Elizabeth: March 1575

95. [Walsingham] to Elizabeth. [March 1.] C.P., vol. X.

Whereas your pleasure is that I should set down my opinion what course is to be taken with the parties detected;—I think it convenient that Atslowe, Good, and Morgan be apprehended at one instant and committed to the Tower. Which thing, if it had been executed at the first time when I acquainted your majesty with the matter, there would have been that drawn from them then which I fear will not now, for sundry respects. Touching Bartie, who is discovered to be a principal actor in this tragedy, I presume that I shall by persuasion be able to draw from him that which, perhaps, neither imprisonment nor torture may win from him. After the said parties be apprehended, then may your majesty appoint certain to examine them. London.

½ p. Indorsed: "1 of Marche 1574. A m[inute] of a letter unto her ma^te."

Cott. Calig., C.IV., fol. 319.

Copy of the same.

96. Proclamation for crying down Placks and Hardheads. [March 3.] Cott. Calig., C. IV., fol. 320.

"The Proclamation of the crying doun of the new plakkis and heidis."

The Regent and Estates assembled at this present Convention having consideration of the great inconveniences that now proceed amongst the King's lieges, in default of victual and all other merchandise and goods that are "put to derth" and raised and put to exorbitant prices, "and haldin and abstractit fra mercattis" through occasion of great quantity of false counterfeit money, "plakkis and lyonis," otherwise called hardheads, "strikin in cuinze" in the time of the Queen "drowarier" and Regent, the King's "guddam," as also by false coiners, not only within Scotland but "outwith" the same, so subtly and in such form of metal that it is very hard for the ignorant to discern the true from the false—have ordained all the said new "plakkis" last coined "to have course and passage" amongst all the King's lieges after this present proclamation for two pence the piece, and all the said "lyonis," otherwise called "hardheads," for a penny the piece, and that none shall be holden to receive the said plakes and hardheads after the proclamation of any dearer avail and price than is before specified. "Attour," because it is well known that the greatest part of the said plakes and hardheads now passing in this realm are false, which being the chief cause of dearth, are by Act of Parliament made before "ordanit to be clippit." Therefore ordain and command all persons "havaris" of the said new plakes and hardhead in their hands to bring or send them to the King's "cuinzehous" to John Carmichaell, warden thereof, to be seen and considered by him, James Gray, sinker, John Hart and "Nicholl" Sym, appointed visitors thereof, or any of them, betwixt the date hereof and the 20th of November next to come, to the effect that such as they find false may be instantly clipped down and put into a close [locked] coffer "upon compt and inventar" of the quantity received from every person. Money that is found of the lawful coin of Scotland to be marked (fn. 1) by the said James Gray and delivered again to the owner. Plakes and hardheads so marked shall have course for the prices above written, "but" any contradiction, Persons found with plakes and hardheads not marked in this sort shall be pursued and punished as wilful outputters and chargers of false and corrupted money. Holyrood House.

1 p. Blackletter. Imprinted at Edinburgh by John Ros.

97. Leicester to Walsingham. [March 8.] C.P., vol. X.

Mr. Secretary, I understand by her majesty that one Nesbyth, or Nesmyth, is one that has been lately accused to know divers matters touching the Scottish Queen, specially to be a conveyer of letters, and such like dealer. The Recorder of London likewise gave me to understand, upon a letter that I wrote to him about this Nesbyth, that he was one touched in a letter from my Lord Treasurer, and had commandment to stay him. This Nesbyth was with him, and yet not stayed; and because he is one that attends upon young Seton here, "and of like the rather, if he be so well acquainted before as it seems he is, I thought good to tell her majesty that this fellow was here about Seton, and what I learned of the Recorder as well as of herself." She marvelled that he was not dealt withal. Wherefore I thought good to signify to you this much, that you may call the Recorder to understand the causes, as also if there be any other matter fallen out that touches him, that he is now here to be had, and upon answer from you I will send him to you. For it seems by his note to me that the fellow knows that he was mistrusted and sought for, and desires his justification. I willed H. Killigrew to tell you of young Seton's coming to me at Kenilworth. I perceive it is he the Regent sent word of. He was recommended as to serve me, but I have refused that; but whilst he tarries here I use him with such courtesy as appertains, and I see he is one that will soon be acquainted in our Court, and can well apply himself to please all parties. He has been very well brought up, and a very good wit. Her majesty could be content he made no long abode here, and if it might be cleanly brought to pass, it were no harm such instruments were further off, since he is doubted to be affected as he is. If this Nesbyth may be justly touched it may procure some occasion to show mistrust also of his mistress being here, having such a minister about him, and thereby may be dealt withal by degrees. Touching this Nesmyth, I pray you let me hear from you, for I perceive her majesty likes he should be dealt withal. Signed: R. Leycester.

1 p. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed.

98. William Wharton to Huntingdon. [March 8.] Cott. Calig., C. III., fol. 480.

According to my promised service to the Queen's majesty for the unfolding of the Queen of Scots' practices and the bringing to light of her secret and unlawful favourers, I have employed my diligent service at all times without any respect either to want of support or lack of regard for my good intended service. I humbly beseech your honour not only to receive this my letter in good part, being made of necessity a spokesman to your honour for want of other friends to advance my honest causes, but also favourably to consider and weigh that lack of ability has been rather the cause of tract of time, than any want of matter or dutiful service when mature occasion served most aptly for the purpose. My lord, if I had proceeded according to the first orders my who[le] doings had been utterly frustrated, as I have good intelligence both by a secret friend and by my own industry for the knowledge thereof. But, notwithstanding (most singular good lord), that I right well understand that I am continually pestered with undeserved obliquy, the frailty of my passed years set forth by my adversaries to the most view of my discredit with authority (for fear of punching some in the quick), my just and faithful intended service misconstrued, my painful travail, with no small peril of bodily harm at divers times, little regarded, my great costs and charges (to my great impoverishing), nothing considered, my adversaries traitorous causes (I mean Thomas Wray and his rebellious society) overshadowed by procured friendship and "lucricious" favourers, your good lordship "wraisted" by sinister persuasion to mislike of me and my doings— a thing most of all to my discomfort— and I, poor man, left destitute of all consolation and refuge, but only in your lordship, to whom (by my own suit) I was committed with credit. Yet I rest not discouraged, neither will I fail in my point of my promised service (if I may be licensed and favourably considered upon) so politicly to handle the practice by a contrary mean, and under "pretensed" friendship to the Queen of Scots, that not only my credit and perfect friendship shall be assured to her from her most trusty and dearest friends in Scotland, but also such a meet person sent from them to come in under my safe conduction as shall be thought by her trusty friends a most apt instrument for that purpose. But for the better accomplishment of this service it is very expedient to have your lordship's letters to be directed to Lord Scrope and Sir John Foster for this secret conference and circumspect dealing, and assisting of me in the execution of this action, as cause and time shall minister occasion; and if I then fail in any point or jot of my promised service for the bringing of the Queen of Scots' packet of letters to be taken and brought to your hands upon secret intelligence from me when time serves, let my sovereign take from me the greatest jewel that man possesses, which is the only thing that my adversaries daily gape for, besides the procuring of my creditors to prosecute me with all extremity. My lord, I ask no more of my Prince for the reward and consideration of my service but that my poor credit may be now tried, and that I may have and enjoy your good countenance, and some order for my protection during the time of my service without molestation or encumbrance. Otherwise, I shall not only be constrained to make refusal of my own natural soil and country (to the great discomfort of my poor wife and children), but also a mean to occasion me to leave that your good intended service unfinished which I have taken in hand, not for any advancement or preferment (I take God to be my Judge), but verily for the safeguard and preservation of my sovereign's security. And further, your lordship shall understand that I right well know that the now Earl of N. rages against me,—"Aliquid inde latet quod non patet"—and the Lord Chief Justice spurns privily against my doings concerning the accusation of his brother for receiving and supporting John Goore (a notorious lurking traitor). I will justly prove my doings to be true by sufficient testimony, or else reject me as a reprobate, and as one most unworthy of credit. I know that they have divers instruments almost in all places to touch me with ignominy, and that some in the Court attending at the Queen's majesty's elbow have not only made small account of me and my doings, but also have uttered such secrets declared by me as now turn me to great displeasure. But my service (good lord) is as far without their reach as the bright beams of the sun transcend the light of the moon. The importunity of my adversaries and their favourers urge me to write thus boldly, and the circumstances of my causes thus largely, for I have neither said nor done anything without good matter for me, or otherwise than was my bounden duty both towards God and the discharge of my natural subjection towards my Prince, whereunto I always have had, and will have during my life a special regard. Consider that my only desire was to be directed to your honour that the fruits of my service might redound to your honour's recommendation in part of some recompense of that goodness which your father had extended to me when I stood in great need of his help, and partly also that my credit might be the better advanced by your means as the substance, quantity, and quality of my service should justly require. I am driven for my refuge to cry to God with David, and next after my Prince to your lordship for your accustomed goodness—"Judica me, Deus, et discerne causam meam,"etc. Ripon. "Teste W^m Whartone."

3¾ pp. At the head; "The copie of a lettre sent unto therlle of Hunt. by William Wharton the viij^th of Marche 1574."

99. [Walsingham] to Leicester. [March 9.] C.P., vol. X.

The Recorder is not presently in this town, whereby I cannot inform myself at his hands what he has to object against Nettsmyth. In the confession I sent to her majesty there is one that bears that name, who is charged to be a secret conveyer of letters to the Queen of Scotland; which offence, if her majesty shall think fit to be punished in a stranger, and suffer her own subjects to escape untouched, who not only convey letters to her, but also write to her, and some of them in cipher, he may think himself hardly dealt with. If it be a fault in a Scot to convey letters to his natural Queen, and thought worthy of punishment as a thing forbidden by her majesty, how much more is the fault redoubled in others, who, being her majesty's natural subjects, most unnaturally and undutifully practise not only with a foreign Prince, but with one who is competitor with her for this crown? If it be thought unfit to touch the principal, being her own subjects, it may seem hard dealing to punish only an accessory, being a stranger. Surely her majesty's strange dealing in this case will discourage all honest ministers who are careful for her safety to deal in the discovery of the sores of this diseased State, seeing her majesty bent rather to cover than to cure them. Notwithstanding, for that her majesty has power to punish and pardon whom she lists, she shall find me ready, touching the said Nettsmyth, to execute such directions as I shall receive from her majesty. Mr. Killigrew, as your lordship writes, showed me how desirous you were to be rid of young Seton in some such honest sort that there might no particular unkindness be taken by him, nor generally by that nation. Surely, for my own opinion, having some cause to doubt that there are Scottish hearts in some English bodies of that Court who are able to do more harm than he, makes me to think his abode there of less peril. Notwithstanding, if her majesty were minded to proceed to a thorough reformation of this her corrupt State, it were well, amongst other things, he were removed. But seeing her majesty seems not to have any meaning to remove the Scottish Queen from the place where she presently is, whereby she might be both more narrowly looked to and more safely kept—from whom grows the ground of all the corruption—I see the removing of him, and the punishing of the other (the matter having been so long delayed) a thing of less consequence. Thus your lordship sees how my grieved mind is forced to unfold before you such passions as the same is presently possessed of. My chief exercise (as one that despairs of all remedy) is presently to arm my mind with patience, and my body with a resolution to sacrifice the same in her majesty's service. London.

1 p. Indorsed by Walsingham: "The coppye of my letter unto the E. of Leycester."

100. Sir Walter Mildmay to Walsingham. [March 10.] C.P., vol. X.

This afternoon the Lord Treasurer told him her majesty's pleasure was that Walsingham, himself and Mr. Solicitor should consider what was meet to be done further touching those who are touched in the confession of Cockyn, and thereupon delivered to him the copy he sent to her. Mr. Solicitor and he have agreed to be with him [Walsingham] to-morrow between 8 and 9 in the morning, and in the meantime Mr. Solicitor has the examination to peruse, and to note such things as he shall think material. Signed: Wa. Mildmay.

¾ p. Addressed. Indorsed.

101. [Walsingham] to Leicester. [March 10.] Cott. Calig., C. IV., fol. 321.

Understands by Sir Walter Mildmay, whom the Lord Treasurer sent for on his return to this town, that it is her majesty's pleasure that they should proceed to the apprehension and examination of the parties charged by the stationer. Fears the only good that will grow thereof—the matter having been so long delayed—will be that such evil ministers, being committed, shall be cut off from practice, and others learn by their example to be more wary. Is sorry to learn that the Irish matters were still unresolved. In his poor opinion the best resolution will be to revoke the Earl. The disposition of the forces being in one man's hand, there is most apparent likelihood that the enterprise would have taken most happy success to her majesty's great honour and the discharge of this crown of an intolerable consumption of treasure. Thinks God's curse upon that country will suffer nothing to take place that tends to the reformation thereof. Judges that Cockburn in his letter to him [Leicester[ let fall somewhat whereby it might appear how necessary it were for her majesty to have a minister in Scotland, especially before the arrival of someone that is looked for there out of France. It is strange the conservation of the amity of that country importing her so much as it does. Has so often put the Regent in hope of someone to be sent from her majesty to him that he is now ashamed to write to him, having no colour of excuse to lay before him to make him interpret this long stay in sending in good part. London.

1½ pp. Copy.

102. Edward Carye to Walsingham. [March 11.] C.P., vol. X.

I have, at length, had time to move her majesty from you in behalf of the poor man [Henry Cockyn] that that which has been promised him by you might be performed to him by her majesty for his pardon, and also that by degrees she would be good to him. Whereunto her majesty assents, and will confirm that which you have promised. She is content that his wife shall go to him. She thinks there might be more got out of him, and says that that which he has confessed is but of small importance—only the conveying of letters to the Queen of Scots.

Her majesty has further willed me to signify to you that she has delivered the whole confession to my Lord Treasurer, and has taken order with him for the examining of the other persons that you know of, and that he means to come to you himself, by whom you shall understand the whole, and the cause why it has been so long deferred. She seems to be very careful for your health and perfect recovery. Richmond. Signed: Edwa. Carye.

1 p. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed.

103. Walsingham to Henry Cockyn. [March 12.] C.P., vol. X.

Her majesty means to stand your good and gracious lady, for that you have so dutifully set down in writing what you know touching those causes you were examined of. Notwithstanding, she is of opinion that, forasmuch as it appears that there has been great trust reposed in you, you are able to say much more than you have already discovered. To that purpose, her majesty finding in your confession certain points that need explanation, her pleasure is that you shall truly and fully set down what you know therein, as you look to receive favour at her hands. Which said points I send you herewith. Her majesty has sent me word that she will maintain my promise towards you every way, and for a taste of her favour she is content that your wife shall have access to you. I tell your wife that her majesty is content that she shall have access to you to that end that she may persuade with you to discover what you know in the causes you are examined of, for that as yet we can get nothing from you; and, for the better disguising of the matter, I have taken order with Mr. Lieutenant that he shall be present at such time as she shall have access to you, to the end he may use such speeches before her that she may conceive that you can be brought as yet to discover nothing. After certain who are appointed to be apprehended be examined, then shall she have free access to you, and within four days after I doubt not but to procure your liberty, as also some such considerations for your relief that you shall have cause to content yourself withal. I pray you, therefore, so deal in the explanation of the points I send you that I may have the better foundation to deal with her majesty for the increase of her favour towards you. I would be very loth that it should hereafter be found that others' confessions should charge you with matter of importance that you have not already confessed. You are wise enough to consider of your own case, therefore my hope is you will deal accordingly. Mr. Lieutenant shall acquaint you with the care I have for your present relief. I have appointed your wife to repair to you on Monday next.

1 p. Indorsed: "14 Marche 1574. A m[inute] of a letter to Cockyn."

104. Articles delivered to Henry Cockyn. [March 14.] C.P., vol. X.

"Artycles delyvered unto Henry Cockyn the [ ] day of Marche a^o 1574, for thexaminacyon and makynge playne of a former declaracyon by hym made and wrytten with his own hand."

(1) Whereas you say that you answered the bishop of Ross that some men thought he dealt not so honourably nor honestly as he might have done, declare whom you mean by these (some), and what were the points of dishonour or dishonesty.

(2) Which Lodar do you mean? Gerard or his elder brother?

(3) What ground have you to think that Doctor Good was a mean to pacify the Earl of Southampton, or that he dissuaded the bishop of Ross from sending the Apology to Lord Henry?

(4) Whereas you write that the bishop of Ross said that he appointed you to write to the Scottish Queen and him all such advertisements as their friends should give you instructions of; who were those friends?

(5) Whereas you write that you think the bishop of Ross wrote to Doctor Atteslowe; what ground have you so to think?

(6) The bishop of Ross delivered you his Apology with the order of his proceedings; what were those proceedings?

(7) Hamilton was desirous to be resolved of three heads before his departure, and you answered you would learn what you might; and you told him, as far as you could learn of her friends, the Parliament held not, and that her removing was not determined; what persons did you use or confer with for resolution of any of the said heads, or with whom did you purpose to speak? Who were the friends whom you speak of in your answer to Hamilton?

(8) Where and when did Doctor Good declare to you the stay of the Parliament, etc., and who were then present?

(9) Where and when had you your conference with Goodyeare, and who were present?

(10) You delivered a letter to Hamilton at Nottingham; of whom did you receive the same letter?

(11) By whom was the book written for the defence of the Scottish Queen's honour corrected? Who printed it? and what written copies were thereof, and by whom were they written?

(12) When you went to Buxton you delivered letters from the bishop and others; who were those others?

(13) You delivered Hamilton letters from Doctor Good, Morgan, and Berty; of whom did you receive those letters, etc.?

(14) Where did you leave your cipher?

(15) Lyddell said to you that he hoped all should be well one day, and the bishop of Ross was wont to use the same speech; what were the grounds which they showed for their hope, and what was that "one day"?

(16) You write that Nettesmyth spoke with Hamilton; where did he speak with him, and what means did he use for the same?

(17) Morgan and Good wrote to the Scottish Queen touching your pension, and for an alphabet; declare whether they wrote severally, and of whom you received the letters, whether you are acquainted with the alphabet, where and when you saw the same, whether Morgan and Good had two alphabets or one, and how you know the same.

(18) You received two letters from Nicholas—one from Doctor Atteslowe; declare from whom the other came, to whom it was directed, how you know the one to come from Atteslowe, your knowledge touching these two letters, whether they were in cipher, and whether Doctor Atteslowe has a cipher.

(19) Good and Bartye wrote again advising her, etc. Declare whether in one or several letters, and of whom you received the same.

(20) Good willed Hamilton to cast the letters into a hedge; declare how you know the same.

(21) Towards the end of August Morgan came to town with letters to Guerras, Bartye, etc., and that he and Good received an alphabet; declare how you know this.

(22) The letter directed to Goodyere was mistaken; declare whether the same was delivered to Goodyere, and by whom, and by what means the mistake was found out, of what effect the letter mistaken was, and who conveyed the same back again.

(23) The Scottish Queen in her letters to Good, Morgan, and Bertye made mention, etc.; declare how you know the letters came to their hands.

(24) Morgan wrote to the Scottish Queen that it was thought she was the deviser of that marriage, and what Mr. Good wrote you know not, for that he wrote part in his own cipher, and the rest in your cipher: declare how you know that, and what be the contents of that part which was written in his own cipher.

(25) Jackson was sent by the Queen of Scots to make a proof of him, and wrote to Morgan to know his opinion, etc. By what means do you know that she wrote so to Morgan, and how do you know that Morgan made answer?

(26) How and by what means do you know that Nicholas desired Morgan to help Jackson to speak with him? Where did Nicholas and Jackson meet, and who were present?

(27) The bishop Ross wrote once to Mr. Good, Mr. Bartye, and Morgan, which letters you saw: declare how you saw the same, when, and who were present.

(28) What secret letters or ciphers had you at the time of your apprehension, and where have you bestowed them?

5 pp. Indorsed: "14 Marche 1574. Artycles drawen by M^r Sollycyter (fn. 2) for H. C. for the better explaination of his former confession, in M^r Sollicitor's owne hand."

Copy of the same.

105. Henry Cockyn's Explanation. [March 14.] C.P., vol. X.

"Henrie Cockin's explanation of his fyrst declaration, made uppon certayne articles delivered unto him the 14 of March 1574." (fn. 3)

(1) It was the common talk in the city that the bishop of Ross had accused the Duke and all others that he had dealt with, to the uttermost; and Mr. Good said to me a little before the bishop's departure, that the bishop had played the child in uttering what he knew of the Duke, Sir Thomas Stanley, Sir Thomas Gerard and all others he had dealt with, and that the bishop was the death of Hall. "For," said he, "the chiefest evidence against Hall was the confession of the bishop." "Yet," quoth he, "wee must make the best wee can of it; but in good fayth I may say to the [thee], his dealyngs weare starcke naught." This conference I had with him in his bedchamber in November 1573, nobody being present.

(2) It was Mr. Richard Lodor, who lay at a glover's house near Holborn Bridge. Never had any conference with his brother Gerard.

(3) The bishop himself told me that he would use Doctor Good to pacify the Earl of Southampton, and that Good had dissuaded him from sending the Apology to Lord Henry till he departed the realm.

(4) Those friends were Mr. Good, Mr. Bartie, Mr. Goodyeare, and Attslowe. Other friends he named not.

(5) I do not well remember whether the bishop wrote to Mr. Atteslow or not concerning advertisements; but he wrote to know whether any pirates were secretly laid for him, and his answer was, that, so far as he could learn, the seas were clear. This answer I received of him at his own house.

(6) The bishop delivered me his Apology and the whole discourse of his proceedings from the time of his first coming to this realm until his departure; wherein was contained the whole order of his examinations and confessions during the time of his imprisonment in the Tower; which discourse he delivered to me with the Apology to be delivered to Lord Henry, wherein he willed me to use the advice of Mr. Good, and to follow his directions. Immediately after the departure of the bishop I went to Mr. Good to know his mind whether I should then presently deliver the discourse and Apology. His answer was that I should not yet deliver them, and that the discourse should not be delivered at all; for that, said he, it was not requisite that Lord Henry should view the whole proceedings, because they appertained not to him, but he should have the Apology, and the order of the bishop's examinations during the time of his imprisonment in the Tower, and that not fully, but only as much as concerned his brother. "And that," quoth he, "must be holpen in some places to, or els the Lord Henrie will skarse like well of it." And so Mr. Doctor willed me to write the bishop's examinations by themselves, and after they were corrected by him he willed me to bind the examinations and Apology together, and to deliver the same with my message to Lord Henry; which I did, as I remember, in January or February 1573, Lord Henry then lying at Audley End. Mr. Good detained the whole discourse, which, as I think, he has still.

(7) For the resolution of those three heads I conferred with Good, Bartie, and Morgan. In my answer to Hamilton I named no man, so far as I remember, as friends to the Scottish Queen. But as Hamilton told me that he had been for physic with Good and Atteslowe, whom he thought to be friends to the Scottish Queen, I answered that I thought so too.

(8) Doctor Good declared to me the stay of the Parliament and removing of the Scottish Queen when Hamilton was in London; which was, as I remember, in February 1573. There was none present, for he used always to confer with me in his bedchamber.

(9) In December, at his lodging in Foster Lane, in a house that was sometime Sir Ralph Rowlett's. His page, Thomas Rogers, helped me to speak with his master at that time.

(10) Of Doctor Good. Which letter was not directed to Hamilton, but to the Scottish Queen.

(11) The book was newly corrected by Doctor Good. The book was written. I know of no more copies than four, whereof I wrote three. One was sent to the Scottish Queen; another Good delivered to Nicholas to be sent to the bishop to be printed; the third, being imperfect, he keeps; and the fourth likewise, which was written by some other of his acquaintance, but who that was, I know not. Morgan borrowed the said book of Mr. Good to show to Doctor Lougher, with whom Morgan then lay, and within seven or eight days after Morgan delivered me the same to restore to Doctor Good; which I did a little before my apprehension.

(12) I have made mention of all their names in my former writing,

(13) The letters delivered by me were all in my cipher. Mr. Bartie wrote his letter himself. Mr. Good and Morgan delivered me their several letters written with their own hands, willing me to put the same in my cipher and restore their letters to them again. As I remember, I received Doctor Good's letter of him in his own house. Morgan brought his letter to my house. Mr. Bartie borrowed my cipher, wrote his own letter, and then delivered the same to me at my house. What the contents of his letter were, I know not; but the Scottish Queen wrote afterwards that they all advised her to take good deliberation of answer of marriage, and as yet no such matter moved. The contents of the other two letters were principally to advise her of her removing and the stay of the Parliament. Mr. Good wrote of the return of the Earl of Oxford and the going down of the Duchess of Suffolk, advising the Scottish Queen to beware of her, for that she was her great enemy.

(14) Within three months after the receipt of my cipher I burnt the same. I had the same perfectly in my mind.

(15) It was Thomas Leslie who used those speeches to me, and not Liddell; for with him I used no great familiarity, by reason that Leslie told me that Liddell had brought letters of commendation to your honour from her majesty's ambassador in France and from one Drisedale, a gentleman of credit in the French Court, who used, as he said, to give advertisements to her majesty; which letters Liddell gave Leslie to keep. Leslie opened the letters and closed them up again when he had perused them. But what he or the bishop meant by those speeches, I know not, unless they meant thereby that her majesty would one day take order for their mistress' liberty, or that the French King would sue therefor; or whether their meaning was that their faction would grow strong again in Scotland, and that by the help of the said King, whereby her majesty would the sooner yield to the restitution of the Scottish Queen; or that the bishop meant that some of his mischievous practices should take place [I know not].

(16) The same day that Hamilton was brought to London, Netsmithe, by fortune, went to Coldharbour [Coleherbert] to enquire there when the carriers came up, for that he would write to Hamilton for certain money that he owed him, and there saw Hamilton in the company of another, and at the sight of him he offered to talk with him. Quoth Hamilton, "Nettsmith come not neere me, for I am a prisoner: but I defie all the world in aught they are able to charge mee withall. Yet I praye you, "quoth he, "come hither to morrowe and inquire whether I be sent to prison or not, and yf I be, then I pray you provide some good cheere for me, and send to mee."

(17) Morgan and Good wrote severally to the Scottish Queen for my pension and for the alphabets. I am not acquainted with those alphabets, which were two several. They received both of them at my hands. The cipher of Mr. Good I saw when he wrote last to the Scottish Queen. I delivered Morgan his cipher, which he within a short time gave to me to keep, which I had at the time of my apprehension.

(18) The two letters that I received of Nicholas, as I think, were from his master; which, as I suppose, were written in cipher. The cause that makes me so to think is, for that they had no directions, but only this mark E on the backside. The other little one I received of Mr. Atteslowe in Cheapside. The letter, as I suppose, was in cipher, for that it had no direction, but this (fn. 4) mark, or some other very like the same. Yet, so far as I know, he has no cipher himself. Mr. Attslowe told Hamilton of the same letter, and Hamilton came to me and enquired whether Mr. Attslowe had delivered me a letter or not, for that Mr. Attslowe had so told him.

(19) Bartie and Good wrote severally. Because I lent Mr. Bartie my cipher Mr. Good was highly offended with me, and for the same used many ungainly speeches to me, and said, that though Mr. Bartie was an honest gentleman, yet I had not commandment to deal with Mr. Bartie, but only with himself; who said that he was himself able to get sufficient advertisements without the help of Mr. Bartye. The cause, as I suppose, that he sent for a cipher was that he might signify every man's advertisements in his own name.

(20) I know that Mr. Good willed Hamilton to cast the letters into a hedge by reason that Mr. Good told me so, and likewise signified the same to the Scottish Queen in his last letter, which was written in his own cipher. He signified likewise in his own cipher, as I think, that he had given my wife during the time of my trouble 40s. I have cause to think so, for that he told Morgan the same tale—although a great untruth—and Morgan likewise told me thereof.

(21) I know the same by reason that I delivered them myself. The letter directed to Gwaras I delivered to Mr. Bartie.

(22) The letter at that time directed to me made mention of a letter to Gwaras (S), one to Mr. Bartye (G), one to Mr. Good (B), one to Mr. Morgan (R), one to Mr. Goodyeare (Y), and another to Nettsmithe— the letters directed by the marks only. Now, there wanted one of the number that mention was made of in my letter, and the mark of Mr. Goodyeare and Nettsmyth being much alike, and I not acquainted with Netsmith's mark caused me to think that Nettsmith's letter had been wanting. Whereupon, about the end of October last, Thomas Rogers being in town, I told him I had a letter for his master from the Scottish Queen. Rogers said that he marvelled that the Scottish Queen's wisdom was so small that she would write to his master, being then in displeasure, yet willed me to deliver him the letter; which I did. His master wondered what the Scottish Queen meant by writing to him in a cipher that he was not acquainted with. I told Rogers that I supposed that answer was but devised "to give me a door." Then he swore to me the contrary. I willed him to give me the letter again, and it should be sent from whence it came: which he did in November last. Shortly after Mr. Goodyeare persuaded Mr. Bartie to leave the course he had begun in sending to the Scottish Queen. Mr. Bartie told him those things he meddled in were not very dangerous, for he used but to send her some such things as she sent for appertaining to physic. "Yes," quoth Mr. Goodyeare, "such a one cometh to you," naming me, "I am sure for other matters than physicke only"; and with that departed. This talk Mr. Bartie told me Mr. Goodyeare used to him. Mr. Bartie told me this at his house. The cause of my repair thither was for a book that his wife bought for me, called "The Instructions of a Christian Woman."

(23) I delivered those letters to them myself and I received them of Sands at the "White Hart" at Cripplegate.

(24) I know that Morgan wrote to the Scottish Queen by reason that I saw his letter, which he delivered to me to write in my cipher at "the Checker" at Dowgate.

(25) I deciphered his letter to Morgan; which letter I received of Mr. Nicholas. I know that Morgan answered by means that I wrote his answer in my cipher.

(26) Morgan told me that Jackson desired him to speak with Nicholas, and so Morgan willed me to go to Nicholas and appoint him to meet with them at the Doctors' Commons. The next morning I met Morgan at the Doctors' Commons—but then Jackson had not come thither—and told him that Nicholas had promised to be there about the hour appointed, which was then at hand, and so I departed and left Morgan walking in the yard. Presently I met Nicholas going thither. I told him that Morgan tarried for him. Who were present when they talked together, I know not.

(27) Those letters from the bishop, directed to Mr. Bartie, Good, and Morgan, I received of Nicholas. I opened them thinking they had been in cipher, but they were written in a secretary's hand, and so delivered them according to his directions. With the bishop's letter I delivered another to him from John Cuthbert, secretary to the bishop, wherein was only thanks for the friendship received at his hands.

(28) Secret letters or ciphers I had none at the time of my apprehension (for, as I received any letters I always burnt them), but only Morgan's cipher. Whether the same was found or not when my house was searched, or whether Morgan has gotten it since my apprehension, I know not. I told him where I had put the same, which was in the case of my bow.

6 pp. Indorsed: "Copie of H. Cockin's explanation."

Cott. Calig., C. IV., fol. 325.

Original of the same.

Cott. Julius F. VI., fol. 43, b.

Copy of the same.

106. William Henryson to [The Regent Morton]. [March 16.] Cott. Calig., C. IV., fol. 329.

Please your grace to wit [that] the bishop of Ross and the French ambassador conferred together ere he departed from this country. It is devised betwixt them to cause the King of France to send to your grace and the rest of the nobility very fair offers, the which were not heard of these many years. In so far as I could get the intelligence, the offers shall be these. The King's order of the "cokle" (coquille) shall be offered to your grace, my Lord Huntly, my Lord Argyll, and my Lord of Angus, together with the pension of the same. The estate of gentlemen in chamber to the King shall be in like manner given to six lords or gentlemen with the yearly pension thereof. The Scottish company of men-of-arms shall be "lyftit" again, and the captains thereof at your grace's election. The captain of the King's guard in like manner to be given to a Scotsman, as your grace shall present the man. The yearly pension of money or munition contained in the old league shall be yearly paid and sent into Scotland. All these offers shall be performed "sua" your grace with the rest of the nobility will observe and keep the old and ancient league betwixt the two realms. There is devised that one gentleman of credit shall come into Scotland to your grace. William Stewart, brother to the Laird of Gasstown, has been in France this last year bypast, and "is cumit" here within these eight days; who has shown me that Adam Gordon is busy there, and some suppose that he "dois purches" to have of the King some men or money to come into the north parts of Scotland. But your grace shall wit that the King has other thing to do nearer hand himself, for I saw a letter that came forth of France within these six days to Monsieur Vidame of Chartres making mention that those of the religion have taken now lately the town and castle of Lusignan, St. Mesan, Parthenay, and Brouage, together with all the isles that are about the Rochelle, and Monsieur De la Noue is in Bas Poictou with 3000 hagbutters and 1000 horsemen to assemble the troops; Monsieur Gyttry in the Beausse with 1500 horsemen, and has taken Beaugency, which is the passage over the river of Loire; and there are more than 80 towns and castles taken in Pro . . ., and Damvoill is at an extreme point in that country, and that he dare not come upon the fields. The King has sent to him Monsieur De Los, who is captain of the Scottish guard. "Syclyke" they are camped about Toulouse, and take prisoners all that "dois sort" forth of the town, and that the castle of Blaye in the midst of the river of Bordeaux should be taken, "bott no certante cummit" thereof at all. The Count of Montgomery comes here again with diligence, who went to Guernsey, and it is spoken here that he shall take over certain companies with him to Picardy, for there is already some insurrection there, as it is spoken here. The French ambassador had made some appointment betwixt the King and the Court of Montgomery, and the King sent here his letter subscribed with his hand; which letter his wife received, being for that present in this town, and she sent the same to him. The offers were these:—if the Count would be a true subject to him, that he sould have all his living assured and "obayit" to him wheresoever he was in any realm, being the King's friends, and if he pleased to remain in the Rochelle and be under the King's obedience, he should have liberty for the same. He spoke with the French ambassador himself when he was in this town sundry times, but I cannot well "schaw" your grace if he accepts the offers.

The old quarrel betwixt the house of Montmorency and the house of Guise, which was about the county of Dampmartin, was finally agreed. In Montmorency's own house the King, the Queen mother, and Monsieur de Guise and his friends were all present, and were banqueted and made great there, and thereafter they came all together with the King to St. German's. But now lately the quarrel is fallen forth amongst them worse than ever it was, the manner whereof was this. Monsieur de Guise alleged that Montmorency had "conducit" Monsieur de Guise's own master stabler, who is a gentleman of good rent, to have slain his master, and alleged that the same gentleman had revealed the same to him, and craved his pardon for the enterprising thereof. This allegation being revealed to Montmorency, he was very "commovit" at the matter, the which he never thought, and showed the King that such like things were alleged on him that he never thought. In the meantime Monsieur de Guise comes to his own master of stable and strikes him with his sword seven or eight times through his doublet and cloak, till he believed he had slain him, and gentlemen took him from him, thinking, if he had been slain, that the King should not have the trial of the matter. The gentleman was examined, and deponed that it was Monsieur de Guise's own device, and he never spoke such like to him. And thereafter Monsieur Montmorency said to the King that he could not tarry longer in the Court with his grace, seeing and perceiving the inward malice that was borne to him, being under the colour of friendship, etc. The Duke d'Alençon and his bastard brother, the Grand Prior, with all the blood of France take Montmorency's part. The Queen mother and all the strangers take Guise's part, and the King stands neutral for them both as yet. The King of France has many ships rigging to the seas in many of the ports of France, what to do we hear no word as yet; and if there shall come into these parts any matter of consequence that I may get intelligence of, I shall either write the same to your grace or else "schaw" the same to Mr. Killigrew, who will let your grace be advertised thereof. "Beseikand zour grace for Godes cause in consideratioun thatt I am brokin of my estaittis and feis that I had of the quene, and is rewynnit and hereit be hir service and wantis bayth my feis thatt ar restand awand unto me and syclyke money for wynnes thatt I furnissit quhen the Larde of Skyrling was comptrollar unto hir, lyke as the toun of Edinburgh's bukes declares be ane decrete gevin aganis me, the quhilk I was contrynit to pay"—that your grace will be so favourable to me at this present as to write to Mr. Killigrew in my favour to help me at my Lord Treasurer's hand, with his honour's request to the Earl of Shrewsbury to solicit the Queen to pay me that is owing to me, otherwise I cannot have the means to sustain my poor wife and bairns, and, with the help of God, I shall do such like service to the King's majesty and your grace that your grace shall think the same well bestowed. Andoun. Signed: William Henrysone.

2 pp. No flyleaf or address. Indorsed: "Kilsighe. 1574. William Henrison the L."

107. Confession of Henry Cockyn. [March 18.] C.P., vol. X.

There was a practice, by the Spanish, he thinks, in June or July last for conveying the young King of Scotland. The reason he thinks so is, that Mr. Bartie came to him enquiring what the gentleman's name was who had the custody of the king, where he was kept, how the party was affected, and whether he would be corrupted with money. Told him he was not able to make answer to his questions. He willed him to learn what he could. Answered him within two or three days that Sir Alexander Erskine had the custody of the King, who was kept in the castle of Stirling. Sir Alexander thought a friend to the Scottish Queen, by reason he was sometime her servant, and one that would do much for money. Has heard no more thereof. This was the answer he made to Bartie, which he had learned of Netsmithe.

About the same time Mr. Good wrote to the Scottish Queen;— "Madame, I am to desyre you that you would send one speciall commendations to a verie vertuouse ladie, who prayeth dayly for you: yt is the Ladie Margaret Jermin yongest daughter to the ould Erle of Derbie. Surely, madame, shee is your good frend, et tota familia Derbiensis nisi prœcipium, et nullus est." Wrote the same in his [Cockyn's] cipher.

¾ p. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk): "1574. Copie of H. Cockin's confession the 18 of March."

Cott. Calig., C. IV., fol. 330.

Original of the same.

108. Walsingham to Elizabeth. [Mar. 20.]

Learns from Mr. Killigrew that she is determined presently to despatch him to Scotland to observe the proceedings of him who is looked for from France, to excuse her long stay in sending as proceeding upon some answer looked for out of Germany touching a general league for the defence of religion: and that he should signify to the Regent that, the general league proceeding, the particular should be less necessary considering she, who has always assisted them in their necessity, means not to abandon them so long as they show themselves thankful for the former favours received at her hands; whereas she thinks that the sending home of the Queen of Scots might be perilous to them, for that she cannot be so safely kept there as here, she means to retain her, and commit her to the custody of such as shall carefully look to her, whereby she may be divided from practice. Thinks it his duty, forasmuch as there are certain requests which the Regent delivered to him to be preferred to her, whereunto he has long attended her resolution, to send her a note of the same, fearing that if he shall not receive some such answer as shall be to his contentment, her sending thither may rather prove prejudicial than profitable. Whereas she makes difficulty to enter into mutual league of defence with that crown—a thing more profitable for her than for them, for that it is apparent that none will ever assail Scotland but with intention to have a foot in England—such of her Council as are most careful of her safety and look deepest into her estate very much lament her delay in accepting their offer, which cannot in the end but breed in them an opinion that she has them in contempt, whereby there may follow an alienation incurable. If it so fall out the error will be cast on her only by refusing that amity contrary to the advice of her Council, which, unoffered in due policy, were necessary to be sought for—a thing her predecessors, who stood not in the like need of their amity, would have redeemed with any treasure. The inconvenience that may follow this error, besides the loss of their friendship, may breed an alienation in her own subjects, in that she lays them open to so many manifest perils that depend thereon. Whereas she conceives that by his information pensions were demanded by certain of the Scottish nobility, she mistakes him; for, as appears by Mr. Killigrew's last instructions, the advice grew from the Regent, who thought it a necessary means to continue their devotion to her. If he sees this advice neglected it cannot but, for his own safety (upon such offers as he shall receive from the French) make him take another course. Gathers from Mr. Killigrew that the sum that may content them is not great, but the benefit that may ensue thereby, if she makes a just and due value of quietness and safety, is invaluable. Whensoever they should be alienated from her, besides the great mischiefs that may follow thereby, the ordinary charges of the increase of garrison on the Borders will amount to 10,000l. a year at least more than presently she is at. Whereas she doubts the French offers will overweigh hers, if it be considered that the French be of a contrary religion, that their liberality tends to put them at division among themselves, and that their large pensions are paid by leisure, she may be well assured that they will more esteem a mean pension of hers than one of five times the value offered by the French. Refers these opinions to her grave consideration. London.

1½ pp. Copy. Indorsed: "A m[inute] of a letter unto her majesty."

Cott. Calig., C. IV., fol. 247.

Another copy of the same.

109. [Walsingham] to Leicester. [March 29.] C.P., vol. X.

Whereas the Lord Treasurer let Sir Walter Mildmay and Mr. Solicitor know that her majesty was of opinion that the matters contained in Cockin's confession were not so sufficiently put down that the parties by him detected to be practisers with the Scottish Queen might be convicted, Sir Walter and Mr. Solicitor pressed Cockin to some further explanation. Sends articles together with the confession and explanatian to the end that he may acquaint her majesty with them, and understand what her pleasure is should be done further by them to the parties named in the articles.

1 p. Indorsed: "29 Marche 1575. A m[inute] of a letter to the Earl of Leycester."

110. Elizabeth to Shrewsbury. [March 29.] Lansd. MSS., 1236, fol. 47.

Whereas the Queen of Scots has been destitute of a French secretary since the death of Raulet, and has by her own letters and by means out of France desired her to suffer another to supply that place about her, which he has hitherto forborne to grant for divers good causes, and, among others, for the evil offices which her other secretary did there; now, forasmuch as the bearer hereof, called De Naou, a Frenchman, has been chosen and recommended to her by the French King as her secretary, and has promised that he shall carry himself in that even manner that becomes an honest minister and not practise any hurtful or offensive thing, which he himself has also vowed and promised here, with offer that if he shall at any time be found faulty he submitted himself to any punishment—for these respects, and at her errnest request, she is pleased that De Naou should resort thither and abide with her as her secretary. Commands him to receive him into her company, and to suffer him to serve her in that place. He is to admonish him at his entry and hereafter to have consideration of the caution which the French King has given her for him, and also of his own promise.

²/3 p. Broadsheet. Addressed. Indorsed. Wafer signet. (Printed, Ellis, 1824, part ii. p. 277.)