Elizabeth: January 1584

CALENDAR OF STATE PAPERS (SCOTLAND). ELIZABETH.

1. J. Keith to Elizabeth. [Jan. 1. 1583–4.] Cott. Calig., C. VII., fol. 357.

"It will pleis your majestie." Touching the commission of some things your majesty gave me to speak to the King's majesty here, I have truly discharged myself thereof, observing your majesty's words as near as my memory could serve, both for the good opinion your majesty has conceived of me, as also for the humble duty I owe to my natural sovereign.

First, concerning unthankfulness used by the King against your majesty. Secondly, of violation of some promises made to your majesty, wherewith I found your majesty most aggrieved. I have also not forgotten your majesty's loving admonition to his majesty, which was, if he would that your majesty should have or bear a motherly love and affection to his majesty, he should endeavour himself to observe these following points:—First, not to violate the friendship and tenderness which ought to, and should be between your majesties, either for pleasure of France or any other. Secondly, that his majesty, above all things, should take heed that no papistical persons should divert him from the good religion in which he has been educated. Thirdly, that he should not ally himself with France, Spain, or any other "suspect" to her [sic] and enemies to good religion. Which, if his majesty would do, your majesty commanded me to say that your majesty would not only be a careful, loving mother to him, but also assist him with a good revenue yearly to the maintenance of his majesty's estate. Madam, it has pleased his majesty very graciously to hear me, and divers times to confer with me in these former points. I must confess to your majesty what I found in this good King. Truly, so far as I can perceive, I find his majesty of another and better mind toward your majesty than your majesty is informed of him. Especially concerning these two principal points which concern the conservation of perfect amity with your majesty, and establishing of sincere and perfect religion, truly, his majesty is more sorry to be so debased to your majesty than if he were of mind to decline from any of these points.

"It will pleis your majestie" to be advertised that my conference with his majesty, and also the oft recitation to him of your majesty's loving affections toward his majesty have effectuated so much that his majesty thinks, for his honour's sake, he will no longer delay to "improiff" such calumnies by wicked persons "forgit upone his majestie," and to purge himself thereof at your majesty's hands, and that his majesty has neither with France, Spain, nor any other country sought or done anything to the hurt of true friendship with your majesty; and to make this good his majesty is earnestly minded to send some noblemen, ambassadors to your majesty, to treat of all things that may corroborate the good amity between your majesties, and of establishing of religion. And to the effect that this friendship may not be extinguished or brought to nothing by wicked seminators, enemies to both your majesties, he thinks by the same embassage to let you understand what your majesty in very deed may look for at his majesty's hands, and "will crave luffinglie the reciproc" of your majesty. His majesty means also that this his age "cravis" now both to resolve and be resolved with your majesty.

As to his majesty's marriage, he has informed me that he has already demanded your good "awyse" concerning the same, wherein, since that time, he has proceeded no farther. I would wish your majesty to think well of this his majesty's loving offer, which seems to proceed from a well inclined heart to good amity, which he will not put in execution cution before his majesty knows what your majesty thinks thereof, or, if it be agreeable to your majesty's will that his majesty's ambassadors sadors shall be sent to your majesty "to entraitt of the formar heiddis."

I have assured his majesty—as I doubt not—"bot" your majesty shall have a good liking thereof. Therefore, I, as one that "luffis" with a true and faithful heart the integrity of friendship and good correspondence between your majesties, desire your majesty to write to his majesty, or to me, that I may inform him, if your majesty will that ambassadors to treat, as is said, shall be sent to your majesty or not. Truly, madam, I am "in a werrie goud hoip" that all things shall fall out well—which I pray God may be so—then would I think myself happy to have travailed in so honourable and weighty cause, wherein I shall not cease to travail until I be advertised from your majesty. God forbid that your majesty should not think well of this. "Than war all thing mard, and no hoip yat evir it suld be goud betuin your majesteis."

As to some lords and others that the King mislikes of, I would your majesty should neither write nor intercede for them till all other things of most weight and consequence be "weill satlit and degestit," in respect that there are none of them hurt or "onsuir" of their bodies, goods or lands.

I crave most humbly that your majesty will think no otherwise of me than well, for God shall bear record of my true and just dealing to both your majesties.

I crave your majesty's clement answer in "wrytt" with diligence; and if your majesty will employ me to speak anything to his majesty I shall as truly do the same as your majesty will repose trust in me. Therefore, your majesty, please command me. Your majesty re- members that your majesty "spak" something to [m]e anent the Earl of Arran, that he being now greatest [a]bout the King should be the principal disturber of friendship and good correspondence between your majesties. Madam, I have been in very familiar con- ferences with him and have found otherwise in him, whereof your majesty shall have a proof. I cannot perceive him in any way other ways inclined than to see—with all his hurt—the King's majesty, his master, in good terms with your majesty—which your majesty will "think" hard to believe. Edinburgh. Signed: J. Keith.

5 pp. Holograph, also address. No flyleaf or indorsement.

2. Robert Bowes to Walsingham. [Jan. 1.]

That the Laird of Cleish—brother to this bearer, Mr. John Colvile —might obey the order prescribed by the King, for his departure out of England, he was constrained to depart hence at this time, and thereby this bearer was occasioned to accompany him some part of his way, and afterwards to resort to London and to him [Wal- singham], in whom his only hope of succour and comfort now stands. He needs not to recount the good deserts and worthiness of this gentleman, who has faithfully done many good services for the Queen of England, and is determined therein to bestow his life and whole power. Requests him to receive and comfort him as he will. He can sufficiently inform him how the affairs have passed in Scotland of late. Besides, has had some conference with him for the enter- tainment as well of some intelligence there as also of the most apt and fit instruments for the same. In all which he will satisfy him at large, and therefore he refers all these things to his report, trusting that, upon consideration of the present state of matters to be opened by him, he will first resolve whether it shall be good to deal any further in intelligence, and what shall be done in case he determines to employ such as he will name to him. Finds that his [Bowes's] intelligencers before retained, and known only to himself, began to fall into suspicion, being thereby afraid to continue their offices. Sees many causes moving him to seek to be rid of this charge, and chiefly if the "bycourse" shall proceed. Beseeches him upon sight of the resolution to be taken in this "bycourse" to procure his dis- charge, or otherwise to direct him as he shall think good, being ready to serve and do as he shall appoint him. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed.

3. Robert Bowes to Walsingham. [Jan. 1.]

Received his last packet, of the 25th of last month, yesterday, and, according to his direction, has signified to Lord Scrope his opinion how Endermarkye may be best entertained and dealt with in case he shall hereafter go to Carlisle. Has told Lord Scrope in what suspicious state Endermarkye stood, and wished him to give good regard to his doings as to one who for his own relief will attempt anything that may advance the same. Before this Angus was credibly informed that Arran had practised with, and drawn Ender- markye to undertake to kill Angus. And albeit that Angus has not given credit to this information. yet the informer has showed him such circumstances and probabilities proving the matter, that for that cause, and for the horrible murder committed by Ender- markye of his kinsman, he has remained in continual jealousy towards him, and also refused to satisfy the earnest requests made to him at his being in Scotland to be a mean to the king for his pardon. Perceives that some of Angus's friends now think that Endermarkye has been lately assayed to follow forth and execute the former practice against Angus. Which thing Endermarkye may easily accomplish, if he has any such intention, in the place where Angus presently continues in ward, being amongst the chief friends and in the country of Endermarkye, who has been lately seen in Court and entertained so favourably that thereby this suspicion is much increased. Has advised some of Angus's friends to give him speedy warning in this, and trusts his former advice to Lord Scrope shall suffice to admonish his lordship to use this person as shall best appertain.

The friends of the Queen of Scots are minded to persuade the King to revoke and defeat the Acts passed by any of the four Regents. It is said that the matter stands wholly upon the advice and direction to be given by the Queen of Scots in what sort, and to what effects this work shall be attempted, and that the King is already well inclined and agreeing to follow his mother's counsel as well in this as in all other things.

William Holt, the seminary, who before escaped out of Edinburgh Castle, and other English Papists are ready to pass to France with Seton. Is advised credibly that Brereton, the great practiser, has returned to Scotland, and has been at Edinburgh and Seton, and also is right busy to send into England and enter into his wonted manner of practice. Since his [Brereton's] arrival Seton and others of his sort have showed themselves in good hope and comfort of wished success in their affairs, wherein they lack no friends in Court to advance the same. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

1¼ pp. Addressed. Indorsed.

4. Robert Bowes to Walsingham. [Jan. 1.]

Understanding by his letter of the 24th ult. that by his especial means and goodness his credit and standing shall be preserved, there- fore gives him his right humble and hearty thanks, assuring him that he shall not be "quyett nor delay any tyme" until he shall be delivered from the danger of the promises and bonds given for his relief, coming by his singular benefit, and for which he and all his shall always remain at his commandment.

It will appear to him by his former letter that the parties in the late intended action have utterly shaken the same from them. Sees not only the defection increasing, but also that the French favourites prevail daily and enter into great grace in Court. But the authority and advice of "23" [the Queen of Scots] there govern all things; whose friends there, as he is credibly informed, look for indilate pro- motions, rejoicing to find themselves so near the possession thereof as at present they verily think themselves to be—a matter with them [the English] to be right well regarded, and which he prays God may be timely foreseen. Cannot presently give him, as he desires, any particular information and light concerning "705's" practices or intelligences with the evil affected in "70" [Scotland]. Will be diligent and enquire warily, and learn of the same. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

1 p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed. Partly in cipher.

5. Queen of Scots to Monsieur de Mauvissière. [Jan. 5.] C.P., vol. XIII.

Monsieur de Mauvissière, I thank you affectionately for your care and good diligence in advertising me of this last agitation, at which I am extremely grieved for the cause and occasion that my enemies could take on this, to persecute those of my party in this kindgom, as they have already done towards the Sieur de la Tour, towards whom, and all his, I pray God to give me grace some day to acknowledge the wrongs that up till now he has endured very unjustly. As to myself I trouble very little about it, for the more my said enemies shall search into the foundation and the truth of everything passed up till the present, the more will they discover and find me totally innocent, especially of this pretended conspiracy of Somerfield, the name of whom, or any other condemned for the same deed, I can wholly swear and protest before God never to have heard named, so wanting am I of ever having had any intelligence whatever with them. I am well advised that you entertain the Earl of Leicester and Walsingham, paying them with the same money that they do you. But do not trust them, neither the one nor the other, because I know surely that they are the only and principal authors of this last research. And for this, say to the Earl of Leicester that you have not any means of informing me of his last offers and protestations of goodwill except by the way of Walsingham, to the end that he will not perceive if you make him answer, that there still remains to you any intelligence with me. I know that they work by all means to remove me from here, and to put me under some guardian at their devotion, which is the worst that I fear from all this disturb- ance, and I beg you affectionately to provide against it with all remon- strances and good offices that you could make hereupon, both in the name of the King my good brother as on my behalf; requiring at least that I be not put in the hands of an enemy suspected, or one pre- tending to the succession of this crown, neither who depends on any such. I wrote to you last Thursday openly of this false and unhappy imposture which they have sown about me, between the Earl of Shrewsbury and me, of which I pray you anew to speak to this Queen and those of her Council, publishing everywhere as loudly as you can my offers hereupon and their answer, to the end to countermine the false rumours that you tell me they have already spread. You will have somewhat understood by my said letters my intention of touching indirectly the Countess of Shrewsbury, against whom, if I am not afraid of opening my mouth, I am sure that she and all her courtiers will have whereof to repent for having so cruelly and treacher- ously attacked me. For I have already in writing such acts and practices of her and hers to reveal, in which the Earl of Shrewsbury and others of his faction are deeply touched, that if the Queen of England once has knowledge of them, I do not think that she can ever tolerate them. It will not be without purpose that you indirectly declare to the said Earl of Leicester that you have formerly heard said to one of my servitors passing through this kingdom that the said countess had revealed to me very grave secrets of the earl, as much of his private deportment with the Queen of England, as of his designs and intelligence in this kingdom, and upon this you will be able to advise him not to urge me more forward to come to the extremity. I do not doubt that between these troubles Walsingham will retain in his hands my packets and yours as long as possible, and on that account take occasion to write me as often as you can, as I myself would do in your place. Ask to have my letters of the 2nd of this month on pretence of enquiring if up till the present I have not replied to your preceding [letters], and that you wish to know my news and of my condition and health, to render account of them to the King your master by the bearer. I am not at all sure of writing, unless it be that every other means fail, this happening, the best and most secret writing is allum soaked in a little clear water twenty-four hours before one wishes to write, and to read it, it is only necessary to damp the paper in some basin of clear water. The secret writing appears white, suffi- ciently easy to read until the paper has dried again. You could write in this way on white taffeta or white cloth, especially fine linen, and to know between us when there is something written, cut from the piece of taffeta or linen a little piece from one of the corners. As to the papers which are ordinary memoirs write the letter "M" of this word "memoir" with the tail curled round in this way [to the left of the character, running top to bottom - see page image] I shall use the same if necessity requires. But it is only necessary to make use of it on occasion of great importance, and still keep from naming anyone there may be, to the end not to fall into danger. And upon this recommending myself to your good grace praying God. Sheffield.

2⅓ pp. French. Copy. Indorsed: "5 Jan. 1584. From ye Sc: Qu: to Monsieur Mauvissirèe."

6. James VI. to Walsingham. [Jan. 8.]

"This bearer hes obtenit of ws to be recommendit to zour gude courtesie and favour in this journay quhilk he takkis throcht England to the pairtes bezonde sey, for hamebringing of skilfull and expert men in the minerallis, able to performe that quhilk he hes contractit with ws, be the tak quhilk he hes tane of our haill mynis. Quhairin ze may lefullie baith further his intent in England and pleasur him utherwayis. We pray zow hartlie to let it appeare as he sall have occasioun to addres him to zow. Alwayis that for our cause and the interest quhilk we have in his earand, he may finde him the better usit, as ze will do ws acceptable pleasur." Holyrood House. Signed: James R.

⅓ p. Addressed. Indorsed. No flyleaf.

7. Robert Bowes to Walsingham. [Jan. 11.]

Has been informed that Dunfermline has returned to Court and is entertained very graciously by the King; that the King is well pleased that the Master of Glamis shall be licensed to return to Scotland to be reconciled with Crawford, and Glamis is called to be at home very shortly.

It is said that Angus is fed with very fair words and comforts to be shortly enlarged and to obtain his desires, and that Mar's friends, suing for his relief, are put in hope to find favour.

It is pretended now that the King will extend his clemency to all parties who have showed their obedience, and thereon he will travail to unite his nobility in concord and to establish his realm in quietness. And herewith it is thought that if this course proceeds in deed, then some hidden mystery and strange effects will soon after appear. Newcastle. Signed: Robert Bowes.

½ p. Addressed. Indorsed.

8. Robert Bowes to Walsingham. [Jan. 11.]

Upon late advertisement given to Lord Hunsdon as well by himself as by Cuthbert Armorour that Holte, Brereton, and two other Englishmen should pass out of Scotland with Lord Seton to France, his lordship by his letter of the 3rd instant has directed him to seek to surprise these persons on the seas, or otherwise to find the means that they may be brought to some place in England. For the execution whereof—as a matter of importance and especial service for her majesty—he has speedily sent one into Scotland to labour effectually with his [Bowes's] friends in this behalf, and also has "entertained" here and put in readiness a good ship called the Roger and Katheryne, of Newcastle, of 140 tons, to set forwards to the seas and attend the coming of these practisers. Will gladly employ himself and best endeavour herein, and has sought to do it with all secrecy, making the owner of the ship set her forth as for his own affairs. But fears that the evil affected in this town will receive suspicion of some attempt to be intended towards Scotland, and thereupon give such knowledge and warning as shall hasten to defeat the wished success.

On his arrival he found the Earl of Huntingdon here, who has made delivery of this gaol and dealt with the recusants here. Where- upon good effects have already come, and better fruit is like to follow thereon. His lordship asked his opinion concerning one especial person in Scotland, whom he [Bowes] knows to be of great intelligence and such as he has sought to entertain, and could not win him. If his lordship could by any good mean creep into the bosom of this man he might thereby learn such secrets and draw from him many things that should greatly profit her majesty's service. Has thought good to signify this much to him that at his next meeting with the earl he might stir him to assay what he can do therein. In this his lordship will, he thinks, open his knowledge and meaning further to him than he has done to him [Bowes].

Has been credibly advised that the courtiers in Scotland have looked, and still hearken for troublesome effects to fall out and be seen in England. It is daily confirmed that "91" [the King of Scots] is wholly governed by "23" [the Queen of Scots'] party and their friends, and also seeks to advance all things to the prescribed and wished desires of "23"—for whom may it please God speedily to provide. Newcastle. Signed: Robert Bowes.

2 pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

9. Extracts of Letters. [Jan.] C. P.,vol. XIII.

That the Lord Morley had been solicited by his mother to come over in respect of the danger either of imprisonment in England being Catholic, or of partaking the peril of the invasion of foreign Princes attempting a conquest. He has promised to come when she shall send for him. He has certified that 6000l. is the most he can make over in money, plate, and jewels. One Hanmer, a gentle- man, and Ithell, a priest, sent from Paris to Leith to fetch the said lord over. All things prepared, they to advertise Lenthorpp, his cousin, who lies ready with a ship of France to fetch him. Laird of Doune receives letters from Bridges alias Gratley. August 25, 1583.

That the opinion that the King of Scots is directly papist, and that he secretly practises with the Duke of Guise and the Jesuits about the invasion of England, and that he will bring the friends of the Duke of Guise through his country into England. Two Jesuits sent into Scotland; who conferred with the Duke of Guise before their departure, and were sent into Huntly's country. That the Earls of Cumberland and Rutland and Lord Compton are friends to the Papists, and that the Earls of Rutland and Cumberland are in working with Fortescue and Dryland, priests. That Charles Arundell shall be head of the army. That the French ambassador has promised the protesting Papists to serve their turns in all enter- prises to the uttermost, according to the directions given him, and that he will see their letters conveyed to and fro in the King's packet. An Italian, his servant, delivers them and receives answer of one Taylor, a grocer in Fleet Street.

About making a loan, Charles Pagett against that of Throg- morton and the Earl of Northumberland. Cledore, a priest, pens it. They stay till they see what will come out against W. Shelley. The cause of the Earl of Arundell's coming is known only to Doctor Owen. That the Prince the winter following should invade England; the King of Spain Ireland; the Duke of Guise in person enter Scotland; the Earl of Westmoreland invade upon the north, about Westmore- land, bringing the two sons of the Earl of Northumberland with him; that he should have 10,000 men and 1000 cannons. Charles Arundell and Thomas Throgmorton invade the south and west parts. From Fitzherbert in great secret. That Parsons lay secretly for this purpose in the Prince of Parma's camp. Thomas Throgmorton to go secretly to Spain, and Parsons to Rome. Charles Pagett's going into England was to insure the Earl of Northumberland that the Princes were resolved of this invasion the year past. Which invasion was practised by Doctor Allen and Parsons, by whose mean Pagett was sent, and Parsons had been in Spain about the same. They charge Pagett that it did not fall out according to their expectation, saying he betrayed it to the Lords of the Council in England, and so betrayed the earl and Shelley. Charles Pagett received letters from the Queen of Scots willing him to stay there till the time fitted them; and the like message sent to the earl by Robothom, his man. Pagett went out, notwithstanding, on his journey. He is the more suspected because he is so great a suitor for Morgan, whose liberty is prevented by them. August 11th, 1583.

Quarrel between Charles Pagett, Morgan, and Charles Arundell. Charles Arundell would have killed Pagett, for that by his means he was prevented from the receipt of 3000 crowns laid out by him when he was in England about the Queen of Scots' affairs. Charles Arundell sought money of the Pope's nuncio and Bernardino (fn. 1) for the furnishing of three or four ships of war about St. Malo, wherein he and others should go to England with 600 or 700 men, secretly, to rob and spoil, upon the parts of Somersetshire, and take some gentlemen of importance in their shires, and to ransome the same and return with the spoils—a device liked of by Bernardino; but he does nothing without permission. The change in Scotland has made the Papists mad, for that the King being in the lords' hands, the ambassador of Spain assures them his King will adventure no invasion without being sure of a good party either in England or Scotland. That he would employ his whole forces for the Low Countries before he begins for England; carrying spoil, perhaps, on the frontier, as Sir Francis Drake had done in Spain; and so to drive the Queen [of England] to convert her force for her defence. It was expected, upon the Jesuits' promise in their letter of 28th November that the King should have been in their safe custody with Huntly and Maxwell; not altogether in despair, because they hope the Lord [John] Hamilton will "put" for their part; which his brother Claud assures. They hope well of the Earl of Mar if Lycyes may come unto him. In general, the Pope found by Doctor Allen well affected to English causes, but in particular fears the seminaries will not continue, the Pope alleging poverty; and for that the visita- tions are costly, doubts the seminary at Rome will be dissolved. Tressam Pagett and Throgmorton opened themselves directly against the proceedings of Parsons, not liking that that gentleman should be directed by priests.

Doctor Webb did "and handleth that he recanted his opinion in writing." George Turbervile greatly made account of, and the Papists to serve a turn if England be invaded on the parts where he dwells. December 16, 1583.

Charles Arundell is to go into Brittany within twenty days about his roving enterprise. His journey was to Spain. Fitzherbert only acquainted with his practices. He has great conference with Sumers, who furnishes him with some crowns. Captain Gay has promised to help him with 1000 or 1500 men at all times on the coast of Brittany. The speech [is] that the Kings of France and Spain, the Pope, the Duke of Savoy, and the Venecians have made a league for the invasion of England, which should have been shortly, that the state of Scotland had not been altered, but now deferred for four months; the Duke of Savoy is to come down under colour of aiding the Prince of Parma with 10,000 foot and 2000 horse which shall be transported into England by such ships as shall with merchandise within four months weigh out of Spain and Portugal, and being laid at Dunkirk, etc., and the galleys that are a-making at Antwerp. The Pope finds 4000 Italians of the number. They think they have the great ad- vantage of invading England, for that the Earl of Leicester is in Flanders with the best soldiers. Doctor Allen directly answered that there shall be granted in pensions the 3000l. by the year that Pope Gregory gave to the English seminary at Rome, [which were] taken away, and [of] which number many prepare for England; and Doctor Allen has sent to their aid, to dismiss the greatest part of the semin- aries, and to send them into England by reason of the Pope's said dealing, and for that the house is indebted 2500 crowns. January 12, 1583–4.

The Jesuits certified that they succeed according to their wish in Scotland; that by them and their directions 10,000 people are reconciled; that they daily expect numbers, as also to gain the King into their possession—the mark they shoot at, and cause of their going thither. The taking of which King is daily expected by the Duke of Guise, understanding which, he has promised to invade Scotland. The greatest and certain hope is from Spain of men, money and ships, as it is surmised, by the help of the Pope, who secretly promises aid, but openly yields no comfort of pension par- ticular to any. The Earl of Westmorland attends the Duke of Guise's direction for sending him into England. The earl and Prince of Parma at odds for that he hath taken away his charge going into Flanders. Whereupon he has forsaken his pension and is at defiance with the Prince and King. Thomas Throgmorton departed two days before towards Geneva to meet the Lord Pagett and to go to Guyenne. It is given out to prevent the release; but the Lord Pagett received out of England not long before 6000l. Said and believed that the King of France [is] presently ill affected to England, solicited by the Queen his mother. Espernon sent out of the way insomuch he should not hinder it; the Cardinals of Bourbon and Guise remaining at Court to continue him in that charge. This was delivered by the Pope's nuncio to Mr. Tressam [Paget] to deliver to the Prince of Parma from him. Liggons specially likely to be used by the Prince of Parma. October 18, 1583.

Charles Arundell returned from the Duke of Guise, malcontent for only having received of all his pay 300 crowns. He has conferred with Captains Gay and Francisco for 2000 men to prosecute his roving attempt into England; who have promised him his reasonable credit, and the former persuaded that he will set forward as soon as he can content his men out of the Scottish officers' hands, which the Duke of Guise has earnestly solicited. Thought he will set out about St. Malo. Some unkindness between him and Westmorland for that he was more affected to Pagett in the late quarrel. Lord Claud Hamilton's return to Scotland greatly desired to make some new party in England, which they hope he shall be able [to do] at his return by the help of his brother, the Earl of Huntly, and others. He is become a Papist, but uses his religion secretly since the return of the banished lords to Scotland. The Scottish Jesuits have their letters conveyed from Scotland to England by one Beste, a priest in the north parts, who sends them hither by some who come from Newcastle to Dieppe. Hoped that the marriage of Espernon with Madame Montpensier proceeding will make him further the same, that the King shall permit and aid the Duke of Guise in any attempt he will make against England or Scotland, and also procure that he shall join effectually with the King of Spain in any like attempt, according to his [Espernon's] promise to the Duke of Guise at his last being at Chalonnes a month before. All the Papists there keep persuaded that the King and his mother were willing of any attempt against England and to further it in secret. December 28 [1583].

That Allen and Parsons went to Rome to further the invasion of England the same winter, and to sift Batson the Jesuit who had been in England. Charles Arundell charged to be a spy for England by certain letters to the Pope's nuncio and articles. Wherefore all the gentlemen sent for and sworn to consent to the said articles. Charles Arundell cleared himself to the nuncio. Greatly accounted of, for that he was recommended by the Duke of Guise to the Pope for a meet man to have the conduct of an army to invade his country; and Lord Arundell returned certain plots and ground how the country might be invaded. September 30, 1583.

Lord Herbert and Sir Edward Herbert friends to the Popish con- spirators. The King of Scots directly Papist, whatsoever appearance of the contrary is policy. He has conference with the Duke of Guise by letters. It is ordered that all the posts sent out of England shall be sent to Scotland. Provision for their entertainment made by the Earl of Huntly and [Lord] Maxwell, not without the King's consent. Charles Arundell the man that should lead the army into England. The Papists divided into factions. The Bishop of Ross, Charles Paget, Thomas Morgan, and Thomas Throgmorton, and some few priests on one side. On the other part are Doctor Allen, Parsons, and all the Jesuits with all the rest. Doctor Allen plays on both hands. Thomas Throgmorton is rather with the Jesuits than against them, who use him in some practice.

3¼ pp. Indorsed: "Extract of B. his letters. August 21, 1583."

10. Brian Lassells to Walsingham. [Jan. 12.] C.P., vol. XIII.

Received his letters dated the 6th instant on the 10th, and accord- ing to his commandment has called before him William Parker, George More's man, the conveyor and receiver of letters by the said More's commandment, as his other fellow Ardington did. Using him [Parker] very straitly, and keeping him in his house two days. In the end, preparing to set him forwards towards his honour, he got him to confess to a letter which he received at his master's, George More's, hands, who then lay in Silver Street, London, at Lady Cordall's house, about a year and a half ago. Which letter was sealed up, as he says, without any superscription; and he the said Parker was commanded by his master to carry the same to the Charter House and to deliver it to the Earl of Arundel's porter, who was then "a fatt man of pro- portion," and thinks his name to be Atkinson. Which he did; but what the contents of the letter were, he knows not, neither did he receive any message or answer to the same. Further, he says that he never received any message or letter at any man's hands but this only, nor did he convey any.

Since his coming to the country he has received such intelligence that he purposes presently to repair to his [Walsingham's] house, because he has what it greatly concerns her majesty to know. Stays but to perfect everything, and intends to be with him about Thursday next. In the meantime his honour may be preparing with her majesty for the removing of the Earl of Shrewsbury's charge with great ex- pedition, for that it is most needful, as he shall understand on his arrival. There are two special persons of which he would wish him to write to the Earl of Shrewsbury to keep in safety; the one is Roger Sharpe, the Scottish Queen's coachman, and the other one James Rawson, and that they may be stayed and their houses searched. Which he doubts the earl will very slenderly perform. Will deliver to him [Walsingham] such suspicion as is conceived of them. Gate- ford. Signed: Brian Lassells.

1¼ pp. Addressed. Indorsed by Walsingham.

11. Elizabeth to Sir Andrew Keith. [Jan. 15.]

We find that by the late letters received from you, you have most faithfully and with very great sufficiency delivered to the King there such matters as passed between us at the time of your being here, whereof we prayed you to make report to the King. Which, as it should seem, has wrought that effect in him that he is disposed to send an ambassador to us to yield us satisfaction in such points wherewith we conceive to have cause to be aggrieved. And although the hard success and effects that followed from the last legation sent by him to us might greatly discourage us to hope for better hereafter, yet upon the assurance that you give us, that this resolution of the King grows from a good mind and a desire he has—all griefs removed —to enjoy good and perfect friendship with us, we most willingly assent thereto, hoping that the King will make choice of such persons to be employed in the said legation as shall be known to be well affected to the amity of this crown. And for your particular, what- soever success shall ensue from the same, we cannot but think our- selves greatly beholden to you for the desire you show to have to further that which you conceive may be for our service.

1²/3 pp. Copy. Indorsed by Walsingham.

12. Robert Bowes to Walsingham. [Jan. 20.]

For matters of the State, and chiefly for resolution and choice of sending a fit and sufficient person to the Queen of England, the King and Council in Scotland have appointed to hold a Convention in the beginning of next month. It is thought convenient by Rothes, Craw- ford, Montrose, and some others to enact and ordain that two earls shall quarterly relieve and disburden the King of the care of the common affairs, that he may the more freely take his recreation and pastime, that he shall be sufficiently guarded, and that from hence- forth no one person shall alone occupy his ear. It is thought that in time this may work to discount Arran, with pretence that after- wards matters shall be generally reformed and drawn to some temperate course, with union as well amongst the nobility as also in Court, which presently is in great jar and secret envy and hatred.

The King, at Rothes' earnest suit, has promised that Angus's ward shall be shortly changed into Angus and Dundee, and that he shall afterwards be restored to his livings by this running Parliament. Whereupon Rothes is returned home, thinking verily that the King will perform his promise; yet it is seen that some in Court are so far against it that it is doubted what shall follow thereon.

The King pretends, and it is verily believed, that he is well pleased to pardon and forget the raid at Ruthven. But Arran labours very busily to persuade and draw him to the contrary, and some of good experience in the King think that he will readily hearken to Arran in this behalf.

Betwixt Arran and Colonel Stewart there lurks a privy hatred and disdain, which is lately increased by the return of Dunfermline to the Court, effected chiefly by the colonel, and wherein Huntly and Crawford were, and still are friendly to Dunfermline, who now has returned home with hope to come again with the King's favour. Yet he is like to be therein hindered in that he has not fully satisfied the colonel in such things as he would have been at. Arran and Bothwell, being invited by the colonel to sup, fell into, and exchanged sharp words, " which, albeit the King did after reconcile, yett there stomackes kepe there swellynges." And likewise Arran and Crawford, lately reconciled by the King, are seen to be far from the late tender- ness that was betwixt them.

Bothwell has obtained the King's license to travel for five years amongst foreign nations, purposing, as he gives out, to see the Queen of England, the Court, and England. Howbeit his friends thinking it nothing meet for him to depart in this manner seek to stay him at home.

Seton departed from Burntisland on Friday (fn. 2) last at 1 in the afternoon. He takes with him Holt and the other Englishman, whom he keeps very close. He is much offended that the boroughs should send Wat Adamson to follow their cause in France for release of the toll raised there on the Scots. Wherein it is thought that Seton shall cross him if he can.

It is generally bruited in Scotland that the rebellion and troubles are great in England. Wherein the King was chiefly informed by Seton that sundry noblemen were in arms against the Queen of England. But upon the coming of this Englishman, kept thus closely in his cabinet, he has retracted that information. And like rumours are bruited there of some accident happened to the King's mother, with sundry other effects of greater importance than truth.

The Court there is presently quiet and small, hoping for good success in matters to be resolved at this next Convention. At the meeting whereof it is thought that some other effects may haply follow thereon, than are yet intended to be proponed by the authors and callers of that assembly. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

1²/3 pp. Addressed. Indorsed.

13. Robert Bowes to Walsingham. [Jan. 20.]

On Friday last Cuthbert Armorour—lately employed by my Lord Governor [Hunsdon]—returned out of Scotland with advertise- ment that Seton had departed from Burntisland on Thursday (fn. 3) last betwixt 4 and 5 in the morning. Soon after Richard Maverell—sent to Leith by him—came that night to him and informed him that Seton was in readiness to embark, but not gone, as Armorour reported. And on Saturday (fn. 4) last, in the forenoon, William Walker—likewise addressed by him to travel in this cause—brought knowledge that Seton and his company were ready to embark on Friday last, and to set forwards at the next tide at 1 o'clock in the afternoon, which they did.

Albeit he had given order and appointed that the ship of Newcastle should come to Holy Island long before this, yet by occasion of the wind or other impediment she did not arrive there. Sent Bartholomew Pickman on Saturday last to take charge of the ship, then at Tyne mouth, and put to the seas with all possible expedition to meet Seton, and to take only the English practisers and rebels in the ship, agreeable to the instructions given to him by the Lord Governor [Hunsdon].

Seton has with him Holte and one Englishman lately arrived from England, whom he has kept close in his own chamber, not suffering any man to see him or bring him meat except himself or his page. Understands that he is determined to fly the English coast by all possible means. For upon a tale told him that he is laid for—by which warning he [Bowes] finds that this matter is not well kept by all employed therein—he and the Englishman are in great fear. By this and other like occasions he something distrusts the good success of this purpose. Seton for his more surety had provided one of his own servants to join with, and be master of the ship with Gilbert Lamme, the ordinary master of that vessel wherein Seton now sails; yet promise is made to him [Bowes] by some in that company that if by any weather or accident the ship shall come to any road or port in England, the officers thereabouts shall be timely advertised what Englishmen are there, and of what quality they are, to the end they may be stayed, and that immediate knowledge shall be also given to him [Walsingham] thereof. It may please God to bring these two vessels together, and then, he trusts, he shall be presented with notorious Papists and traitors.

Has found himself so used and crossed in the execution of this-service that he is not only weary of the charge to deal in like causes and with intelligence, but sees also that he shall be little able to serve or profit therein, and therefore prays him to procure his discharge.

Is credibly informed that Seton received letters out of England on Sunday the 12th instant, and it is thought that he had commission therewith from the Queen of Scots ["23"] to travel in some causes in France, and to hasten his journey thither. Is also advertised that he has direction to seek to have 3000 Frenchmen to be brought into Scotland, who shall be levied in France only, and to be paid by the King of Spain, and that pledges of Englishmen shall be privily laid in this behalf. The Master of Gray has secretly told his friend that in conference with old Richard Norton in France, before the arrival of young Lennox in Scotland, he perceived well that the Queen of England was like to have her hands full, and that great troubles should shortly arise in England. Is advertised that his old friend Patrick Tompson should be employed for the Queen of Scots; wherein he finds no great cause for credit.

Mar and Glamis are together in Ireland, at Knockfergus. They have lately sent to Gowrie, and their servants are presently in Scotland.

The parties in the late intended purpose cast off lay the blame thereof on Rothes, and they are about in other work which they intend either to advance and execute with speed, or else to assemble together in Flanders for further resolution. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

3 pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed. Partly in cipher.

14. Archibald Douglas to [ ]. [Jan. 23.]

This present is to advertise that this is the fifth packet sent to you since I received any letter from Scotland. I will not trouble you with the needless reports of the contents of my former letters, but shall advertise you of the state of matters here, to the end that his majesty and such as direct his affairs may understand matters as they are, and not need to fall into any error for lack of knowledge. It is certain that the state of the present affairs through all Christendom had caused this State and Council to consider how necessary it was for this Queen and realm to have his majesty's friendship. Whereupon she was by earnest soliciting of her counsellors induced to make reasonable offers to the King our sovereign, and thereupon I was desired by the Councillors with whom I had dealt to be in readiness to carry to my sovereign such matter as she thought would satisfy his highness; and I am of opinion that his majesty would have liked well thereof himself, by reason they were direct answers and good for all such matters as I had knowledge of before. This resolution continued very hot for a certain space, and even while these two advertisements came hither from the north—the one that there were two factions in Scotland, according to the contents of my former letters sent by William Rygg; the other that the proudest, and those who made the oration in the parliament of Scotland were now contented to send "interposyd" persons to crave meeting of some great men or commissioners for quieting of Border matters and others to be treated upon for the welfare of both the realms. Those ad- vertisements have done this harm, that this Queen cannot be moved to think otherwise at this time but that the state of that realm is reduced to such necessity, that unless she shall put to her helping hand it will fall into extreme peril by dissension among themselves. Wherefore she is relieved of all the fear that thereby might have been conceived, which is thought to be the greatest matter that moves her to do any good; and if she should offer her assistance, as presently she does for helping his majesty, it is sufficient matter, she thinks, that that offer should be a sufficient satisfaction for all matters that are past; and this "untymus" dealing with my Lord Hunsdon has procured, and will procure, if it shall be continued, delay in all such matters as may concern his majesty's weal or surety. I marvel that such as direct his majesty's affairs who know this Queen's nature and the manner of proceeding of this realm—that is, to prolong matters to the uttermost—should not have considered that so evil a course should not have been taken for his majesty's service as to deal with the said lord, remaining so far distant at this time from her majesty, who has no power to further any matters when he is present but such as are committed to him by this Queen and Coun- cillors; and now to enter into such dealing with him as may remove all the reasons given in that advanced the course of his majesty's service, can stand with no kind of good judgment or policy.

This realm has of late stood in great fear of foreign invasion, which moved those who were here to be so careful to move her majesty to come to some final point with our sovereign, and was the only cause that moved her to condescend thereto. But now this manner of dealing has so far removed any opinion of her that may be looked for from that country, that no manner of further care is taken, and all the offers that were commanded to be presently set down, con- taining direct answers, and good for such matters as had been pro- poned, are now "producyd" to such generalities that no good end may be shortly expected thereof. God forgive those who are so careless of his majesty's service that they look not what inconvenience may fall out before they enter into so sudden dealing so far, so long ab- staining from good intelligence, without any manner of good form or reasons moving them thereto. Which kind of proceeding has moved these who are here to think that fear, and not reason, is the author of this counsel. But thus far I may affirm, that his majesty needed not to fear any harm to proceed from this country against him, where he is beloved of many and hated of none. Besides, the Earl of Leicester, who is the only man who may be able to do his majesty ill or good in this country, is not a little grieved in mind that my dealing should be with the Lord Hunsdon or any man, except with himself. Of this I mind to write more very shortly.

Your brother, who has arrived here from the Low Countries, and the "remnant" of his followers are in good reputation with him and this whole Court. "I mynde to dyrecte shortly for syk informmes hys majesti, therfor you shall not nede too take the paynes to cume hether, and I wyll avoyde so farr as I can too cum home, bycawse I see that parsons so transportes mens incummynge that no kynde of reason ys able too move men that hys majestiys able too be sarvyd with suche as hys majesti owght and showld."

1⅓ pp. Copy in Hunsdon's hand. Indorsed by Burghley: "Copy of Arch. Dowglasses lettre into Scotland sent by ye L. Hunsdon, 23 January."

15. Robert Bowes to Walsingham. [Jan. 24.]

In the "awayt" and pursuit of the English Papists and prac- tisers carried by sea to France in company with Seton, it happened that some Scottish vessels sailing southwards and suspected to have the said persons on board were met and gently searched by Bartholo- mew Pyckman in the Roger and Katherine, of Newcastle, and therein two English persons were found and brought hither upon suspicion that they were Papists and practisers against the religion and State. The one is a tailor, called William Owles, of Dereham in Norfolk, the other a widow called Katherine Haryson, of Blakeney in Norfolk. They confessed to have been of the number that departed out of Norfolk with Robert Browne, preacher—and before put out of the country by the bishop of Norwich—to Middlesbrough, from whence they came after Michaelmas last to Edinburgh, where the husband of this woman died, and thereon she and this tailor, minding to return to Norfolk, were on their voyage for Lynn. No other matter for their detention can hitherto be found in them, so that now they attend direction for their liberty and discharge. Seton putting further to sea from this coast is now passed with his company, who are not to be recovered by this ship.

Argyll and sundry others of the nobility have appointed to be at Edinburgh this day or to-morrow. Montrose, Rothes, and Morton are already there. It is thereby meant that the Convention shall be assembled with greater speed than was looked for, and it thought that some effects of importance shall be seen to spring and follow thereon.

Rothes travels earnestly for Angus's liberty; but it will not be granted except the Laird of Carmichael and his eldest son, George Douglas of the Parkhead and his eldest son, James Douglas, son of the Earl of Morton, and others of that surname shall depart out of Scotland. Hereby Rothes does not find all promises kept with him with such expedition as he looked for. Nevertheless, he is in some hope to obtain his desire and purpose soon after the end of this Con- vention.

The King lately commanded the Laird of Adye to ward upon the accusation of Arran, and soon after he set him at liberty at the request of Crawford, whereupon the discord between those two earls is renewed and increased so greatly that the Court is much troubled and occupied therewith.

Bothwell of late prayed the King to grant him the combat against Arran; but the King wishing rather to see him a grave councillor than a rash combater, denied it. Afterwards he dealt with Colonel Stewart to carry his challenge to Arran, pretending that if Arran had been present he would have challenged him openly in the King's presence and hearing. But the colonel has refused, and it is thought that little more shall ensue hereon.

Seton's commission is lately much enlarged, with power to signify to the King his master's friends in France, as he is informed that the King will not entreat or conclude any marriage without their privity and assent. And therewith the King delivered to him five blanks to be filled at the discretion of his friends and himself. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

1⅓ pp. Addressed. Indorsed.

16. Robert Bowes to Walsingham. [Jan. 24.]

Received this day from an especial friend of good quality a letter written covertly with unaccustomed ink, and meant to acquaint him with the present plot for some changes in the Court; but the paper was so ruffled, and the letters so perished, that he could not read any words thereof. Has returned the carrier with advertisement of the defect. It seems to him that the execution of these said purposes shall be speedily put into practice, or otherwise to be again trodden under foot. Perceives that most there look for a sudden alteration, which, he fears, shall not turn to any great benefit to them [the English], seeing that many of the authors thereof are wholly devoted to the Queen of Scots, and that this matter is meant to be done without offence to the King of Scots, whose affection towards the Queen of England is in manner utterly quenched. But as it shall further proceed he trusts to give him timely advertisement.

It is like that there shall be inward familiarity betwixt Seton and Norton at their meeting together in France, and it appears that Norton has good intelligence of the practices in England. Wherein it may be that George Norton, his son, if he were in company with him, might attain to some understanding; and he is willing to be em- ployed, and to do all that he can to deserve the Queen of England's grace, offering himself to pass thither and try what he can do in the same. Requests direction what course he shall prescribe him.

Upon hearing that the Earl of Northumberland was committed to the Tower, it is looked that some timely order shall be taken for the custody and disposition of his castles and houses in the north parts, and finding Captain Nicholas Errington desirous to have some place and charge whereunto he may withdraw himself for his quiet life and contentment, has thought it his duty to commend him to his good favour. Is ashamed to have been so troublesome and burdensome to him for his own estate and relief, supported and saved by his especial means. Will faithfully provide his timely discharge. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

2 pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed. Partly in cipher.

17. Robert Bowes to Walsingham. [Jan. 28.]

By very good intelligence has learned that Seton has left Holt at Seton, where presently he remains, hoping to have the favour to be admitted to the King's presence, that the King may hear what he can say in maintenance of the religion and doctrine of the Papists. It is generally believed in Scotland that Holt is gone, and he had been so informed at sundry hands, but they are deceived.

Understands that on Saturday last two gentlemen of England— one of whom names himself Tunstell or Tunstede—came to Farnyhurst through Liddesdale by a very wild and dangerous passage. Has heard that these, or one of them, should be of the Temple. Trusts he will easily get understanding what they are, and also learn what their affairs are in these parts. Thinks some matter of no small effect shall be discovered to him thereby. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

1 p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

18. Robert Bowes to Walsingham. [Jan. 31.]

This late Convention at Edinburgh was sudden and of small number. It is now dissolved without such effects as were looked for. Nevertheless, it has decreed very sharply against the distressed persons; for charge is given to Mar and Glamis to pass and remain out of England, Ireland, and Scotland, notwithstanding any former licence granted to them. Gowrie is likewise charged to depart, and it is looked that Bothwell shall either leave the country of his own accord or else receive charge to do it.

Angus's ward in Murray is changed into the Mearns, with condition that he shall remove from him the Laird of Carmichael and his son, the sons of the late Earl of Morton, George Douglas of the Parkhead and his son, the Constable of Dundee, and sundry other Douglases, his servants, and persons of good quality, all of whom are charged upon pain of treason to depart out of the said three realms within one month.

It was agreed, but is not yet put in execution, that a large number of such burgesses of Edinburgh as accompanied John Dury in the churchyard there against the Duke of Lennox at his being in Edin- burgh after the raid of Ruthven shall be likewise charged to depart out of the said realms. In all which it is seen that the King, of his own disposition, is grown very earnest.

It is also agreed that proclamation shall be made to restrain all the servants and dependers of Angus and Mar from coming near the King by twenty miles. Howbeit the Councillors cannot agree on the form; for Arran persuades that it should generally prohibit all the servants, dependers, and favourers of the Douglases and house of Mar. But Argyll, Montrose, and others think that the persons sus- pected and to be prohibited should be specially named.

Lochleven made sail for Rochelle on the 21st instant; but it is much doubted whether the rest will so well obey their charges.

Applegarth, lately escaped out of the Castle of Edinburgh, has for his relief accused Angus and [the Laird of] Bonjedworth of having conspired the surprise of the King's person, and it is said that he has thereby obtained a respite for five years. The Court now attends for good news out of France and Spain from Seton and his son, Sir John, and the courtiers are in good hope and comfort that all things there shall succeed to their desire. Wodhouse, otherwise calling himself Drakes, is returned by water to Norfolk. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

1¼ pp. Addressed. Indorsed by Robert Beale.

19. Robert Bowes to Walsingham. [Jan. 31.]

Received his last letter of the 24th instant, together with a box with writings for Captain John Case, and has delivered the box and writings to Captain Case; all which he has perfected before himself and three other witnesses. Returns them to him herewith, and requests that he will cause them to be given to Mr. Francis Mylles, to be by him disposed as appertains.

Understands by his servant, John Allen, the great favour and help he has showed him in the provision of the large portion of money come by his means for him; for which he thanks him, and assures him that he will with due diligence provide to repay the same, and will be ever ready to honour and serve him for that great benefit, saving him from immediate fall and ruin. His poor estate has been so oppressed with sundry unlucky accidents, and especially by the deceit and breach of some evil ministers lately serving under him, that thereby necessity contrained him to be thus troublesome to him and others, and to seek relief of friends, and chiefly to cast his anchor on the Queen of England's goodness and bounty. Nevertheless, finding himself already rewarded by her majesty far above his service, and being afraid of being found importunate, requests his good advice as well in any new suit to her, as also for the most apt time to be taken to begin and present the same. Thanks him for that by his good means he is disburdened, and that it is granted to him to forbear to use— at his charges—the intelligencers in Scotland, who of late he finds in great fear, and very scrupulous, either to be seen to search into any matters of the State, or to be known to have intelligence with him. And whereas it is his pleasure that he shall otherwise advertise to him such occurrents as shall happen to come to his knowledge without expense, he will gladly do the same the best he can. But forasmuch as by the late order of the Privy Council for riding in post and carriage of letters for her majesty's affairs, he is restrained from charging the posts in any sort, having now no warrant or power to send by post, there- fore he trusts he will from henceforth pardon his seldom writing and slow convoy of his letters to him by such carriers and means as shall be found for him. His own poor business in the country has long sustained great damage by his absence and lack of good order, there- fore he begs him to procure him licence to resort thither for such time as with favour can be granted.

For the execution of the means intended for the reformations desired some persuade to draw Gowrie ("333") nearer to assist and be present at the enterprise; but finds still such faintness in the chief instru- ments that he wholly despairs of the account and of the good success, thinking verily that this matter shall fall in the ashes with the former.

The two Englishmen arrived at Farnyhurst continue there. They have been at Cesford's house, and intend to pass shortly to Edinburgh; but it is told him that they attend some direction to come out of England before they depart from the Border. It is thought that one is called Fulgham, and the other, naming himself Tunstall, is at his commandments. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

2²/3 pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

20. Bond by James VI. and Nobility of Scotland. [Jan.]

We "underscrivand" considering the present estate of the King's majesty our sovereign lord, the youth of so great number of his nobility, and the occasion of the troubles and variances that have been in this realm since his highness's birth, and before, to the great hindrance of the establishing of policy, peace, and justice, and to the prejudice of the nobility and all his majesty's good subjects in all estates—which inconveniences by all appearances will daily increase to the peril of his majesty and decay of the estimation of his highness and his realm, our native country, and to the trouble and scaith of every one of us in particular, if God of his mercy removes not the occasions; and finding his majesty now coming to manhood, possessed in his own person with the governance of his realm and subjects, and having many great and weighty matters in hand concerning the honour and surety of his person and estate, his marriage, the enter- tainment of peace, unity, and good intelligence with the Christian Princes and commonwealths, his nearest neighbours, friends, and allies, and the repressing of thieves and broken men inhabiting the countries near the Borders, with the governing of his other peaceable and good subjects in tranquility, peace, and justice, which can hardly take any good effect without our hearty and loving con- currency in his majesty's obedience, to the advancement of his honour and service, and having found his majesty most desirous of union and concord amongst us all, and most loving, gracious, and bountiful to every one of us. Therefore, in God's fear and in his majesty's obedience, avowing ourselves his most humble subjects, we faithfully promise to continue true and obedient to his highness unto the end of our lives, and to concur, assist, and proceed in all our actions to the ad- vancement of the glory of God and His true religion publicly preached and professed by his highness and us all, and as may most tend to the honour, surety, and service of his majesty and his posterity, the observation of the peace, amity or defence of this realm in case of any foreign invasion, the punishment of the rebels, and governing his majesty's good subjects in tranquility, peace, and justice, procuring, so far as in us lies, the reformation and amendment of all disorders that have intervened during the troublesome times bygone. And seeing we are to resort to his majesty as we shall be called upon or otherwise have necessary occasion, whereunto such grudges, dis- pleasures, and unkindness as have happened amongst any of us in times bygone may be some let and stay, therefore, for removing of all such doubts, we have assured, and by the tenour hereof every one of us taking the burden on us for ourselves "and all that we maie lett, assures ilke ane others to be unhurt, unharmed, molested, pursued, or in any wise invadit for ald feade or newe, otherwise then by thordinarie course of lawe and justice." Neither shall we, or any that we may let, make any provocation of trouble, displeasure or tumult by word, deed or countenance, as we shall answer to God and upon our fidelity and honour to his majesty. Moreover, we promise faithfully that within forty days after the 18th day of Feb. 1583[-4] we and every of us that has action of deadly feud or quarrel of offence or envy against another shall give our complaint thereupon to our sovereign Lord. Whereupon his highness, by the advice of his Council, calling before him the party adversary, may "drawe the matter in amicable submission" to such indifferent persons as his majesty shall think most expedient, and his highness to be "overman," to the effect that the party offended may be "reparit" as honour, reason, and equity "cravis," to the removing of all such action of feud, quarrel, offence, or envy. And if any wilfully and obstinately refuses the reasonable offer and honourable concord of his party, and to give and take reason and measure at the "sight" of our sovereign Lord and indifferent persons to whom his majesty shall think meet that the cause be submitted, we promise to be party "to" the said wilful and obstinate person, and nowise to assist him in the contrary. "Attoure" we have renounced and discharged, and by the tenour hereof renounce and discharge all bonds, obligations, and promises made by us together against any others in time bygone pre- ceding the date hereof. Whereby we may surely observe and keep the effect of this our public bond and promise in time coming. In witness hereof these presents being subscribed by our said sovereign Lord in token of his majesty's desire hereof, we also have subscribed the same with our own hands as followeth. James R. Anguss. Huntlye. Gowrye.

1⅓ pp. Copy. Indorsed: "January 1583. Copie of the general bond subscribed by the K. and nobility, etc. After the entreprise at Ruthen."

Cott. Calig., C. VII., fol. 365.

Another copy of the same.

21. Re-examination of Lord Henry Howard. [Jan.] Cott. Calig., C. VII., fol. 361.

Being enjoined in her majesty's name upon his allegiance to declare the truth concerning the question that should be propounded to him, he says that a little before he was first committed about the Earl of Oxford's matter, there was some communication between him and Charles Paget touching the Queen of Scots, Charles Paget testifying all her doings. He told him that if she could acquit herself of the marriage with Bothwell it might serve for her defence, but thought that she had not sufficiently cleared herself thereof. Where- upon Charles Paget promised that he would show him such matter as should satisfy him.

After Mr. Paget's departure from England he received a letter from him signifying to him that if he could know whither to send his letters, he now had wherewith to satisfy him touching that matter of the Queen of Scots whereof they once talked. Whereunto he [Howard] answered by word of mouth to the party who brought it, that if he would write he should direct his letters to himself if he were in town, and if not, to cause them to be delivered to the keeper of his house beside Ely Bridge, or else to the keeper of the Earl of Arundel's house at the Charter House. Afterwards a letter was brought without any superscription or direction, and was left with John Gardener alias St. Clair, keeper of the said earl's house at the Charter House, with one from Charles Paget containing a sheet and a half of paper, written for the clearing of the Queen of Scots in the matter of the marriage with Bothwell. Which writing he afterwards delivered to Charles Arundel to read, and did not receive it again.

The first letter from Charles Paget was written within half a year after his delivery from the trouble about the Earl of Oxford's matter. The second was after, and the writing without superscription, within two months after that.

Thinks the party who brought both the first letters was Lord Paget's man, and if he saw the party he should know him. But concerning the writing without superscription, it was left with the keeper of the house, and so delivered to him. Does not know precisely the time of the receipt of the letter without superscription, but thinks it was three or four months before a certain letter was delivered to him in the Park at St. James's, which was at Whitsuntide, shall be twelve months. The letter was wrapped up and sealed with hard wax. It had no name subscribed to it. Only thinks it was from Charles Paget by reason of the speeches which had before passed between them and the said Charles Paget's letter to him.

Protests that he never received from St. Clair or any other person any other letter in such sort, but this only. Utterly denies to have received any from the Scottish Queen at all, and if this came from her, it had not appearance thereof. But he always took it to have come from Charles Paget.

The letter was sealed with two or three seals, but of no arms to be known by. But the letter which he afterwards received in St. James's Park, which was thought to be from the Scottish Queen, was sealed with a seal having a St. Andrew's cross. Signed: Henry Howarde. Robert Beale.

3 pp. In Robert Beales hand. Indorsed: "Jan. 1583. The L. H. Howard re-examined."