foul means afterwards happen to herself and her kingdom. Nor can the tranquillity of English affairs be in any way disturbed by the memory of past injuries. Therefore this one means remains to gain the cause of our princess, which can very easily be obtained by the authority of your majesty. When she has been pacified and joined with your majesty in arranging those matters which remain with the Scottish nobility, by your consent and the conspiring of our minds for so useful a plan, everything will be very easily settled between the most serene Queen of Scots and her subjects, when she is restored to her kingdom by the will of all orders, and peace which has so long been an exile from thence is given back to our citizens, and when all things have been restored anew, as it were, to their former state, while the whole Christian world applauds. But lest I seem to be acting upon a stage with the eyes of the stalls upon me, thinking that I have performed my duty, I have made these few statements about the condition of our case as it was delivered to me. I remit the rest to those whose business the matter is, that they may open more safely and securely by public speaking than by written argument a prompt and expeditious road to performing these matters. Further, if it please your majesty either to hear by me any fuller details bearing on the matter, or to commit your offices in this matter to some select men of most holy counsel, pains shall be taken that your honour and glory, the good of your kingdom, and at the same time our expectations and hopes of you shall be satisfied.

To the same most Christian King an epigram:—
Si rara virtus, lætaque prosperis
fortuna rebus, quartaque pretiis
attrita justis universum
agmina te celebrant per orbem,
tuique fama nominis hostium
virtus supina languet inertia,
sic te bearunt dii, salutem ut
concilies, miseris, opemque.

Nam profligandæ sceptra superbiæ
et vi parantur laus atavis tuis
insignis est, bonis [sic] ademptum,
principibus retulisse sceptrum.

Te par beabit gloria pristino
gentis colendo fœdere Scoticæ
te unum colentis restituta.

Imperio natrio sorore.

35 pp. Latin. A small octavo volume bound in while vellum. A device stamped on the back in gold.