Elizabeth: November 1584

365. Lord Claud Hamilton to Mr. Henry Anderson. [Nov. 1.]

"After my werie hertlie commendatioun; I knew nothinge of the lettre yow wrete unto my lord my brother and me quhill this last Sattirday after aucht of the clok, for otherwayes I wald have send sonar ane anser therunto. And seing you ar one quhom I will ever accompt as deer freind unto me, I will hertlie crave that in this caus committit unto you, as it is wechtie and of great importance tuiching my pert, that yow will—not offending her majestie—be my affectionat freind therin. The matter standeth this; efter your deperture the Master of Glames cuming heir, I offerit sic reassoun that I am assurit if any indifferent judge had beyne present wald have stud witht me. And seing they wald na wayis be content witht reassoun, I thocht it best to wryt to Mr. Secretarie Walsynghame a reasonable letter, as you may persave by the copie therof quhilk I have ordanit this berrar to shaw you, and douttis not bot the same wilbe acceptit in guid pert. And therfoir will hertlie pray you to continew to wryte any aunser tuiching my pert quhill I knaw his honouris anser to my said lettres, quhilk I think wilbe shortlie, for the same wes sent away by post witht diligence." Wodryngtoun. Signed: Claud Hammiltoun.

¾ p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

366. Notes by Monsieur Nau. [Nov. ] C.P., vol. XIV.

Hatton has done her several good offices; offering by the Countess of Shrewsbury that if the Queen of England should die he would be ready to come and fetch the Queen of Scotland with the guard.

It is Markham who has made him friendly with the countess. Tell him not to trust in her, and that she will do him wrong, as she has done to all her other friends, only keeping faith as long as it suits her.

Mr. Walsingham has taken up Arbella's cause. The countess showed her the letters that he had written, so as to defy her and boast of her credit.

Said that he had wished to impoison her by Rookby.

That he was quite at the service of Huntingdon.

The most part of the corruptions of the Queen came from this good lady, who aggravated her against the Queen and against what she wished.

Did not favour him in Scotland, because he wished to proceed without her.

False that she had written against him.

The robberies of Dolu.

Leicester wishes to spare him. Has known all that he has ever written or caused to be written to the countess.

Who hated him very much about ten years ago.

Make him command that the Queen of Scotland would not be a quarter of an hour in the hands of the earl, without respect of her whom she defied very much.

The friendship with Huntingdon.

The opinion that he has of Sadler and Sommer, and of Lord St. John. For the change.

Establish secret intelligence if her host is changed.

Has had occasion to distrust him, especially since his marriage with his wife, whom the countess described to him as his mortal enemy, and that she wished to impoison her. A present that he had given to his wife that the Queen recognised, and was very angry with his said wife.

Tokens between Arbella and her son. Shirt, portrait.

The countess was so silly that she defied her, and to make herself esteemed showed the letters.

She said that the Earl of Leicester before he married this woman was gentle and reconcilable with his enemies, but since, she had taught him never to pardon.

She threatened the Queen of Scotland with him, as if she held him in her sleeve.

Has known all about the marriage between them, and when the little "Nede" came. And that his wife was at Killingworth [Kenilworth] before she married him in a secret chamber.

She charged him with being the chief of a band against the late Duke [of Lennox], of which my lord Gray was one of the principals.

Messages from Charles Cavendish between them.

Mr. Dyar too affectionate to Lord Charles.

Letter written by his hand with Pembroke will never be shown.

Removal of the Queen.

Who is my Lord St. John, that she finds it is. … ?

He has always made profession of his right and to the North and elsewhere.

Huntingdon.

Does not show himself enemy to the Catholics.

Continued in his ancient friendship.

Obliged by many good offices.

Burghley may have commandment to proceed in and through everything by his advice and direction.

The negotiation being as much for the good of the Queen [of England] as for that of the Queen of Scotland.

It is old and wise advice, who loves the good of his country without passion or faction.

Show to be willing in everything to follow his advice, and, in fact, to ask him after the negotiation will be once opened.

You have had testimony of her goodwill with her duty instead of credit. And also that she has determined to deserve it in what she could towards her friends as much in this kingdom as elsewhere.

Very satisfied with what the Queen has told him.

Changing.

My Lord Charles Howard.

Is related to the Queen and an honourable lord.

Esteems him as her kinsman.

Has been acquainted with his father, and was obliged to him. Loves all of that surname. And inasmuch as this family have suffered for her she would wish to make reparation with her blood towards posterity.

The Chancellor.

In his examination found him most sincere and most courteous, and very faithful in his report.

Prays him to have respect to the good which could come from this treaty for the good and safety of the State.

Mr. Knoll[ys].

Her old acquaintance.

Had written to him, but had a bad hand, and has hardly been able to write the little she has done.

As he has been the first who received her in this country, so may it be he who aids her in leaving it.

The Comptroller.

Recommendations. Assurance of his goodwill and thanks for it.

Sir Walter Mildmay. Beale.

Lady Cobham. The Queen of Scotland assures her that she will never do her harm, although it has been reported that she was an enemy of the said Queen and a friend of the countess.

My Lord Bedford. The King of Scotland.

The Queen of Scotland considers him her godson having held him in the name of the Queen of England, and [he] having so much intervened between the Queen of England and the Queen of Scotland.

Charles Cavendish wished that the Queen of Scotland would write to his father to charge him with having treated with the late Duke [of Lennox], who was for the traitors of Dumbarton—over their heads.

3 pp. French. In the hand of Mr. Thomas Phelippes. Indorsed: "Nau his private notes of remembrance what to say from the Q. of Scots to every particular counseller at his coming to London, November, 1584."

367. Requests to be made on behalf of the Queen of Scots. [Nov.] C.P., vol. XIV.

For the removal of the Queen of Scots to Tutbury.

First, that it may please the Queen of England her good sister to give her assurance that with all convenient diligence the treaty for her liberty may go forward, and that the said change may only be made for the time of the said treaty.

However, to provide for her present and very urgent necessity in awaiting the accomplishment of the said treaty, that it may be permitted her to be able to take within ten or twelve miles round about the place of her abode, all exercises necessary for the recovery and preservation of her health.

A second house may be appointed for a change, as is very necessary. Besides the priest who will bear himself as secretly as possible, and the five other attendants already asked for, of whom she has at present great need, there may be granted her some lord or gentleman of quality to command in her house, and a lady in place of my Lady of Seton, as her indisposition has constrained her to retire, the said Queen of Scots not being able honourably to pass by these two last, especially if the treaty for her liberty does not succeed shortly.

Moreover, that there may be granted to her attendants, some women and servants to serve them. And by this means they will be themselves more capable of holding themselves subject to the service of the said Queen their mistress, as her ill state and their little number requires it.

That it may be declared how she will be served for her own mouth, and what order for the rest of her house.

What liberty to her said servants, and in what limits.

That it may be permitted her to change, and dismiss her said servants as she will find necessary and will be troubled by them for their said liberty. And be able also to engage others of like quality in their places.

Further, that there may be granted her a complete litter, two mares for herself, and six horses of suite in all for her women and servants who accompany her when going to take the air, the Earl of Shrewsbury having furnished her and her people always with horses up to the present. And may it be declared particularly the order which will be taken in regard to her ordinary coachman, and some other new grooms being necessary there.

The Commissary of her Treasurer in France or other of her Council can in the next spring bring her the accounts that her said Treasurer has to render her of her charge for three years, and to inform her of the entire state of her affairs there, which can only be in very bad order, lacking there the principal officer, that is to say the Chancellor. And besides, by the same means, to let her have, as she has before requested to be allowed her, every year up to four million crowns.

Finally, may it please the said Queen her good sister to permit her to send to her hereafter from time to time according as occasion may require.

1¼ pp. French. Indorsed: "M. Nau's requests presented to her majesty."

368. [Walsingham] to Sadleir. [Nov. 3.] C.P., vol. XIV.

The Queen's majesty is now grown to a full determination for the removal of the Scottish Queen, which is meant shall be performed about the [2]3rd or 24th of this month; at which time the Lord St. John, to whom the charge of her shall be committed, shall be sent down, accompanied with some gentlemen of good countenance to assist him in that charge. In the meantime the Earl of Shrewsbury has promised to see the said Queen and yourself and others who attend there furnished with all necessaries. You will do well in the meantime to give present order for the putting of Tutbury in readiness, and that there may be some provision made of wood and coals. It is meant that there shall be sent from hence out of hand one of the officers of the household with money, and certain purveyors to attend him in this service, as also one of the wardrobe to see the house dressed up, and to receive such stuff as shall be sent by the sheriff of Staffordshire thither. In the meantime I have thought good to send you a note of such points as her majesty desires to be resolved in, wherein she desires expedition. I forgot to let you understand by my last [letter] that her majesty's pleasure is you shall take such order with Edward Toky, lately apprehended, either in the retaining of him or releasing of him, as by you shall be thought meet.

The Master of Gray had audience on Sunday last. He propounded no particular matter, but proceeded altogether in generalities, in showing how greatly the King his master desired her majesty's friendship before all other Princes. As he is young in years, so is he in judgment, and therefore not the best [to be] chosen to deal in great matters. It is thought that the King stands now better affected to him than to any other man in Scotland. I leave to you to judge what fruits will follow of that government that is guided by a young King and by young counsel. I would be glad to understand beforehand when Nau sets forth, to the end I may prepare his lodging and give order for his usage otherwise at the time of his repair hither.

2 pp. Draft. Corrections in Walsingham's hand. Indorsed.

369. Custody of the Queen of Scots. [Nov. 3.] C.P., vol. XIV.

"A note of certayn points to be resolved by Sir Rafe Sadler."

(1) What number of persons will suffice to guard the Scottish Queen at Tutbury.

(2) Whether it shall be necessary to have soldiers, or whether the ordinary servants of the noblemen who shall have the custody of her may not suffice.

(3) If it shall be thought meet to have soldiers, then how many, and whether it were better, for the ease of her majesty's charges, to give them the ordinary wages of 8d. a day, or meat and drink with some wages.

(4) Whether the soldiers may all be lodged within the castle.

(5) What number of horses were fit to be kept by the noblemen who shall have the guard of her.

(6) Whether the Queen of Scots has any horses of her own to send for her coach, and whether her gentlemen who attend on her [have any], and at whose charges they be kept.

(7) What number of persons the said Queen has attending on her.

(8) What chambers shall be thought meet to be furnished.

(9) What stuff she has of her own, and how much there remains serviceable of what was sent to her from the Queen of England, a note whereof he [Walsingham] incloses, and how much were necessary to be supplied.

(10) What the Queen of Scots' ordinary diet is on fish days and flesh days.

(11) How many messes besides her own diet are served to the rest of her train, and in what sort the said messes are furnished.

(12) At what rates and prices victuals may be provided in those parts, and also provision of horse meat.

(13) What stable room there is at Tutbury.

(14) By what time the house may be put in readiness.

(15) In what place near Tutbury beer may be provided.

(16) What proportion of wine is spent by the said Queen and her train yearly.

1¾ pp. Draft. Corrections in Walsingham's hand. Indorsed.

Fair copy of the same.

370. Lord Claud Hamilton to Elizabeth. [Nov. 3.]

"Rycht excellent, rycht heyght and mychtie Princes. Pleis your majestie, wppon the recept of your heyghnes lettre sent to my lord my brother and me tuiching the reconciliation of ws wyth therle Anguishe and Mar, I am sorie that my pouer witht save honour could not corespond to my guid will in that point, haveing in one respect the dew[ty] I auch unto your majestie for the great benifites I have resavit of your heyghnes, and on the other pert that quhilk I auch unto my natyve soverynge, but quhais wtter and just indignation I could on na wayis satisfie your majesties desyre. Quhais just wraitht—as it becumetht a subject—I mair feir than lyfe or quhatsoever other accident may fall me. Craving mast humblie your heyghnes therfoir not to grudge or in ony wayis be offendit at this my noct refusall bot rather falt of pouer to satisfie your majesties desyre. Quher as my fortewne hes beyne so suddane that my commoditie hes not permittit me to acquyt so well as became me my dewitie unto your heyghnes. I wische your majesties discretion therein to apperdone and considder my necessitie, quhilk wes sic that my lyfe wes in no les danger nor it wes awaill. And seing the same wes for his majesties caus I thocht rather to wentur my selfe in his heyghnes handis to abyd his will and plesur quhatsoever, than, noct haveing moyen to satisfie your majesties desyre, remane. Quher as my commoditie doetht not serve to do your heyghnes anie acceptable service, and that witht the dainger of my lyfe, I will therfoir beseek mast humbly your majesties wisdom to apperdoune me, and to considder my straittes herin, seinge my meaneing in all respectes be so trew, not gevin credit to quhatsumever mair frelie than trewlie misreporting of me. Bot at all tymes estemeing of me as he quha to his lyfes end shall on na wayis be forgetfull of your heyghnes extraordinar courtesie, being of mynd nixt my dewtie I auch to my natyve soverynge, quhome first I most neddes respect—to go about by all meanes possible to acquyt your majestie by my mast humble service for thees benifites resavit of your heyghnes, unable to me by anie other meanes to recompance." "Hurklie upon Tueidsyde." Signed: Claud Hammiltoun.

1 p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

371. Mr. [John] Colvile to Walsingham. [Nov. 4.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 175.

Considers it best to keep secret the delay made by Lord Claud [Hamilton] as it may, perhaps, in some sort prejudice those who deal honourably and sincerely, upon some doubt that may be conceived that the like alteration may happen in others that has fallen out in this nobleman. He [Walsingham] knows how apt men are—carried away with their particular passions—to enter into a general condemnation, and therefore he wishes greatly that this breach might be made up. For which purpose he has given Lord Claud the best advice he can to take some other way of counsel, as he may perceive by the inclosed copy. Has long had cause to doubt of the soundness of that gentleman, nor is he in great hope—whatsoever he subscribe—that he will sincerely perform the same, being, as he has cause to doubt, a devoted servant to the Scottish Queen, and therefore he is warily to be dealt with, for that it is to be doubted that he has been a principal discoverer of such things as have come to his knowledge touching the purposes of the well affected in Scotland for the reformation of that State. Notwithstanding, to have him disunited from the rest would breed an opinion of some weakness in the cause when such a person shall by practice be won to shrink away. And it is likely, if he were quite shaken off, that he might the easier thereby win favour at home; whose fortune being restored the whole surname, perhaps, may be drawn to follow, and to forsake the chief of the house. For experience shows that men generally are rather inclined to follow such as are in prosperity, than to cleave to a fortune that is abased. Begs him to look substantially into the matter and let him know what course he thinks meet to be taken in the cause, and in the meantime he will bury all under silence. Though the Master of Gray labours what he may to make her majesty conceive hardly of the distressed noblemen, yet they may assume that she will not be easily carried away by such a young fellow from those whose good affection towards her she has made so good proof of by sundry effects.

1 p. Copy.

372. The Privy Council to Sadleir. [Nov. 5.] C.P., vol. XIV.

This bearer, Bryan Cave, one of the Cofferer's Clerks, is sent down by order from her majesty to make such provision at Tutbury Castle as shall be thought needful by you upon conference with him, both for the diet of the Scottish Queen and the nobleman who shall have the custody of her. For which purpose there are delivered to him 500l. by way of imprest to be employed that way; as also a commission to take up the said provisions at reasonable prices. It is also thought meet to send down with him one of her majesty's wardrobe to prepare the house and to take into his charge her majesty's wardrobe stuff which is there already, whereof we send you an inventory, and such other as by you shall be thought meet to be used of the Lord Paget's, being in the charge of the sheriff of Staffordshire, whereof you shall also herewith receive an inventory. And we have ordered that upon the receipt thereof he shall deliver to the sheriff a discharge for the same. For which purpose the inclosed letter is directed to the said sheriff to signify to him her majesty's pleasure for the delivery as well of the wardrobe stuff to her majesty's said servant of the wardrobe, as of all other necessary implements for household that you shall think needful to be used to the said Cave, who shall give him a discharge for so much of the same as he shall receive by bill indented. And for that it is conceived that for the conveying thereof from the Lord Paget's house to Tutbury the sheriff will need some help of the country for carriage, it is thought meet that your commission which you have under her majesty's hand should be sent to him to serve his turn for the time that he shall need it.

1¼ pp. Copy. Indorsed: "1584, 5 Nov. M[inute] to Sir R. Sadler."

373. Mr. John Colvile to Walsingham. [Nov. 6.]

In my last letter, of the 28th of October, I sent your honour the form of appointment betwixt these noblemen, and if your honour has received this letter, please your honour keep it till my coming, for such cause as I cannot commit to writing. But I fear that letter has not come to your lordship's hands. If so be some men have done wrong, whereof I shall more fully inform your honour on meeting.

I am directed in general from the whole noblemen "reconciliat," and "thinkis" to see your lordship about the 14th instant, by God's grace. The reconciliation was on the 3rd instant; on which day the Lord Claud [Hamilton] rode to the Borders, and is not yet returned. He would not obey her majesty's letter, but thought, and thinks to excuse himself well enough by such other means as he has found out anew. "Alvay" I am credibly informed that he is already in Seton. And if so be, he has done unfaithfully to your lordship and to his own brother, yea to her majesty's self. I bear his deadly indignation, because, as he says, I have drawn his brother to an unhappy course. And God knows I have many crosses upon me, because without respect of persons I study to walk in the way that most may help the "decayit religion" within my native country, and may most tend to her majesty's safety and contentment. But if I content her highness I "paus" not upon other men's displeasure.

There is no appearance that the noblemen will be permitted to go to Holy Island, without which liberty or such like we can do nothing for our relief. The Lord forgive those who without cause "opponis" themselves to us. Newcastle. Signed: Colvile.

Postscript.—Please your honour receive the Lord Scrope's letter.

1 p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

374. The Master of Gray to Walsingham. [Nov. 6.]

Requests him to further James Hutsone in his reasonable suit, to the end he may be ready to go with him to Scotland. Knows he has done good service to the King of Scots. "Frome my lodging." Signed: "Maister of Gray."

½ p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

375. Sadleir to Walsingham. [Nov. 7.] C.P., vol. XIV.

According to the Queen's majesty's commandment by her letters of the last of October, which, with yours, I received on the 3rd instant, I have imparted to this Queen her majesty's assent that her secretary, Nau, shall repair to her highness, and other points of that letter, conformable to her majesty's direction. This Queen received that her majesty's favour with very hearty thanks, and with as earnest words of her sincere meaning towards her highness as might be spoken, and showed great grief of mind that by reason of a distillation fallen into her right arm, which also "possessith" that hand, and for which she had kept her bed then three days, and little amended, she could not with her own hand write so soon that which she had promised her majesty, but would make her man stay two or three days the longer in hope of more strength. Which happening not, she would cause Nau to write it, and would herself subscribe it, and as soon as by health and strength she could, she would confirm the whole with her own hand. Indeed, I found her in that state—which she spared not to show—besides the distillation into her left leg and foot. [In the margin:]—She has promised since to write it herself as well as her weak hand will suffer her. Also, according to your direction, I prayed her to charge Nau to carry himself in such even sort that by any indirect dealing he might not procure her majesty's misliking, but by "entending" only the matter of his charge [he] should make good his mistress's earnest protestations—and further as you wrote. She promised faithfully that she would not fail to give him that charge. He has been also particularly dealt withal in that point; so that I trust he will remember what may ensue of the contrary.

She makes account that Nau shall depart hence—and so he thinks to be ready—on Monday or Tuesday next, and travelling on his own horses and some hired, in all six or seven, thinks to be at London about Friday or Saturday following. I have appointed John Danet to go up with him for the cause you write, and will direct him to some inn in "Gratious" Street. And—unless he finds there other direction from you—[he will go] the next day to Kingston, there to stay in some inn until you shall be thereof advertised or [he shall] be otherwise directed. But, for more certainty, I mean to despatch to you the day of his departure hence.

As touching Curle and "that pevish dealing like himself," he has been dealt withal apart and before the Queen his mistress about the letter and cipher so vainly sent to Baldwyn, and both showed and read with good leisure. But, for anything that can be said friendly, or threatened by extraordinary speeches, he stands stiffly to the denial to be none of his doing. And as to herself, she swears by her troth she knew nothing of it. But Curle being charged with his knowledge or consent to it, though not of his doing, he answered but faintly to that, saying that if it had been done by his knowledge, he could not blame her. For it contains nothing, said he, that may be construed in evil part, containing no matter against the Queen's majesty or her estate, or practice for the Queen his mistress. And as to these words, "for accordingly I have to provide in tyme to prevent what therof may fall out," he says he can make no evil exposition of them, but that the party might mean he would seek to be in the hands of such as he might not suspect to be of evil devotion towards him. So that, sir, nothing else is to be gotten here, saving that he concluded if the Queen's majesty dealt therein with Nau, he should satisfy her highness so far as he knows. Thus I conceive of it, seeing he has denied it at the first, he is now ashamed to confess it. But yet you see how near he is drawn to it.

Then I demanded of this Queen in merry sort what she meant by being so curious to know of her removal, because that was the meaning of that cipher, praying her to deal plainly with me what she would do if any removal or change happened. She answered again that as concerning that cipher she knew nothing. But touching her doubt of removal, she said she would be loth to be in the custody of some, and weighed not her departure from the Earl of Shrewsbury's custody, provided she might be in safety in an honourable place, under the charge of some honourable person who by his means and credit were able to defend her against all harms, and would yield account of her to the Queen's majesty her good sister, of whose favour towards her she never doubted, but was assured of her for her part.

I answered that for place and person—in case of change—such as she desired, I assured her, and persuaded her to remove from her mind all such vain suspicions, which hurt her in body and mind. And so I left her, being much pained with her griefs and weakened for lack of sleep and by long abstinence, yet then somewhat relieved, and in heart much comforted by this her majesty's favour towards her. I have yet forborne to show her the association of the nobility until she be in better case of strength.

On the 5th instant I received others from you of the 3rd showing her majesty's resolution to have this Queen removed to Tutbury about the 22nd or 23rd of this month, and her highness's pleasure to send my Lord St. John thither about that time, and another gentleman of good countenance to assist him in that charge; signifying also that the Earl of Shrewsbury has by her majesty's order assented to furnish all things here yet twenty days longer; directing me also to give present order to put Tutbury House in areadiness; and also certain notes touching that service whereunto her majesty would be answered from hence.

At the first, as very welcome to me, I am most heartily glad, and thank her majesty that it has pleased her to take such a resolution as I trust now will shortly and joyfully bring me to her majesty's presence.

For the provisions here, Mr. Stringer, his lordship's steward, "hath signifyed so muche unto me." Which he will perform, saving horse meat, which cannot be furnished so long; for some must be reserved—and so is he written to—against my lord's return, and for his horses here. And therefore I must be fain to make all provision for my horses, saving for six or eight to continue at my lord's charge.

This day I have sent a discreet and skilful man of mine to Tutbury to join with Mr. Agard there to take order for the glazing and such other things to be amended in that house as the time of the year and shortness of the time will suffer, and are necessary to be done. And as to the notes, upon conference with my lord's officers, I have set down several answers to them all so far forth as I am able to do for the time.

Touching that vain fellow Edward Tocky, by this time you have seen by letters which I sent to you now three days past, that he has been unsound of his wits, and so is testified by his father's letter. And he is still in some sort of that humour, but [it is] not very easy to be discerned but by use and much questioning with him, and therefore upon your letter leaving his stay or release to my consideration, I mean to pray Mr. sheriff to set him at liberty, and to take order that he may be conveyed from officer to officer until he be delivered to his father, to be ordered as by experience he knows to be meet.

By your letters brought to me by Daniel Loggin, I sent for the party, who he said was a conveyer of letters between Lewes and Tunsted. He was brought to me on Thursday last by Mr. John Manners' diligence. By his examinations herewith sent you shall see that he denies all; to confirm which he was ready to take his oath upon the Bible being offered him. But because I doubted that he dissembled, I would not suffer him to take his oath. My doubt grew in that he denied to have at any time known Loggyn or been in his company. Who, nevertheless, rehearsed sundry particularities of their being together at Robert Tunsted's house, and drinking together, besides other meetings at Sheffield, all within these twelve months. Hereupon I committed him to Mr. sheriff's custody until he shall hear further from me. Wherein may it please you let me understand what I shall do further. His name is Robert Furneys. This Queen says she does not know the Master of Gray, nor has heard in what state or credit he is in Scotland. She only remembers that such a man was very young when she came out of the country.

Understanding this afternoon that this Queen was somewhat better of her hand and arm—but yet kept her bed—I thought good to send Mr. Somer to her to know of the time that Nau might be ready to depart hence. She answered—as I have written—that she trusts Tuesday should be the furthest, and that her hand waxed somewhat strong to write to her majesty the things she had promised.

And whereas Nau had moved that he might pass by London to buy some things there, Mr. Somer thought good to advise her to direct Nau not to pass that way lest the French ambassador might either send to him or mislike that he should not see him, and therefore to avoid the ambassador's evil opinion therein, advised that Nau might lodge a few miles short of London, and thence ride straight to Kingston without entering into London until he had been with her majesty. She liked well thereof, and said she would so direct him. Hereof you shall be further certified at the time of his departure hence.

Then, Mr. Somer, by my appointment, according to your advice, acquainted her with the association of the nobility, etc. She gave good ear to it, and said it might be drawn to mean her by many of the words thereof, as these, "some pretended titles to the Crowne," etc.; "by what colour or title they shall pretend to be her majestes ennemys," etc., and such like, where such words are repeated, saying that some evil person may quarrel with her upon such words to be her majesty's enemy, and so do her displeasure. It was answered that she finding herself clear, and not meaning any such attempt nor to make open show of such pretence, need not mistrust her majesty's care of her, whereof she has had good proof; for the words are general and restrained others who would, perhaps, be as busy as she if they were not thus restrained. Therefore, upon some discovered lewd intentions and practices, this was sought and devised by the nobility in these so dangerous times to meet with all such attempters indifferently and generally. And when it came to these words, "all manner of persons, etc., and their abetters that shall attempt by any act, counsell, or consent to any thing that shall tend to the harme of her majesteis royall person," she swore that she liked that so well that she would with all her heart, being once assured of her majesty's favour, subscribe to that, and would stand as fast by her majesty and serve her in as good stead as any subject her highness has, by helping to suppress books and any other thing that might be practised abroad against her, if any were. Which she spoke with great earnestness, and said she would specially instruct and command Nau to hold purpose thereof to her majesty from her.

Sir, I have thought meet to remind you that at my last coming to Sheffield to take this charge in the absence of the Earl of Shrewsbury, which his lordship and I signified by speech only to this Queen, and for her better satisfaction were fain to show her majesty's letters written to his lordship and to me severally to that end, she thought much that upon a change of guard and place it had not pleased her highness to let her know so much by some writing to herself. And therefore, now that his lordship is to depart quit from the custody of her, and she to be under the charge of others, if it may please her majesty—before such time as this Queen shall be removed to Tutbury—by her highness's own letters, though not written with her own hand, but signed with her hand, to signify to her some cause of her removing, and to whose custody she shall be now committed—whereof surely she is very jealous—surely she would take it very kindly and most thankfully, and I should find her the more willing and conformable to remove. Otherwise I fear I shall have more ado with her than I would wish to induce her willingly to remove until she may understand her majesty's pleasure by such letters, which I refer to her majesty's good consideration.

I return to you herewith the letter and cipher above mentioned, as you appointed me to send it. Wingfield. Signed: Your own assured poor friend, R. Sadleir.

4 pp. Addressed. Indorsed by Walsingham.

376. John Somer to Walsingham. [Nov. 7.] C.P., vol. XIV.

Has acquainted the Scottish Queen with his answer to her letter of her own hand to him. Persuaded her to change her opinion of him, and not to take hold of some reports made by the party charged. She answered that she wrote what had been told by that party, and—as she remembers to have written to him—she rather supposed them to have been invented by that party than intended by him [Walsingham], praying him so to think of her. She thanks him for his plainness in his answer, which she said by her troth she believed, and desired him to be her friend, as she shall deserve it by her sincere dealing towards her majesty, if it may please her to make trial of her—at least not to be her "unfreende." She said she would give special charge to her secretary to satisfy him [Walsingham] further and particularly in this matter, and to unfold her mind in other things to him, to whom, next to her majesty, she specially addresses him. She takes kindly his care to know the time of his coming up, for accommodating his lodging and other things meet. Incloses her letter which he sent to him. Wingfield Castle. Signed: John Sommer.

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed.

377. Walsingham to Hunsdon. [Nov. 7.] Cott. Julius, F. VI., fol. 154.

Thanks him for dealing so plainly with him in making him acquainted by his last letters with the cause of his grief. Should do him great wrong if he did not accept the same in good part. Hopes he will not mislike that he shall use the like plainness towards him in answering the same. If he considers that what was done grew from her majesty's special direction, then that wherewith he finds himself aggrieved [ ] "used" the credit of that place "wherein he serves in giving some particular directions. Is not ignorant what hard bruits have been given out against him in Scotland and elsewhere, that he seeks to disgrace the present government in Scotland, thereby to render the King's person hateful in respect of some particular favour he should "calle to sume pretended successor here within this realme." Would to God the authors thereof were as free from malice as he is from any conceit. Desires that God's vengeance may light on him if he does not write as he thinks, for as he hopes never to live to see a successor, so he does not mean by entering into such provident courses as by seeking to provide for future times to hazard the loss of the present benefits he now enjoys by her majesty's singular favour and goodness.

1½ pp. Copy.

378. Mary to the Master of Gray. [Nov.] C.P., vol. XIV.

He should declare to Elizabeth that the son of Mary Stuart will only act jointly with his mother. Asks that the young prince should demand her liberty.

Protests against the calumnies against her, originated by the Countess of Shrewsbury and her two sons. He should have care that she be not delivered into the hands and custody of the Earl of Shrewsbury, until the conclusion or abandoning of the treaty.

5 pp. French. Cipher. Deciphered by Mr. Phelippes. No flyleaf or indorsement. (Printed, Labanoff, vol. vi. p. 28.)

379. Instructions by Mary to the Master of Gray. [Nov.] C.P., vol. XIV.

He shall propose to the Queen that as by all right divine and human my son recognises himself obliged to me not only for having been born of me, but also for having and hoping by me all fortune in this world, he has well wished to show him, as lastly he has done by my lord Seton to the King of France, the strict union that in everything he has resolved to have and keep with me; and for that for all these last years, especially since he has enjoyed his liberty from the authority and government of Scotland, he has been kept in hope of some treaty and agreement between the Queen, me, and him, and would have always success in urging things more forward while awaiting what will succeed from the proceedings and negotiations of the Queen as much with me as with him in this regard. Now that he hears that things are on the point of a conclusion and resolution for the estate here, he has not wished to defer, moreover, from praying very affectionately the Queen for my entire deliverance and liberty, whether it is to be rendered according to desire, or to live in this kingdom, as it had been agreed in the conference with Sir Walter Mildmay, on which you could warn the Queen that having always received favour by practises and bad inventions of foreign kings and princes, who would never have made me so safe as she has done if I had fallen into their hands, she could not interpret any of the reasons abovesaid since my child asked me again, and foreign kings with him, especially the King of France, who had written of it to the Queen several times, and made instances by his ambassador continually for two years [ ] that this detention, or rather prison, cannot be founded on any right of man as a prize in just war, nor otherwise by any authority that she may pretend on me or on the kings of Scotland, and it would be more sure and honourable to reward her captive by a favourable liberty, and voluntarily, and to oblige by the same means my son to her, than to wish to assure him by rigour and bad treatment to me, and by supporting and assisting these rebels against him.

You will request the Queen to proceed and pass beyond to the treaty commenced with her for my said deliverance and liberty, offering to the effect and consideration of it on the part of my son all perfect friendship and natural good intelligence in the future with the said Queen, and between these two kingdoms. So that more particularly it will be proposed and designed for the repose and safety and common good of this isle by these who on one part and another will be appointed, you not being able to enter into any other more equitable offer as things have passed hitherto with me touching the said treaty and my said intention [blank] and this effect you will insist also [blank] that you would be able if you were permitted to pass from here. And likewise that after having [blank] I could despatch with you on your return one of mine towards my son, such revisitation being very commendable between a mother and child, inasmuch as this would only be to know the truth of our estate and health. After having been long separated there is no one having any feeling of humanity who would wish to refuse or hinder it, much less the Queen with whom we have the honour to be so nearly related, being able in giving us this permission, to provide enough for the vain suspicions and distrusts that our enemies could make her conceive, in appointing some of hers to accompany you here it she cannot rest with all those who are already here to guard me. However, on [blank] you will tell me that my said son has written that they wish me to send my estate here as it is now by the appointment of Sir Ralph Sadler in the absence of the Earl of Shrewsbury, you will make quick instance in the name of my son that for the little time that the said treaty could last and come to complete rupture or agreement, I may not be taken out of the custody of the said earl, a necessary alteration if the Queen has any intention of accomplishing the said treaty and not being able to do without many commodities in one part and the other. Moreover, that in consideration of the scandalous rumours that are spread about me and the said earl, I cannot be removed from him without putting myself into the power of the most malicious, who will know how to take advantage of it, and the worse advised who will thus see me pass away before the reputation of some bad or dishonest conversation, and for that they would have separated us; so that in all extremity they cannot refuse that before departing from between the hands of the said earl I may be cleared and sufficiently satisfied of the said rumours, as I have continually and very earnestly required all this year, and a week ago also by an express dispatch to the said Queen by the ambassador of France, naming the Countess of Shrewsbury and her two sons Charles and William Cavendish as inventors and authors of this rumour, of whom you will demand justice in the name of my son, joining with the said ambassador, pretending that the said countess and her children had not been named by us, and that my son in general has given you very express charge to find out the reason of it against whoever may be found guilty thereof.

In all events, if resolution be taken to remove me from the custody of the Earl of Shrewsbury, you shall see at least that there be made choice of a man capable in two points to succeed him, first, that he may not be any of those who pretend against me and my son to this crown or any other whatsoever.

2¹/5 pp. French. In the hand of Mr. Thomas Phelippes. No indorsement.

380. Mr. John Colvile to [Walsingham]. [Nov. 8.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 178.

Please your honour, forasmuch as I know the enemies of our cause will seek to excuse this "inhonest" revolt of the Lord Claud [Hamilton] by imputing the fault thereof either to his elder brother for giving him hard speeches, or else to Mr. Anderson's indiscretion or mine—yea, I know some will generally condemn us all for the particular offence committed by one—for this cause your honour will take in good part that I declare the whole matter as it is indeed, to the effect that her majesty being rightly informed may judge thereupon according to the sincere meaning of these comfortless noblemen, who are so "traducit" that no work can proceed from them, be it never so "wprycht," which escapes the sclanderous reports of evil disposed persons.

After Mr. Anderson and I had put the noblemen here at Newcastle "to point" by subscribing such things as were required of them, then we went to Widdrinton, where the elder brother at the first motion said these words: "I haif renuncit the favour of all foren Princes, yea of ye Quein of Scotland my awld mestres, and hes simpilly renderit my self to her majeste of England, thinking be her meanis to possess my soveranis favour, and be no other way, and tharfor since it is hir highnes plesour yat this reconciliation go forwart wythout forder resoning, I agre tharunto, as I will to ony other thing quhairwyth it sall pleis hir highnes burthing me."

The other brother thought this answer over sudden, and desired a time for three days to advise. Which was granted; and, as he said to us, he would only seek the Master of Glamis's opinion. Who coming to him and "convicting" him with reason, made him once or twice to consent, but as soon as he spoke again with others he dissented, so that the Master, finding such mutability in him, left him, and thought it fruitless to deal with so inconstant a man. And whilst he seemed only to consult with the Master, yet secretly he dealt with such friends as he had in this country—which I pray God may be "condingly" tried—" and yat same werey nycht in qwiche he resavit hir majestes letter hes end one to Setoun wyth ye copy tharof to be schawin to the King, letting him understand how unvilling he wes to accord wyth his majesteis enemeis." Whereupon the King sent one William Setoun to him, who delivered him a protection, by virtue whereof he has gone into Scotland, and was in Scottish ground before any meeting was among the noblemen here, although he wrote to Mr. Anderson to be at his house in Newcastle the same night on which he entered into Scotland. The cause also wherefore we hasted this meeting was upon advertisement that came from Mr. Cunningham, who assured us that Claud never so ceased seeking to alter his brother's good mind, and that he insisted also with him to persuade his master to that effect, and had "manassit" one Pollard, minister to his brother, because in his sermons he insisted to persuade all professors of true religion to mutual amity among themselves, notwithstanding any griefs past. Affirming that all faithful men in Europe ought to reverence and follow her majesty of England more than any other Prince within the same. Other causes he alleged against the said minister, but of these proceeded his rage. So the said Cunningham desired us with all speed to haste the matter, otherwise impediments might fall out unlooked for. Whereupon we took occasion to "dispesche" the matter the sooner. This is the truth of the matter. Wherefore please your honour consider, as appertaineth, sundry things pertaining hereunto [as] at meeting I shall "schaw" to your honour, which I dare not commit to "writt."

The Lady Claud is now taking her leave from her friends, and says she is assured enough of her majesty's favour, "and hes hoip to be payit of hir husbandis pension befor sche go out of ye cuntre." Of her husband's acquaintance in this country, his dealing and behaviour none can so well tell as she, and I pray God, for her majesty's own security, the matter be not overlooked.

The rest of the evil disposed are home with him, chiefly one called "Dave of Bothvellhauche," who helped to kill the King's grandfather the Earl of Lennox, like as his other brother killed the good Earl of Murray. "Gif it sall pleis hir majeste schaw bot a lytill favour to theis nobill men." There is no more to be thought of the Lord Claud than of the meanest of the surname, as your honour shall understand at meeting.

Because the Lord [John] Hamilton is left unprovided and in great debt, he is compelled to come to Newcastle and to tarry with me till he hears from your honour. Of truth things are all ripe in Scotland if we had liberty to lie at Holy Island and to travail with our friends, but we are so restrained that our friends have sent one to us and demanded if we be imprisoned. The Lord inspire her majesty to think of us according to our faithfulness, and the Lord disclose the hollow hearts of our enemies, who hate us for nothing so much as for that we are her faithful servants. Pray your honour communicate these with my special good lord my Lord Leicester. Signed: Colvile.

2 pp. Holograph. No flyleaf or address.

381. Sir Alexander Ruthven to Walsingham. [Nov. 9.]

"Being mercifullie delyverit, ryght honorable, from the dangerous and pitieful shipwrack of ane ancient house of my cuntrie, and by the providence of God broght under hir majesty's protection, my bounden deutie obliseth me efter the humble presenting of my dew service unto your honour, to discharge a commission sent unto me from my brother lait erle of Gowrie, as his last will and wordes, in this sense. He willit me, seing the malice and craft of certain of the Kingis majesty's consalouris who soght the utter ruine of his house and surname, could not tolerate my longer abode in Scotland, that I sould address my self to your honour, of whose favour and benevolence, as he was throughlie persuadit towards him, so did not dowt that it wald please your honour to tak the paines for him of verie conscience and compassion asweil for his greit cair and gude will to the continuance of the freindship betuix both the realmes as his special love towardes your honour upon so smal acquentance and occasion to utter ye same, to be ane gude instrument not onelie to lament his cace unto hir majesty, bot also to move hir majesty to recommend his wif and children unto the King's majesty his maister, who for no desert of his in thoght, word or deid, aganst his highness' honour, persone or State, were broght to extreme miserie by his privat adversares, whose wraith could nothing be asswageit by his blude, unles they had also parted his whole landis and gudes among them, to the utter wrak of his name and posteritie, if the ryghteous Lord did not bow the King's mynd to compassion by hir majesty's gude and gratious meanes and solistation. So far impyred they over his majesty's gude natural, and alienated his majesty's gude grace from him that all propinquitie of blude was forgot, his faithful service in defence of his lif and crown aganst the mertherers of his father, grandfather and uncle, his darrest regentes, at Carbarrie, Langsyde, Sterling, Jeduart, and in ye civil warres betuix Edinburgh and Leith, quhairin ye Lord Meffen his brother in law, his brother german George, and manie uthers his freindes in his cumpanie lost yer lyfes, was comptit treason. And the ingageing of his whole landes almost to satisfie his majesty's pleasour and dettis sence his infancie wes set to lyght availl. Bot compting it superfluous to spend wordes with your honour alreadie so willing in the caus, I wald rather call to mynd the present occasion of our cousin the imbassadour, by whome it may pleis hir majesty to solist the Kinges grace, or as it sall seme convenient to hir majesty, that his children may be restorit to thair landes and levinges which the Lord hes provyded for them, and that they and thair freindes may leive in quietnes under his majesty's protection and obedience. In the meane tyme, as my gude affection according to my smal powar in ye common course prosecuted by my broder hes appeirit, so am I disposed, by ye grace of God, to continw readie to imploy my whole credit to hir majesty's dewtiful service in suche cumpanie and in such sort as it sall pleis hir majesty, with your honoures gude advise and consale. Houping by Godes grace that the benefit bestowit on the relicques of that house salbe by there children onle thankfullie remembrit in thair greiter habilitie when the ruines of thair desolation and of the whole distressit gud men of that nation best heirtofore inclyned to ye common amitie salbe repaired in ye mercie of God." London. Signed: A. Ruthwen.

1 p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

382. The Master of Gray to Mary. [Nov. 10.] C.P., vol. XIV.

Madam, I have received yours by Monsieur de Mauvissière this 7th November, and am sorry not to have received it before as I have already had two audiences. And, nevertheless, madam, I have not done anything contrary to your articles, although I have not observed them precisely. For, at this hour, having had my instructions from the King my master, I cannot alter them in any way whatever; but of one thing I can assure your majesty, the King your son will never do anything in his life prejudicial to your good and wish. For your majesty does not ignore that your good is reciprocally his, and that, madam, I beg your majesty—whoever would wish to persuade you to the contrary—to believe, and for my part I promise you that I would rather have my head cut off than do anything which would be prejudicial to your designs insomuch as they agree and tend to the advancement of the King my master. Will your majesty please excuse me if I do not reply particularly to yours, considering that I have so much to do here, and that I do not trust myself to the secretaries, so that I can only decipher occasionally, unless Monsieur Nau, your majesty's secretary, shall find us the means to speak together or at least to write? I am sending now a despatch to Scotland where I shall communicate to the King the contents of your letter and the articles, when I have finished it, and will advertise your majesty of everything at length. I have not negociated anything yet with this Queen, except touching the rebels, and have not had on that any certain reply. The first from the said Queen was this—" Maister Gray, will yow know the cipher betwen yow and the Scottis Quene if I will shew yow it." "Madam," said I, "it is very difficult to recognise any cipher, and especially one not having existed." She [said] "but your maister hath made chois of yow because yow are so well versed in her practises." "Madam," said I, "I do not see in what way she could practise seeing that yow keep her so imprisoned." And she said, "I hope yow will say better or yow go." "Madam," said I, "if yow hope that, yow make a mistake." But, madam, I will content myself at present to write you these few lines, and from here in four or five days I will send your majesty a long discourse of everything. However, madam, I beg you not to believe in all comers. For I protest on the faith of a Christian that there is not a man living who surpasses me in goodwill to do you honourable service. Nevertheless, madam, it would cost me too dear if I should wish to alter the instructions of the King my master. Madam, I am sending a gentleman expressly to the King to know his will touching your majesty's articles, and I believe he will not refuse to follow it, at least I will advertise you quickly, and will finish the present in kissing very humbly your majesty's hands, and will pray God, madam, that He may give you very perfect health, long and prosperous life.

½ p. French. Indorsed.

383. Sadleir to Walsingham. [Nov. 10.] C.P., vol. XIV.

As I wrote to you by my last [letter], of the 7th instant, this Tuesday, Mons. Nau sets forward towards the Court, and with him my servant John Damet—this night to Nottingham, on Wednesday to Leicester, Thursday to Northampton, Friday to Dunstable, Saturday—to avoid London—to Uxbridge, and to Kingston on Sunday, unless by some messenger you will turn this course to go to Kingston upon occasion of her majesty's removal or otherwise. And to that end I have set down the stages of his journey. His coming up on his own horses, and himself having been lately "evil at ease," cause this length [of time] on the way. The Queen his mistress has promised, and he has vowed, that he will only "extend" the matters of his charge to her majesty, and—to avoid all suspicions—to carry himself as he shall be directed by her majesty's commandment. He goes—they say—amply instructed to deliver to her highness this Queen's whole mind, and also to propound the points of the treaty which have been long spoken of, and trusts to find correspondency in her majesty; for this Queen says her intention towards her highness is sincere. This one advertisement I will not forget to let her majesty understand, that in a short conference yesternight she said that unless Nau may find some good appearance of a treaty, he will not in all things deliver her mind so amply to her highness as otherwise he will do. But [she] trusts to find the continuance of her majesty's favour, whereof she saw good likelihood by her highness's late letters to me to be imparted to her, whereof she speaks oft, and makes great account of her majesty's kind words in them.

As touching Tutbury Castle: by the report of my servant whom I sent thither, it is a very fit house for the intended purpose, [and is] in better state of reparations than I thought it had been. [There are] good and convenient rooms for this Queen and for all her people under one roof—which has not been so in any other house—and convenient rooms for as many as may be thought requisite to take this charge. [There are] other offices answerable, and stabling in the base court for about twenty-five or thirty horses. I have given order that wood and coal shall be made ready and carried in out of hand; and also for five or six tuns of beer and one tun of wine from the nearest places where they may be had, for this first time. And hereafter more beer may be made ready either at Burton, three miles off, or brewed in Tutbury if Mr. Cavendish's brewhouse may be borrowed, where all utensils are ready. As for bread and other provisions, I hear they may be had upon two or three days warning, the country near about it being well able to yield them.

It "rests" now for the inside, for there is nothing but bare walls, nor is any other thing to be carried hence than her majesty's hangings, two chairs and one bed; all other things of her highness's being, as I hear, unserviceable, as I have last answered to that point of the notes. And as for this Queen, she has no kind of furniture here of her own—not so much as a dish or cup that "cometh abroad." As to the time and provisions here, Mr. Stringer is commanded by the Earl [of Shrewsbury], his master, as he saith, to provide for twenty days longer, as you have written, which he expounds to be from the date of his letter of the 2nd of this month. So that on the 22nd or 23rd thereof, the same agreeing with yours for the coming down of the Lord St. John, this earl's provision is to end. Perhaps it may be extended two or three days, if need be, upon occasion of foul weather or other accident. But in this point it may please her majesty to determine certainly, and also to let me know the time I shall remove this Queen thither, within a day or two more or less as the house may be ready and as the provisions there will hold out. Wherein I find Mr. Stringer ready to deal very honestly with respect to my lord his master's honour and commandment together. At such time as this Queen shall be removed from hence to Tutbury, because I have but a small company of my own folk, being not past forty horse, to attend on her, I intend to require the sheriff of this county and some other gentlemen, as Sir John Zouche, Sir John Byron, Sir Thomas Cockayn, and Mr. John Manners, who are all here at hand, to accompany me that day. But if it shall be thought there unfit that I do so, then I pray you let me be advertised undelayedly.

In my opinion it is best when she shall be removed hence, that then all the earl's folk and these soldiers be clearly discharged from any further care of her guard, and not to be troubled any further with her removal than we must needs be; and the rather to leave all old acquaintance behind us, which, I fear, in so many years cannot be little saving her coachman, who is my lord's servant, and is sworn not to deal any further in her business, than belongs to her coach and horses. I trust therefore that her majesty will consider how slenderly I shall be furnished for such a charge when I shall be at Tutbury, having none but my own folk, being not past fifty persons to guard her in such a wide and great house as that is. Whereof I have thought good to put you in mind to the end the Lord St. John may either meet and receive her there at her coming thither, or else as soon after as may be.

Of these and other things meet to be added, I doubt not but her majesty will consider and resolve, and thereof you will advertise me with speed; for the day of breaking up our commons here draws on apace. I will not forget to put you in mind that there is need of shot and weapons of defence; which, I hear, being at the Lord Paget's house in Staffordshire, may be brought from thence with other things —twenty or thirty shot, and fifty or sixty halbards, partisans, or bills at the least.

I long to hear of the coming to Tutbury of a master of the household, purveyors, and officer of the wardrobe mentioned in your letters. Wingfield. Signed: R. Sadleir.

Postscript.—I send you herewith the extract of the two packets which you sent hither lately, which should have gone with my last.

2½ pp. Addressed. Indorsed.

384. Angus to [Burghley]. [Nov. 13.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 196.

My good lord, albeit I have since my late repair into England remembered your lordship by general letters directed from the rest of the noblemen here, my associates, yet calling to mind how in particular I have found myself oftimes so honourably and courteously used, as indeed I must say that to none may I think myself so far obliged within this island, the two Princes only accepted, as to your lordship—I thought it my duty, therefore, by myself particularly to write this much shortly, lest by my forgetfulness your lordship might the rather think your benefits past the more "ingraitfullie acquite" on my part, "quharof I wald be loth to gif caus," being always fully minded to answer so near as I can that good expectation it has pleased your lordship of your goodness to conceive of me. Newcastle. Signed: Angus.

²/3 p. No flyleaf or address.

385. Lord John Hamilton, Angus, Mar, and the Master of Glamis to Walsingham. [Nov. 13.]

"Wnderstanding yat the Scottis embassadour thair resident cessis noct to traduce ws and our caus, as also be resone the Bordouris heir ar almost stoppit to ws in suche sort that our freindis at home thinkis ws ether to be deid or imprisonit, and for declaring to your honour uther privaices of our caus quhi he we can noct put in writt, we haif returnit this berar to deill wyth hir majeste tharin in suche form as sall pleis your honour prescrybe wnto him and no othervyis. Quhairin we hartly craif your lordship's accustomit favour. For nixt hir majeste your honour is our only varldly comfort, and we hoip in yat our eternell God one day to express be good effectis how far we think our selvis oblesit to your good lordship." Newcastle. Signed: Jhone Hammilton. Angus. Mar. Tho. Mr. Glammis.

1 p. In Mr. John Colvile's hand. Addressed. Indorsed by Walsingham.

386. Monsieur Nau to Walsingham. [Nov. 14.] C.P., vol. XIV.

Sir, not having received here any news of you, as I had hoped, before my departure from Winkfield, I would not fail before going further from you to despatch to you this porter, my commissary, for what by him it may please you to make known to me of the intention of the Queen your mistress and yours for the order that I shall have at present to keep during the continuation of my journey, not desiring that for my part there may intervene anything whatsoever contrary to the very express commandment that I have from the Queen my mistress to follow your direction. Awaiting the same, and hoping to see you soon, I will finish these words by kissing your hands very humbly and praying God that he may give you good and long life. Barnet. Signed: Nau.

½ p. French. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

387. Sadleir to Walsingham. [Nov. 15.] C.P., vol. XIV.

Sir, by yours of the 10th of this month, brought to me on the 13th, I understand that on the 19th or 20th [ ] and my Lord St. John are like to meet together at the Court, which is not so soon as I hoped well upon the comfort of your former [letter], and seeing his lordship is lately come out of his diet, I fear lest his respect for his health, his care to settle his own things at home, and, perhaps, some stay at the Court for her majesty's full instructions and other his despatch, as to the entry into this charge appertains, may cause some longer entertaining of time, unless the same be sent after him. Wherein I pray you let me recommend my cause to your good care. The earl's officers here have not yet received any order to enlarge his provisions for this company, which [it] were fit they had, besides my warning, for the 23rd of this month is at hand, which is yet the last day of their account.

I do not yet see Mr. Cave, who, you write, is sent down to make provisions in these parts. At his coming hither we will confer together upon an estimate of a monthly and yearly charge, wherefore it is meet to know the number that is to be provided, which I believe will surmount the number mentioned in your last to me, viz., forty soldiers and as many of the nobleman's [men], besides this Queen's company.

I received another [letter] of yours of the 11th on the 14th. By this time you have Nau with you to inform her majesty further of all things from this Queen.

As to that I wrote in mine of the 7th of my opinion that the new soldiers under the nobleman might have their diet in the house, and some allowance of wages, rather than to allow them a certainty of "sold" by the day and find themselves; my meaning thereby was, that if they make their own provision they will, perhaps, be abroad to seek their meat when this service requires their attendance. Nevertheless, I leave this to your consciences there.

And as touching the number of forty soldiers to be added to as many of the nobleman's which it is thought there will be sufficient for the turn in a place of so good strength as Tutbury is, I hardly believe that my Lord St. John will bring so few as forty of his own, both for his credit and safety of the charge. Besides that, the gentleman of good quality who is to assist him, as you write, will have some honest company for his own regard; which is like to draw to a larger expense than is, perhaps, thought, unless her majesty either resolves upon a certainty of daily diet for this Queen and hers, and another for the nobleman and his company—which, perhaps, may move him to keep the fewer—or else make a trial of a month or a quarter by a master of household, etc. Wherein, nevertheless, this important charge is to be remembered.

I perceive that none of her majesty's wardrobe can come to Tutbury to receive the stuff for the furnishing of that house. Therefore I mean, according to your advice, to appoint one, who shall be Mr. Agard, of that town, a particular receiver of that honor, to take that charge in hand when any stuff shall be brought hither for that purpose. And as to that of her majesty's sent hither at the beginning, as soon as I may receive the note of it, whereof you made mention in yours, but it was not sent, my lord's officers shall be dealt withal about it. I hear that one Steele, now at London with my lord, has the note of that stuff, etc.

Herein is a packet of this Queen's to Mons. Nau, which is, she says, to let him know of the state of her health, being one day somewhat relieved, and the next, after some little sitting up, and yet upon a pallet, she falls down again—not by any fever, but by grief of her spleen and grief in her foot. Wingfield Castle. Signed: R. Sadleir.

1½ pp. Addressed. Indorsed.

388. John Somer to Walsingham. [Nov. 15.] C.P., vol. XIV.

Has received his letter of the 12th instant. When Mr. Cave arrives and the number of Lord St. John's company be known, besides the soldiers, an estimate may be guessed at of the charge her majesty must be at about the Queen of Scots. He [Walsingham] has seen by Mr. Chancellor's [Sadleir] former advertisements that her company is forty-eight persons, whereof almost half are women and children. If forty come with Lord St. John, and as many soldiers, they will be in all a hundred and twenty-eight, besides the gentleman's servants who comes to assist Lord St. John.

As touching this Queen's and her servants' "services," Mr. Chancellor has delivered that to him [Walsingham] as he received it of the earl's [Shrewsbury] officers. What the meaner services are, he knows not well. But, for her own service, he sees it daily carried to her, and it is surely little or nothing inferior to the advertisement. Whereof four or five dishes of the daintier sort, for her own eating, are capon, rabbits, partridge, ordinarily woodcocks now, fen fowl, venison daily when it was in season, and sometime now as long as she was in health. Her most usual feeding is upon mutton and partridge, especially mutton when she likes it. Sometimes she mislikes that. Since Mr. Chancellor's coming hither her ordinary has been somewhat better. She is very loth to complain. She wishes much for good sea fish, which is seldom brought hither, and not lightly that fish which she most desires, as good plaice, turbot, sole, and lobster. This place is very far from the sea for these things to be brought hither, especially in summer, and not oft in winter, the ways being foul.

As for his beginning of mislike of the change on account of the charges, believes he will see the effect thereof upon a trial. The reasons are apparent; for the earl [Shrewsbury] goes little, or not at all, to the market for corn, shamble meat, wood, coal, and horse meat— these are "sokers" in a great house. All the country hereabout, and at Sheffield, Worksop, and Chatsworth is covered with his commodities and provisions, besides so many parks, and from henceforth to seek them "with the penny" from hand to mouth—saving wood, which is ready at Tutbury — will make another reckoning. A new and good charge it will be also to furnish that house with all needful things. Lord Paget's stuff, if it be not sold, will stop a good gap, especially the beds and kitchen stuff, and vessels, if any remain.

Humbly thanks her majesty for her liking of his simple—but willing —service done here, and would think himself happy to live to hear of some good effect of all these great offers to be to God's glory and her majesty's quiet and contentment. Surely this Lady waxes so weary of this life—always in great pain and ache the more part of the winter—which happened to her later this year than in former time, by reason, as she acknowledges, of more exercise than was wonted. Wherein she is now, and is not able to turn herself in her bed, "fayne to be caryed from her bed to a paller, complayning now of her spleene and foote, and a litle in her knee." Believes—speaking charitably, "not medling with inwarde and hid ipocrisy," she will endure much, and yield to more, in that she is able to do, to have her majesty's favour so far forth that she might spend some [of the] rest of her time in liberty, wheresoever it were, saving in Scotland, where— she has oft said—she would not long tarry it she were out of this realm.

If any treaty be meant, finds by her she will not "stande upon" alteration or toleration of the present religion in Scotland—"onely her owne religion for her self and family privatly, during her short abode there." Wingfield Castle. Signed: John Sommer.

1¾ pp. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed.

389. [Walsingham] to Sadleir. [Nov. 15.] C.P., vol. XIV.

"The heades of a letter unto Sir Rafe Sadler." The order for the removing of the Scottish Queen being referred over to the consideration of the Lord Treasurer, the Earl of Leicester and himself, these points following were concluded:

That she should be removed at the time by him mentioned, if the same might be conveniently done, the house being put in readiness for the purpose. There is order taken here for the sending down of plate, sheets, and napery.

Because these things cannot be sent down before the removal, the Earl of Shrewsbury shall be moved to furnish the plate, which it is thought his lordship will willingly do, to the end he may be more speedily eased of the present charge he is at. For the "furniture" of linen in the meantime, Mr. Chancellor [Sadleir] is to employ his credit with the gentlemen in that country and her majesty's tenants. Hopes to take such order that the same shall be sent down before the end of this month.

For the better guard of that Queen it is thought meet that he should levy forty soldiers by virtue of his commission, amongst the Queen's tenants there; which number they think sufficient, considering the strength of the house. It will suffice that six watch nightly, some two of his servants being appointed to overlook them. For their entertainment it is referred to his discretion to give them wages or meat and drink, with some portion of money.

For the easing of the house it is thought meet that the soldiers lodge in the town, saving those who shall be appointed to watch.

For the easing of her majesty's charges, and that the house should not be over much pestered, the Queen of Scots is to be moved to take order for the despatching of the ten children whereof there is mention made in the "postyll" sent from him.

Because the coachman is discovered to have been a carrier of letters, and otherwise not sound, there shall be a coachman of her majesty's sent down from hence to supply that place.

For the finding of her coach horses, the master of her household is to be moved to take order therein.

There shall be sent down a letter out of hand from her majesty's self to that Queen to acquaint her with the removal and the cause thereof.

It is allowed of that he be assisted by the sheriff and the gentlemen.

Her majesty means to have a gentleman porter who shall have charge of the soldiers, and to look to the watches; that Captain Shute shall be appointed for that purpose.

3 pp. In Walsingham's hand. Indorsed: "1584, November 15. M[inute] to Sir Rafe Sadler."

390. Sir Francis Englefield to Philip II. [Nov. 16.] C.P., vol. XIV.

Delivered to the King of Spain 26 November 1584. Being advertised by the last letters from Paris that the Queen of England has changed the guard and custody of the Queen of Scotland by calling the Earl of Shrewsbury from his own house to the Court of England, and by detaining him there, and by sending Sadler and Sommers to have the charge and guard of the said Queen's person; and forasmuch as the said two persons be well known to me to be of the worst sort of heretics, and of the faction of the Earls of Leicester and Huntingdon —which last is the chief competitor against the Queen of Scotland—I beseech your majesty, of your great pity and prudence, to consider by these advantages and benefits which the faction of heresy daily makes by and from the prolongation of that remedy which the said imprisoned Queen has so long sued for and solicited at your majesty's hands. For, resting in the hands and power of her competitor, like as man can expect nothing but that her royal person be secretly destroyed and made away, if not shortly by the Queen of England's consent, yet, at the farthest, when she shall be sick or likely to die, and thereby will be lost a great party of those islanders—who for her right and interest be ready to join with any foreign assistance that should come to help—even so, if by God's gracious working she happen to pass that danger, yet is there no hope that she shall come to her own place and seat but by the favour and consent of that heretical authority in whose power she continues, at whose hands she must then accept such condition as they list to give, and will be the more moved to favour them and incline to their demands, at whose hands she has received her life and dignity; whereof how great the prejudice will be to the common cause of the Church may somewhat be seen by the first few years as well of her own reign in Scotland as of your majesty's most worthy wife, Queen Mary, in England; they both coming to their state by the consent of heretics were so bridled and restrained from doing that good to the Church which they desired, that one of them for proceeding therein never passed year of her reign without some public motion or secret conspiracy and rebellion by heretics, and the other was deprived from her estate and holden in captivity twenty years almost complete. And therefore, what pretence soever those persuasions may have which induced your majesty hitherto to prolong the holy enterprise, "lett it like your majesty" by those accidents and examples to hold them for falible, and that policy will prove deceitful in the end. For like as the enterprise is at this day more difficult, and requires more expense than would have sufficed in years past, even so the longer it is delayed and deferred, the greater force, charge, and expense will it require for the difficulties it will be daily subject to by the daily benefits and advantages the heretics make for themselves by the time that is given them. And if the 12,000 ducats which your majesty long since granted her for the better provision of her royal person in case of necessity be not yet sent to her—as of late they were not— may it please your majesty to "command" thereof to her by such way as she has appointed, in Paris or London, and that the rather because she is now frustrated of her speedy delivery by your majesty's succour, and also deperate of that alliance between you and the King her son, which she has so long sued for and desired as the principal and most likely way to make him Catholic—which she more desires than she does her own life. To those calamities and discomforts occurring to her at once, it were too much to add this other, that by want of that money given by your majesty she should also be deprived of all hope of flying or escaping out of their hands, in which her danger is now greater than ever before, and consequently [she] has more need of that money than ever she had.

And if your majesty shall not think convenient that the arguments and reasons which persuade the delay of your holy and princely intention should be discovered, whereby their insufficiency might be laid open to you, may it please you by your own great prudence and experience to consider whether any benefit or advantage that is probable to ensue by delay of time be likely to countervail and recompense the certain hindrance which in short time must necessarily follow, and then the reformation of that country [to be] treble and quadruple more chargeable than now, and the difficulties of success so infinitely increased that they will be rather accounted desperate than facible.

And albeit she has hitherto showed more zeal, constancy, and fortitude in the Catholic religion than could be expected in one of her sex— as for which it is manifest she has endured the loss of her estate and strait imprisonment almost twenty years time, without example past or followers since in this age of ours. Yet finding herself so abandoned and forsaken by all foreign Princes that she has no hope of aid or assistance from external parts, but is left in the hands of the competitors for her crown to shift for herself as she may; so hardly restrained also that she can have no comfort, counsel, or conference with any person but in the presence of her fatal foes, your majesty's great piety will not wonder, I suppose, if in these extremities and capital dangers she accepts and admits such unjust and unequal conditions as the Queen of England will offer and be content to give her; whereof what prejudice and hindrance may ensue to the common cause of the church and Catholic faith, may be easily conjectured by the precedents and examples past in Germany, France, Scotland, and other places. For the prevention whereof, to give that remedy which this time admits, I have oftentimes solicited your majesty that some signification might be given to her of your majesty's resolution for her, whereby to comfort her and animate her in her former good zeal, purpose, and constany; but having hitherto obtained nothing to say to her comfort or courage, your majesty, of your clemency, will take it in good part that I renew the memory thereof to you, because it seems to me necessary to be done with your first opportunity.

1 p. In cipher. No indorsement.

Decipher of the same. [With C.P., vol. xv., No. 4.] Indorsed: "Copey of certain letters intercepted of Sir Francis Englefeld."

Another decipher of the same. [With C.P., vol. XVII., No. 75.] Indorsed by Mr. Phelippes: "Letters betwene the Q. of Scottes and Sir Frances Englefeld, 15 Decem. 1584, 25 January 1585, 20 May 1586. "Deciferd. T. Phelippes." "Diverse relations made to the K. of S., the Pope, the Cardinall Como, etc., for the advancing of the enterprise of England." Notes in the margin in Mr. Phelippes' hand.

391. Hieronymo Martelli to Mary. [Nov. 18.] C.P., vol. XIV.

Madam, having more leisure I have thought to write to your majesty more fully, as I promised in my last. I beg you very much to beware of Mauvissière; for although in what concerns your private person he loves you very much and is very careful of your accord with the Queen of England, yet he is very diligent to discover something else—note what I wrote of Douglas—and the King of France is also trying, as is the Queen of England, and there has been discovered something as even can be in some way gathered from the book that the English have published since the death of Throgmorton, which could not have been made known except by the said Mauvissière or your majesty—which they do not believe. If you can obtain the said book you will find how pernicious it is to you. It has marvellously scandalized all here, for a good part of your affairs are discovered, and several persons are in danger, and although they do not believe that the said Throgmorton has done and said all these things—for he cannot justify himself after his death—yet they are for the most part true, and they must have had the news from some one. They are very astonished here that your majesty had communicated to him so much before, of your affairs, of which there was no need. When I spoke of it to Monsieur [cipher] he told me that this was nothing, and that he did not know anything of the private affairs nor the names of the people, the contrary to which one sees evidently, and that is the cause that they do not treat willingly with the English, although they may be good and faithful people. Because, if they are caught or discovered—as my lord Paget was—or if they are taken—as Throgmorton and others—by force of torture they are compelled to say more than they know, which cannot happen so easily to strangers. Nevertheless, that is still not anything which can in truth hinder the enterprise. So it is with other things that have happened, and also the fear that they have had in the past, because of the said prisoners, the whole will hinder greatly your affairs.

Permit me, madam, for the honour of God and the good affection that I bear you, to be allowed to speak truthfully according to God and for your good, and do not interpret it in bad part nor throw the blame on people except upon the truth where it will be found, and I will tell you many things which are important to your majesty, that if in the end you shall find them true you will know that I am faithful to you and have care of your affairs, honour, and welfare. And if, perchance, it does not seem so, because of some mutation to which future things are subject, and to which often for prudence one submits, you will always have this occasion to be on your guard to prove it, and if I hear a single word received or declared here all my life, I will not write to you of such things, even if I see the ruin of everything, because to faithfully advertise your majesty I do not wish to be taxed or named, or to name anyone or to come to prove my saying. And in the first place I make this protestation because clearly they have received here many of the things that were written to your majesty there, and some in the same terms and words, which has deterred some from writing to your majesty. The opinion that they have of that here is, that you write it back here to someone, or that they have counter-ciphers, and that the letters are deciphered before sent. Wherefore some suspect that necessarily there are some who surreptitiously play you these bad tricks, be it here or there, without that in conscience I tax or suspect anyone in particular, and of these tricks sometimes Monsieur [ ] (fn. 1) * and I have spoken, and I have told him of some so evident that he has confessed that there must be something in it, which I have still found in great doubt here, as one cannot believe that your majesty would do such things. For God, madam, take care of that, for doing such things would bear you great prejudice, and there will be no one who will dare to trust himself, and who is not very much suspected in everything of dissimulation, which is not good for your majesty for the time, place, and people with whom for the present you have to deal. For, otherwise, they would not dare to stop your words nor anything that you do.

Item:—they are troubled also that if anything unfortunate should happen you will throw the blame on others, or else if the thing could not be thrown on anyone it will be flatly denied to make it shorter, as some in truth have in some place been constrained to do, saying I prefer to deny it flatly than to anger the Queen of Scotland, although it may be true. The affairs of your majesty are the affairs of God, and therefore it is necessary to proceed before His divine majesty in all simplicity; for there is no worldly prudence which can in any way whatever prevail on Him, and I fear that that hinders your affairs very much, or, above all, makes them weaker. Because you wish to have too many manners and ways of proceeding which clearly they know here. They say that they have discovered here that your majesty is trying by all means to put the King of Scotland in a bad opinion of the Bishop of Glasgow [Monsieur de Glasgow]. Consider well this point, madam, because it is more important than you think, both in Italy and Spain—and even for the King of Scotland.

Item:—between Gray and Fentray they have sown emulation and disgrace, as in several places they have known it to have been done, when your majesty has borne more affection to one than the other. It is well that your majesty can trust in those whom you have appointed; but [it is] also necessary that you can trust those who treat of your affairs when they are appointed by those who are able to answer for them. For they interpret here that you restrain everything except your own affections. Moreover, that your majesty has more care and thought to instruct the King your son in political things, dissimulation, and such ways of proceeding than you take care to make him know the true faith; and being thus instructed he will persuade himself that religion is only a way of acting outwardly, and inwardly to proceed as seems good, according to the way of the heretics, which will give him less opinion of the catholic religion.

Item:—that the King of Scotland is very friendly with the Earl of Arran, and that they fear very much that he will discover from him the enterprise; for they know for certain that he has some secret communication in England—as they have said also of the King of Scotland. Prevent in all cases that the blame be thrown on your majesty, forasmuch as they know very well here—at which they are very pleased—that he does nothing without your knowledge, and I could say much more; but I will be silent, until I know more certainly that some treat treacherously near him to your prejudice. "Non dico assertive sed caute previdete." You wish that I should speak freely. It is necessary to have a man in Scotland fearing God and who may not be affectionate to any other except to equity, destitute of all partiality, in whom you can trust absolutely, and those also here; for otherwise they will find themselves hindered by divers factions, and you yourself the first; for, perhaps, everyone is not sorry that you remain where you are.

The counsel of Rehoboam often has more place than that of the ancients; but I pray you make profit from this. I think that you know what affection the Scotch bear you: they know the wrong that they have done you and the religion that your majesty holds; that is why, madam, if your majesty had one in Scotland who was worthy, and in whom your majesty and all the ambassadors here trusted, and who could diligently find out the secrets of the Scotch, you would have much more assurance. But it would be necessary to choose one who was above the suspicion of all parties, and that he had no other affection except for the honour of God, the good of His church, and right and equity; and this should come from those who most respect your majesty in Scotland. This is touching general things.

As to private things,—touching the Duke of Guise, I have not conferred with him for a long time, waiting for more news from your letters, and because of the haste in which he wished to depart. Nevertheless, I perceived that he was very sad and sorry at the delay in your affairs. The good lady is very badly treated; for which I am very sorry, without specifying, moreover, the rest I have already written to your majesty, that immediately I receive the letters and memoirs from your majesty I will write to him fully, as he has commanded me where to go and find him, to the end to know more plainly his will.

I have also hardly been able to communicate with the Bishop of Glasgow, except that I have communicated to him the points that I have given to the nonce and the ambassador of Spain, and have given him a copy of it, as I will also send one to the Duke of Guise, word for word, as I have sent it to your majesty. The said Bishop of Glasgow told me that you could do much, if you could only solicit that this good Princess were out of the misery in which she is. He was ill disposed and very sad. He does not know anything of what I wrote to your majesty of Scotland, and it is not yet necessary that he should know; neither does Fentray, who is in Scotland. Believe me, madam, he cannot do anything so secretly touching these divisions that they do not know; for it is always found out by some, whether by zeal or by emulation and envy, whether to blacken others or to benefit themselves, they discover things; as even of me it was reported here that I was not in such good opinion with your majesty as was thought, and that they knew well how my journey had not been agreeable to you. Which scandalised many, and which I had great difficulty in stopping, protesting to the contrary. Nevertheless, I beg you to put me in better opinion, especially for yourself, for if they discover it easily, it would not be to your advantage. And not only in that, but in several other things I have been as diligent in replying to your advantage, for I have the fear of God before my eyes, and your grandeur and honour in recommendation, as much for the love that I bear you as to advance the cause of God. I say this, madam, as much on account of the false rumours which are not less in France than in England, as for the other past demeanours, be it for your affairs or for those who are prisoners or died lately; for even they have objected that some of yours were the cause of all these last wrong doings, and especially of Throgmorton, and that you care little for the men so long as your affairs and negotiations are saved. I think that I have obviated, on the whole, as much as a Christian man can, and ought to do in such case, except with regard to the Bishop of Glasgow. For they have perceived to the contrary, although I have mitigated the things, that it was not for want of intelligence, and that he was not so diligent in your affairs as your majesty desired, and necessity required, and that he did not accommodate himself so much to your inclinations as behoves him, who ought to render account of everything to your majesty. Coming to the nonce, I wrote to your majesty how difficult it was at the beginning for him to understand your affairs, and how now he has entered therein with very great zeal and affection, and with so much more courage, that I have told him, and made clear to him many things, and not to stop or believe in the abovesaid rumours. As for the league that the Jezebel of England tries to make with the King of France, he has written of it to his holiness, as he has done of the books of Buchanan; for he cannot attempt anything without the commandment of the Pope, seeing also that publicly and freely they print and sell in Paris books against the Pope, the Church and the clergy, and there is no other order in France for the present. As for other things, as minister of the Church, and very affectionate to your majesty, according to his estate and charge, he will work for it as much as possible, and he will advertise me of everything that happens, that I may send it to your majesty. As for the ambassador of Spain, I have written of him also more particularly to your majesty what he commanded me. To which I add that two or three times he was willing to risk his goods and his life; but that he fears very much that things will not be so advanced as you desire, that your majesty sees well and feels your present wrong, and not the inconveniences and dangers that the other Princes perceive here, as he knows well that they have very diligently prepared ships, and that the most part were already ready, but that the people and ammunition for such enterprise are not yet at all ready, as the King of Spain was so prudent and discreet that he did not wish to risk anything rashly, and cause himself to be laughed at by the enemies of the Church of God, nor to risk his ships' money, munition, and honour, except with a conjecture and assurance that he could perceive France ready to make war with him, and that the Queens of France and England work hard and constantly therein. Wherefore it would be necessary to foresee what issues such practices would have. Moreover, that the affairs of Flanders were greatly disturbed, and there is not a single port at the devotion of the King of Spain to make use of for raising there an army, as it would be necessary to keep there good assistance. So that if there happened anything unfortunate to the army, he would have men ready, and other necessaries to help the said army in England, and therefore it would be necessary for the King of Spain to prepare an army so powerful that he can resist England, France, Scotland, and the Low Countries; but to enter into it lightly, as they had projected, he would never do anything. I told him that seeing that the King of Scotland had his arms in his hand, and that he was at liberty, they could never send him ten or twelve thousand men. "Yes," said he, "if there was a bridge to the Low Countries, where they can hold [blank] and [blank] to give help; but otherwise it would cause greater trouble, as immediately they all, and England and France, would rise, and they would be ruined and laughed at, as in Ireland"—notice that here "y" and Ireland are the same in your cipher—"and that hereafter they would not have any more means," I tell you, not as a certainty, but according to the greatest probability, that there is no likelihood of being able to do anything this year, as also from other quarters I have understood, if there were no change, for the reasons that were shown, that, nevertheless, one would not leave the King of Scotland in danger, as I have written to your majesty. But also that your majesty should keep yourself well from taking any appointment with the Jezabel, if your majesty is not quite certain that it would be a great advantage to your affairs. For otherwise you would put all your affairs in danger, because, as I have been able to gather, they would forsake you, or at least, the enterprise could only be made to your greatest perjudice, as that which would be wanting in itself, and forsake the catholic princes. And remember what I wrote to you—"si fuerit molesta." I dare not say on this point what I hear dimly projected, for fear of greater harm, and perhaps some would not be sorry if you did something on which they could make a beginning. My conscience sways me on one side, the love that I bear you pushes me on the other; the fear that there may happen greater harm to the Church or myself restrains me now until with longer success I can gather more advantage therefrom, for I should not dare to communicate it to any living man, because your majesty knows the obligation that I have in everything to his holiness; the other to the King of Spain, who is my natural Prince; the other that I owe to the Duke of Guise, and the fidelity that I have protested to your majesty. I would not wish, on my life, to do or say anything that would offend one of you, if it was not absolutely for the benefit of the Catholic Church and the salvation of souls, therefore, I pray you seriously to put your affairs into the hands of God, and follow the advice of the catholic princes, and keep yourself from offending them when you have dealings with them, to the end that with greater courage they may be moved by your kindness to seriously treat your affairs well. And if God has given you such good patience, with such great expectation, temporise now for God, I beg you, madam, with greater hope, for God by his kindness brings every day your affairs to greater facility. I will tell you now willingly this one word, but I fear very much that it may not be agreeable to you. Nevertheless, I know that it is profitable to you; it is that simply and immediately you should treat of your affairs by the ambassadors, and abandon all private ways; and believe, that without comparison this will be more agreeable to all the princes. And if they employ some one for your affairs, receive him very agreeably, as you desire that they should receive yours. For they know well what they do, and some have the idea that by all ways you are opposed to them, and try to discredit them, which does not a little offend the princes, and makes them lose courage, so that no one will dare to take part in your affairs. But it will be very useful for you to have good correspondence with them, to the end that you may be very fully informed of everything; for then they will be more incited to do your majesty very humble service with greater courage. And above all, trust the Duke of Guise as a principal instrument; for he has very good and very certain intelligence with the others, and they trust him very much. I think, madam, that these are the most sure means of advancing your affairs, and that the King of Scotland may be closely united with the said Duke of Guise; for that will remain a greater occasion to the others of good hope in the future. And whatever I know on this point, I have still two things to discourse of to your majesty; the one that some are of opinion that your majesty desires to cease all negotiations with other princes—except by simulation—except only with the King of Spain, and that he only should undertake the enterprise at my will, which he has already done. But look forward to the end, and do not offend the Pope and the Duke of Guise, and then happen what may. The other is the marriage that you know it is necessary to consider, that according to the best advice, the King of Spain ought to remarry soon, and some think that it may be concluded and settled. I do not say that it may not be extremely desirous to the party that you know; but they object to the uncertainty with regard to time and the difficulty; and that "mora est periculosa." And therefore they are after Madam Elizabeth of Austria, with whom they have great difficulty to make condescend to it. Nevertheless, by the advice of those who can help and command her, she will be contented on condition that the two daughters of Spain are delivered to the Archduke and his brother. For the present I will not say more than time will show with experience. They have spoken even of the daughter of Lorraine for the same effect. As I have been able to gather, they have not found it right that the Duke of Bavaria should be named in your affairs, as a great inconvenience to all.

Touching the affairs of France, they have been, since the death of the Duke of Anjou, in a very bad state. Monsieur D'Espernon has been sent from the King of France to the King of Navarre for a future successor. There is no news of the change of religion; but on the contrary, he has made an assembly at Montauban, where the Huguenots and several ministers from Geneva, Rochelle, and elsewhere have assisted, promised them to be a protector and defender of their religion, and the heretics have promised him 200,000 crowns as a yearly subsidy for so much and so long as he will continue the said promises. It is now that one must be courageous to help to overthrow these wicked plots. The said King of Navarre ought to come and see the said King of France at Moulines in Bourbonnois, if there is no change. However, the Queen Mother, with all the advice, and with all authority, at Bloys la France, shakes and trembles, and God knows what will happen. And among the other hindrances, this is one of the principal that keeps back your [affairs]. For the King of Spain and the Duke of Guise dare not move a foot until they see some conclusion or what union there will be with the Queen of England, and what will be the result of the whole on the part of the heretics and factions. They know well that the Queen of England does not lack at all in offering money, ships, munition, and all that she can to the Queen Mother, and to the King of Navarre, to help them in the encounter with the King of Spain, and "Deus spiritu oris sui illos et illas destruet, confundetque consilia Achitophel." Doctor Allen has replied to the infamous book that has been published in England against the Pope, the priests, and Catholics of England, and against the bull of Pope Pius V., and to declare throughout the world that never any one in England had been put to death, or even on the rack, for matters of religion or conscience; but for pure treason and rebellion. The said Doctor Allen replied properly to all these calumnies. The said book has already been printed in English and turned into Latin and French, as is that wicked book, if your majesty can procure it there, for I dare not send it from here. You will find in what distress the said Doctor Allen puts all the state of England, and how he speaks to your advantage, and how honourably he upholds the Pope, the Catholic Church, and your majesty, and how he accuses the heretics, ministers, and counsellors of treason: a book which I think will bear great fruit in England. I have already read it. Above all, in the fourth and eighth chapters he speaks of your afflictions and rights.

I wrote lately that I hoped to have very good acquaintance with Mr. Morgan, if he did not hold back on his side, which I do not think. I fear very much that he will be in trouble on account of another English book published after the death of Throgmorton, of which he is vehemently accused. Some advise him to disappear; but I am not of this opinion: neither is he to treat it lightly, in order not to give more suspicion to the English and French, and not to render himself thereby guilty. Nevertheless, he should be careful to watch and be on his guard—and not without cause, by the example of an Englishman who engraved and had printed in pictures the persecutions of the Catholics in England. The ambassador of England having discovered it, obtained permission to have the said Englishman siesed, and the printer, and put them in prison, where the said Englishman has been for a long time with danger of being sent back to England. Which would have been granted to the said ambassador, if it had not been for the sincerity of the King's lawyer at Chastelet, who resisted the said ambassador, wishing to deliver him; objecting that the King was wrongly informed, and that he himself would speak of it to the said King. They came every day to the prisons to fetch him, but the lawyer was firm in resisting them until the nonce of the Pope had delivered the Cardinals hats, by the authority of the Pope, to Cardinals Vandosme and Joyeuse, who the first time they entered the Council obtained deliverance for the said prisoner, as a sign of the duty that they owed, as being defenders of the Church. There was no want of contradictors, and especially the Queen Mother, and they even say Byrago, and that he did not fail to support such seditious people. In the end that it was granted them on condition that the said prisoner should take care to give himself up if he was sought for hereafter; and the first Englishman who was willing to become surety for him without knowing who he was or where he lived, the said procureur granted it, and from fear they both left France and Italy. Therefore, it is to be feared that if the said ambassador made instance for Mr. Morgan he would be for greater matter in greater danger, which would be of great prejudice to your majesty. And I tell you, moreover, that without that he would have already been in great danger. Therefore see and find that I speak according to God, and not from affection, as they could imagine; for I only seek for your best welfare. God has done me this favour, that throughout everything that has passed I have never yet been named. If there is the least rumour in the world— (fn. 2) will leave France, as I should do also if I were named. Things are more dangerous here than you think. I am absent from the town of Paris, where often I return secretly, always to see if I can gather anything which touches your affairs, and awaiting also your news, which is very late. And I fear very much the Duke of Guise, whom I have wished to mislead with words when I told him that your majesty wrote to him and sent me the memoirs which has made me still doubt, seeing the common letters of Monsieur— (fn. 2) which I received on the 23rd, which I replied in the same form, which did not make any mention of other letters. Nevertheless, before judging further, I await the issue thereof. However, as I apprehend another resolution, and to the end to avoid all suspicion, I will leave, if God pleases, on the 9th or 10th to go to Rome to make a journey none the less important for your affairs. By that same means you will know, God helping, how I shall be careful of your affairs; for without suspicion I shall have more convenience—seeing that they have taken occasion to send me to a congregation that is made of ours at Rome. Therefore, if there is anything in which I can do a service to your majesty, write to me as quickly as you can, and I shall always have letters from Paris in twelve days; and if God prospers my affairs I shall stay in Rome until December, and especially if I receive commandment from your majesty which requires it. Nevertheless, I shall be very pleased to receive yours before my departure. I am only sorry for one thing, that the occasions have been so very contrary about your majesty that you have not been able to know my fidelity and sincerity, nor even the little means that I had to do you service. For I am not so mean as they esteem me to be, God be praised and honoured above everything. In conclusion you will see, madam, how simply I proceed in everything, and how diligent I have been in being able to draw all that was possible to render account to your majesty of all that they have said or done here, as I promised you. I pray that my fidelity may not be turned to prejudice either directly or indirectly. Father Gordon and Creichton [Creyton] have gone to Scotland by the advice of the Pope under pretext of recovering Lealts. You can judge, madam, how it would serve the Earl of Huntly to be redressed and instructed by his uncle, one of the rare men of Europe, and how the King of Scotland will benefit by the good advice that he will receive from the said Huntly. Father Gordon has written to your majesty by the Archbishop of Glasgow, begging your majesty to take this journey in good part; for there is nothing in it except for your good and consolation, not having anything to treat of, except simply the cause of God, without any intelligence with any one whatsoever. If you find it good, madam, and it may please your majesty to write one word to Scotland warning the King, your son, in case by chance he heard the news, or that the heretics should make instance to make them stop deceiving him and support them, as those who work greatly for his great advancement, and that would give great contentment to his majesty and to all Christian princes—especially the Duke of Guise. Mondragon has received a great rebuff in Flanders, attacking the place from which he was repulsed with the loss of a good number of people, and constrained to leave his place. The adversaries have had also almost the same number killed, and have lost Trellemont. The Dukes Joyeuse and Espernon have wished by surprise to put Monsieur de Montmorency out of the saddle; but he was informed at Aiguemortes, and has killed five or six hundred of the bravest of the enterprise, which will discredit the mignons if they wish to usurp on the others by force, which they could not have by good means. This may be an annoyance to the Duke of Guise, who with the Cardinal, his brother, have not long since retired to Champagne. I do not leave yet to go to the fields to temporise until your news or my departure [sic]. The news of the marriages of Spain continues, and to-day they have news from Germany. Mowbray's brother is very well, and has become a very good Catholic, rather wonderfully; for being ill, as they thought, to the death, they persuaded him that if he became a Catholic, confessing and communicating, he would recover; which he did, and immediately afterwards he began to recover, and in a short time was quite well. This will serve Melville. The said Mowbray has returned to Scotland with the fathers who left Paris the 27th of [blank]. I am very pleased about your good health at Buxton. God in his mercy keep your majesty, whose hands I kiss very humbly. Paris 28th of [blank]. From your very humble and very affectionate to do you service according to God—Hyerominus Martelli.

4¼ pp. French. In cipher, deciphered. Indorsed: "From a Jesuite by the name of Martelli unto the Q. of Scottes. In cipher. Deciphered Tho. Phelippes." Signed on the back by Burghley, Shrewsbury, Hunsdon, Cobham, and Walsingham.

Decipher of the same in Phelippes' hand.

392. Lord John Hamilton to Walsingham. [Nov. 19.]

Pleis your honour I rasavit your letter to gidder with sik money as ze haif desyrit Sir Johne Foster to delyver to me, for the quhilk I gif zour lordship maist hartlie thankis. I am maist glaid to heir be zour honouris letter the good opinione hir majestie hes of me, quhilk I houpe in God sall incres day be day, gif my uprycht meanyng to do hir majestie thankfull service may deserve the same. And as zour honour hes ever bene my speciall good lord, quhome of I haif rasavit grettest favore and kyndes, I will pray zow to contenew me in hir majesties good grace and to travell for me at hir hyghnes handis in sik matteris as I haif gevin Mr. Colweill informacione of to declair to zow. Woddringtoun. Signed: Jhone Hammilton.

½ p. Addressed. Indorsed.

393. Treaties for the Enlargement of the Queen of Scots. [Nov. 20.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 220.

"A briefe note of all the treaties that have passed for the Scottish Quenes enlargement, and the severall causes why they tooke not effect —out of a note in the Lord Treasurer Burghley's hand."

The first treaty began at York, 30th September 1566, and was prorogued to London. This treaty took no effect, partly because during that treaty Lord Boyd and the bishop of Ross practised to steal the Queen of Scots, but principally because Lord Boyd, Lord Harris, Lord Kildwing, and the bishop of Ross, unwilling to enter into the examination of Lord Darnley's murder, came, and by special commission from the Scottish Queen dissolved the treaty, 15th December 1568.

The second began 24th April 1569. For the execution whereof the bishop of Ross was sent alone as ambassador from the Scottish Queen to deal with the Queen of England and the Lords of her Council. During this treaty a marriage was practised underhand between the Duke of Norfolk and the Scottish Queen, this intended match [being] signified in secret to the ambassadors of France and Spain, and to the nobility of the north of England. Cavendish was sent from the Duke to the Scottish Queen with letters and tokens to further this match. The Earl of Northumberland propounded to the Scottish Queen, by Leonard Dacres, a mean for her escape. This not succeeding, he afterwards broke into an open rebellion, and so did the Earl of Westmorland, who, by help from Scotland, invaded England. These things were impediments why the second treaty took no effect.

20th May 1570 a third treaty began from the French ambassador and the bishop of Ross, who offered thereupon to the Lords of her majesty's Council certain articles, wherein this was contained, that all English fugitives being in Scotland should be delivered into England or kept there to be forthcoming at the end of the treaty. [Names of the commissioners given.] Whilst this treaty was in hand, the Queen of England understood that the articles of her treaty were privily communicated to the Pope, the King of France, and the Duke of Alva; that there were sent to the French King, Sir George Bartley, to the Duke of Alva, Mr. John Hamilton, and to the Pope, Mr. Henry Keare, all to crave succour and support for the Scottish Queen against the Queen of England; that, contrary to one of the offered articles, some of the English fugitives were conveyed to Flanders, and there by means of the Scottish Queen—rewarded with 12,000 crowns; that Ridolphi was sent to solicit foreign forces to invade England. Lastly, whereas this treaty, being tripartite, could not proceed until a new commission was obtained for those who came from the King of Scots, which was offered to be procured with all speed, to supply some defect of the old one, the Scottish Queen would assent to no delay or respite, and so this treaty broke off without any good conclusion.

A fourth treaty began in 1582—wherein Sir Walter Mildmay was used—but whilst the proceeding therein was suspended upon expectance of an answer from Scotland touching the Scottish King's disposition, the Queen of England discovered that the duke of Guise was preparing some attempt against England for the Scottish Queen. For whose enlargement also Francis Throgmorton at the same time practised an invasion to be made into England, and other treasons [were] to be attempted. This being discovered, and he apprehended, this treaty proceeded no farther.

In 1583 the Earl of Shrewsbury and Mr. Beale were appointed to deal with the Scottish Queen in another treaty, with promise to return Sir Walter Mildmay if she would discover certain practices against the Queen of England, which she pretended to know. Whilst this was in hand, by the Scottish Queen's procurement D'Aubigny, the Laird of Farnyhurst, and Sir James Balfour, all mortal enemies to the State of England, were brought into Scotland; and so that treaty was broken off.

In 1584 another treaty was entered into with Nau. At which time the treasons and practices of Parry were discovered, and so the treaty ceased. By all which it is evident that the Scottish Queen has never entered into any treaty, but only of purpose to abuse the Queen of England with some treacherous attempt or other.

2½ pp. Copy.

394. Proclamation for Nine Ministers to compear before the King of Scots and his Council. [Nov. 21.] Cott. Calig., C. VII., fol. 197.

Nine ministers, named, to appear before the King and his Council at Holyrood House 7th December next, and give their reasons in writing whereby they may in any in sort pretend disobedience.

4½ pp. Copy. (Printed, Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, vol. iii., p. 701.)

395. Sir Edward Stafford to [ ]. [Nov. 22.]

The Bishop of Glasgow about that time received 12,000 franks from Mendoza, and a lion of gold with a great ruby in the head of it. The money was for the payment of two pensions, and the lion to send to the Scottish King for a token, it being worth 2000 crowns "besides the fashion."

¹/8 p. Copy. At the head: "Extract of letters from S^r Edw. Stafford." Indorsed.

396. [Walsingham] to Hunsdon. [Nov.]

The Master of Gray has had two audiences since his arrival; one on Saturday last, which was spent for the most part in ceremonies; the other yesterday, whereat he but in effect urged her majesty to restore the noblemen into the King of Scots' hands. Which motion her majesty seemed utterly to have no liking of, being persuaded in her conscience that those gentlemen had never had any evil meaning towards the King's person, and that such attempts as have fallen out in Scotland have only proceeded from the particular divisions and piques that have taken foot amongst the noblemen of that realm by reason of the King's minority, which he should rather seek to extinguish, and unite his whole nobility in a common concurrency to do him service, than make himself a party in any faction, which cannot but breed very dangerous effects. And forasmuch as he made "daynty" to discover anything of the special purpose of his coming—which her majesty conceived was for the opening of some matter concerning the peril of her estate—she did not forbear to let him perceive that she was offended withal.

Touching Captain Frisoll, he cannot learn any great matter concerning him, and therefore thinks he may set him at liberty, unless there be somewhat come to his knowledge. The Privy Council refer the men who were apprehended by their direction to his lordship's discretion to dispose of them as he shall think good.

1½ pp. Copy. Indorsed by Walsingham.

Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 209.

Another copy of the same.

397. James VI. to [Leicester]. [Nov. 23.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 201.

"My lorde and cousin, my ambassadouris last letteris maid me a gryt deall glaider than the first, for thay have confirmit my constant opinion of youre great affection—according to ye accoustumatt maner —touardis me, quhair as by his first he douttit altogither of youre goode uil. Bot as he hes persuadit you ye treuthe. I pray you to assuire youre self that quhen occasion sall serue ye sall finde me requyt you as ane honest and constant freind aucht to do. I remit all uther yingis to my said ambassadour and hoipis ye uill follou furthe as ye haue begune to procure him a good and speidie dispatche." Holyrudhous. Signed: "Youre louing freind and cousin, James R."

²/3 p. Holograph. No flyleaf or address.

398. Practices of Archibald Douglas, etc. [Nov. 23.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 204.

On the 21st instant the French ambassador had Archibald Douglas brought secretly to him by Corselles into his chamber, where, after long and earnest consultation had between them, which chiefly concerned the late letter received from the Scottish Queen, the said Archibald was secretly dismissed again.

They two hold for certain that Mr. Secretary Walsingham opened the Scottish Queen's packet before it came to the ambassador's hands and imparted the secrets thereof to the Queen of England, which makes them the more "respective" many ways, and therefore abated of the manner and matter how to deal with her majesty touching audience, desirous by some course of terrification to draw her majesty from proceeding too far in examining these actions that are broken forth, and the deciphering of their greater friends not yet discovered.

The said Archibald lays plots of importance for the Scottish Queen, and what he devises is communicated to the house of Guise, and executed by the Scottish Queen and her side. And your lordship may be well assured that Archibald plays with a very long two-handed sword that reaches into many places at once beyond this island— leaving France and nearer regions—as far as Spain and Rome. He was ever a "cowntermyner," and unfaithful; wherefore most dangerous to be entertained in any degree for service of this State. Neither can cunning nor dread "comprehend" him if he have once the source, ever a practiser and irreligious, and a revealer in the end of all secrets to serve his own turn. Let his plot "to" Mr. Randolph for lewdness serve for example to the rest, and for his sincerity in the end thereof.

The course that the Scottish King took ten days past with those who are affectionate to this State, by summoning Angus to render himself prisoner in Edinburgh Castle by the 1st of December, and Mar to be banished this island entirely, and to others other corrections of displeasure, concur with the roundness of the Scottish Queen's late letter.

Duffield, the preacher of whom I wrote to your lordship in my last letter, was with the Earl of A[ngus], his master, on Thursday, who "wooed" him to preach at Powlles Cross very instantly, and [he] should be seconded, he said, by other sufficient men. But Duffield refused to obey him in that course, alleging with a certain reverend boldness that it would appear only to be a cloak, and no manner of sincerity meant by the said earl, who had, he alleged, deceived his father before him, who dallied in like manner with God and his Prince, and was therefore paid with a sharp measure. Whereupon the said earl urged him to say what he had heard spoken of him by the people, and in what conceit he was with them, and what the best remedy was to purge his credit to the world again.

To which Duffield replied that as they were matters far above his capacity to satisfy him in, so could he not likewise so well judge of their particularities by reason of his partial affection borne to his said master, yet he saw the countenance of the people offended with him, and to condemn the manner of his life, his disposition, and loyalty. Sundry things, he said, were objected in common speeches of him, which severally made no great show, but, laid together, seemed weighty and of consideration.

1. And first, for that he sold land without necessity, and had heaped up a mass already of 12,000l in money by that sale, which was greatly wondered at.

2. Next, that he had made so strange conveyances of other estates of his living, as though he intended to abide some attainder, which, notwithstanding, should not touch the validity of his said conveyance.

3. Thirdly, that his company and companions were such as the state liked not of, as well for that they were either discontented persons, or recusants.

4. Lastly, that his principal servants and officers were all notorious papists, which must wound, he said, his conscience and condemn his judgment, or shew his choice unfavourable to their profession, and to his own outward appearance.

He added hereunto of himself, that his father before, both in the beginning of his troubles and during the same, had made light account of such objections, but when they came to the construction of grave men, they were found to be the preparatives of an ill-affected mind aspiring to a shrewd end. Wherefore, he could not advise him of any remedy for reconciling of his credit, than the same which his own honour and duty was to direct him, and that conscience and sincerity prescribed him.

Herewith the earl seemed content with his plainness and round proceeding, but it was after a great pause, before he answered anything at all, and then as one half benumbed of his senses, he said:—

1. Touching the first objection, it was true, that he had sold for 12,000l land, but he owed 14,000l which he meant to pay the same with.

2. To the second, that he was constrained to assure his lands by an extraordinary course, for that they were so entailed to the Prince, and otherwise so tied by their former states and tenures, that they were subject to infinite inconveniences and bondage, and therefore with great intercession had offered to the Earl of Leicester heretofore 200l of his best inheritance or 10,000l in money, to mediate the freeing and clearing of them.

3. To the third, his answer—in my judgment—was very slender and misadvised, viz., that he being forsaken of better company was driven to associate himself with such as he could get for the time, were they recusants or discontented.

4. Lastly, for his officers and servants, that he must be content —by the example of others—to keep such as he found most obedient and faithful to him and his causes.

But herewith he took a great Testament in his hand, and swore very solemnly by the contents of the same, and under protest of his salvation, that he detested papistry and the Pope, and ever had done, and would spend his life and lands in the quarrel, to confirm his loyalty on that behalf to her majesty, which he would make apparent very shortly, with the first occasion that was presented.

And this discourse touching the earl—though long my lord—I thought not impertinent to have your wisdom acquainted therewith, to judge thereof and of their effects, as in value they might import, but I shall be able to advertise your lordship more hereof by penetrating discreetly nearer if you think so good. The "pad" is great that is amongst them, and their fear greater, but may it please your lordship to carry well in mind what I wrote to you by my last touching Thorseby, who is subtle to discover all.

Francis Flower is deemed to have opened the gats for discovery of Hawll the priest, and others of that family, but not of duty to the King nor of zeal to religion, being an atheist himself and long [one]. His policy is said to have been partly for revenge, but chiefly for sole credit, when the rest are expulsed, and that his master mistrusting Noles, by the skill of his former pranks, would fain be rid of him, saving that he expects time. The matter of Hawll the priest is divided between Sommerfield and him, the deciphering of others of that troop belonging to his master, is ascribed only to him. [In the margin.] This is a consideration among the best sort of F. Flower.

Truly, my lord, there was never time of greater corruption and neutrality than now, nor wherein honest sincere men should be both better discerned and cherished. I "perse" by mine own knowledge into the inward particular nature of the most in England, of what shire or family soever they be, what in duty and disposition they are to their sovereign, and what respects carry them either forward or backward in matters of state or religion, and I hear the sighs of good men withal, wishing a more difference to be made in countenance and effect between those that are assured of merit well, from the rest, worse disposed, which regard, I must say, is a virtue most special and peculiar in you, as it was in ancient Pericles, "id est favere et amicis bene merentibus." I would to God there were many imitators thereof, the cause and the time requiring it earnestly.

The Scottish faction doth press on apace in number and view, and those with them that desire novelties, the one and the other affirming that Cuthbert Armorer's late despatch into Scotland is but entertainment to occupy a child with, and that a hope or glimpse of a marriage under this is handled to draw the young King from his designs and settled friends, but that the affinity with "H" is too weak a calamity to attract so great an effect from his own spleen. In like sort we entertain the King of Spain, [it] is said, and his ambassador with "accomplements" now, to divide or weaken the tempest prepared and coming.

I am glad to know myself, in respect of public security to our Queen's sovereign, that she is furnished with matter of herself to convict the Lord H. Howard criminally, when she pleaseth to extend it. His spirit, otherwise, is within no compass of quiet duty, and his own side say of that travailing mind of his, "erat aut non capiendus aut non relaxandus."

I hear it again confirmed what triumphs were made in Spain upon the bruit of her majesty's death. Spain, France, and the Pope, now labour by all means (postposita fide et virtute) to prevail "per secarios et proditores." God forgive me if I judge amiss in seeing Charles Arundel provide gloves and sweet savours at a new perfumer's house in Abchurch Lane of late, if I did not fear some poison towards her majesty, she having her senses of smelling so perfect, and delighted with good savours, but God will defend her I know, for she trusts in Him. And to the rest I dare pronounce even from God's mouth that cruelty and treachery is "highliest" punished and revenged, with breach of faith, even in the greatest that are disposed thereunto.

John Gillpin told me 2 years since and more, that when he was sent after his master's son into France, he met at Rome with Hawll the priest, "who" [and that] amongst trees and plants, and under reams of white paper that he brought over hither, there were seditious books packed together very cunningly, that also he was then a minister of messages and practices, and he was suspected to have had Hyde's books then, to be dispersed by his means in England, the method whereof was a description of all the states of England, and of the persons of the nobility, councillors, and others well affected to God and our sovereign, in the "slanderest" manner and most reproachful that might be. Only the Earl of Sussex and some others were reverently spoken of. This remembrance touching Hawll may serve to bring some other thing to light.

Thus I presume to advertise my knowledge in the premises to your lordship, wherein if either I be too tedious or bold, I submit myself humbly to your own censure. Curious I am not, but jealous ever for her majesty's security and quietness, which my life and my death shall ever testify.

5 pp. In William Davison's hand.

399. Sadleir to Walsingham. [Nov. 19.] C.P., vol. XIV.

By your letters of the 15th instant, which I received on the 18th, in the morning, I find that the Queen's majesty has resolved upon the removing of this Queen at the time mentioned by me. Indeed, I named no time certain to remove her, but that about the 22nd or 23rd of this month the earl's [Shrewsbury] provision was to end, but that, perhaps, a day or two more might be had, that Tutbury House might be ready; and desired to know the time certain, within a day or two, more or less, that I should remove her. But hereof your next, and her majesty's letters to this Queen, which will be very welcome, will ascertain me. And though I cannot perceive that the earl has given direct order hither, yet I find that Mr. Stringer makes account to "wear out" this month with my lord's provision for this household, though he saith merrily that the fare will be the shorter. But surely I must testify the likelihood of the contrary, to my lord his master's honour and his own commendation. May it please you to deal with his lordship therein, and by that time I trust to have a certain direction for this removal, and to hear of the readiness of Tutbury, to understand of my lord St. John's being there, or near at hand, and that this Queen will be in case to be able [to be] removed, "as surely yet she cannot stay her self on her lefte foote, nor suffer it to be muche lower than her bodye," but is much eased. And other ways I find her now in good case of health.

The earl's consent to lend his plate, already in use with this Queen, will serve that turn well for the time. As for sheets and napery, I will assay, and trust to obtain among the gentlemen and others as much as may serve for the first; but if her majesty's provisions of those kinds may be brought down by the end of this month, it will come in good time. Yet I trust to have some ready there against all events, and have already sent about it.

Against the time of our removal from hence, I mean—following her majesty's pleasure signified by you—to cause to be had in readiness forty men of her majesty's tenants about Tutbury to serve as soldiers, and for the watch, according to that direction. And as touching their entertainment, I find upon computation that a "sold" of 8d. by the day will be of less charge than to find them and to allow them some convenient yearly wages; as by a note thereof, among other things set down by Mr. Cave, upon conference together, you will find. And therefore I mean to take that course, and to agree so with them.

One other little charge I mean to put her majesty to for an orderly comeliness and some contentment among them. That is, to cause to be brought for every of them a cassock of grey frieze, which I trust her majesty will not mislike. For so has the earl [Shrewsbury] used these soldiers, and the like of a coarse blue for the summer. And as to the lodging of them all in the town, for the easing of her majesty's charges, and to avoid pestering of the house, I take it the provision of their beds will be the only surcharge. Nevertheless, partly to ease that charge, but especially for the more strength within, and also to have some forces at hand without, I trust her majesty will not mislike it if I appoint twenty of them to lodge within, and the other twenty to lodge in the town—the nightly watches to be appointed indifferently in their turns. Notwithstanding, I refer this to her majesty's commandment, which shall be obeyed.

As to moving this Queen's master of household to take order for the disposing elsewhere of the children, I humbly beseech her highness that it may be moved hereafter—if it so please her—when it shall appear how things will fall out between her majesty and this Queen, rather than now, as also that point for her coach horses. And to say my opinion herein, if these children, whereof four or five are young—one born within this fortnight, of the embroiderer Pierre Andry's wife—should be sent abroad, it is most likely that their mothers will go with them, whom this Queen cannot well spare. Namely, Bastian's [Pages] wife, as a necessary person used about her, besides the fathers' frequent resorting to them. And then, if they should live at her majesty's charges abroad—for I cannot believe that this Queen will bear it without an exceeding great misliking, especially at this time—the charges for them would be greater than now that they common together.

I like well the intention to change this coachman, and though I have had no manifest cause to mistrust him, yet have often warned him of his duty and allegiance towards her majesty his sovereign, and put [him] in remembrance of his oath, than any other of all this company.

I have written to Mr. Sheriff of Staffordshire that he send to Tutbury, among other things of my Lord Paget's, all the shot and weapons of that lord's, and committed to Mr. Sheriff's custody. But I fear that the more part, if not all of them, is sold. Whereof, I shall hear shortly from Mr. Cave, who went hence about that business yesterday, having stayed here but one night.

I send you herewith an estimate of a diet for this Queen and her household, and for the nobleman and only forty with him; which, upon conferences together, and upon consideration of the manner of her diet here, wherein Mr. Stringer has given some light, is set down by Mr. Cave, as near as, in my opinion and his skill, may be done. Saving, I think, there will be an abatement on the fish days. My lord's officers are loth to show his household book, where her diet is by itself, as I hear, until they receive his lordship's commandment therein; for which Mr. Stringer has written. In this you shall see a good diversity between the late allowance and this estimate. Yet there are certain things unrated, which also must be had; besides one mess for the gentleman porter, forgotten in this estimate.

I have made this Queen acquainted with her secretary's expected arrival at London on Sunday. His lodging [is to be] provided in my house, and to be defrayed by her majesty; which she took very thankfully, saying that she was well relieved with those good tidings. Wingfield Castle. Signed: R. Sadleir.

Postscript.—I pray you, sir, for God's sake help me home and hasten my Lord St. John hither, for if I tarry long here I shall despair ever to see you or any of my friends there.

2½ pp. Addressed. Indorsed.

400. [Walsingham] to Sadleir. [Nov. 19.] C. P., vol. XIV.

Her majesty being made acquainted with the contents of your letters of the 15th instant, and finding by the same that the Queen, your charge, is yet in very weak state of body by reason of her aches and indisposition of health, has therefore deferred the signing of the two letters to her and to yourself mentioned in my last. Notwithstanding which she purposes to despatch this night or to-morrow, being very loth the said Queen should be used with so little regard as to be removed yet to Tutbury in this case she is, unless she herself shall be so content and like well thereof. And therefore I find her majesty disposed to refer the time of the removing of her to your own discretion, with the good liking of the said Queen, while she shall continue thus indisposed in her health. Her majesty also looks that you should have a special care that by the change of the manner of her charge in keeping the said Queen, the increase and burden of the said charge be no greater than the necessity of her service shall require.

Lord St. John is come to the Court, but has not yet had access to her majesty. There shall be care had of the despatching of him as soon as conveniently may be.

Mons. Nau had his first audience yesterday of her majesty, who seems to rest very well satisfied with the conference she had with him, which moves [him] to have the greater care of the Queen his mistress.

²/3 p. Copy. Indorsed: "M[inute] to Sir Rafe Sadler."

401. [Walsingham] to Sadleir. [Nov. 20.] C.P., vol. XIV.

My lord of Shrewsbury has now sent me word that the provisions at Wingfield will stretch to the last of this month, during which time her majesty will not, therefore, need to be at any extraordinary charges that way. And afterwards, if that Queen is to be continued longer there, order may be taken with my lord's officers for a further provision in that sort that I have before written to you. Her majesty yet defers signing the two letters. Herewith I send you my lord of Shrewsbury's letter to his servant Stringer for the furnishing of the plate that is desired.

Nau desires that the Queen may not be made acquainted with the resolution for the removal until his return, for otherwise he doubts that it will breed such jealousy in her as may work some change in that good resolution she has taken to be altogether—as he protests —at her majesty's devotion.

½ p. Indorsed.

402. Linen for the Queen of Scots. [Nov. 22.] C.P., vol. XIV.

"A note of suche parcells of lynnen as have bene provided and boughte for the service of the Scottish Quene, xxij° die Novembr 1584."

Inprimis, xxxviij paire of sheetes of fyne canvas conteyninge ccclxxx elles at ijs. the ell, xxxviijli.

Item,—ix paire of sheetes of whited canvas conteyning lxxxx elles at xviijd. the ell, vj^li, xv⁸.

Item,—v paire of sheetes of course whited canvas conteyninge 1. elles at xiijd. the ell, liijs. ijd.

Item,—viij paire of sheetes of whited canvas conteyninge lxxx elles at xvjd. ob. the ell, vli. xs.

Item,—xxvj paire of pillowberes conteyninge lij elles of Holland at ijs. vd. the ell, vjli. vs. viijd.

Item,—xj tableclothes of fyne canvas conteyninge xxvj elles di. at ijs. the ell, liijs.

Item,—xij tableclothes of whited canvas conteyninge xxix elles at xvjd. ob. the ell, xxxixs. xd.

Item,—one tableclothe of whited canvas conteyninge two elles di. at ijs. ijd. the ell, vs. vd.

Item,—xxxj elles of Holland made into xij towells at ijs. ijd. the ell, iijli. vijs. ijd.

Item,—xvj dozen of whited napkins at vjs. the dozen, iiijli. xvjs.

Item,—iiij dozen of whited napkins at viijs. the dozen, xxxijs.

Item,—xx buttry clothes and xxx dresser clothes conteyning lxxxij elles of whited canvas at xiijd. the ell, iiijli. viijs. xd.

Item,—vij tableclothes and iiij cupbordclothes of damaske conteyninge xxxiiij yardes at ixs. the yarde, xvli. vjs.

Item,—vj dozen of damaske napkins conteyninge lxxxj yardes iij quarters di. at iiijs. the yarde, xijli. vs. vijd. ob.

Item,—xix yardes j q^tr of damaske towellinge at iiijs. the yarde, iijli. xvijs.

Item,—iij yardes di. of broade damaske towellinge at vs. the yarde, xvijs. vjd.

Item,—vij tableclothes and cupbordclothes of diaper conteyninge xxxv yardes at vjs. viij the yarde, xjli. xiijs. iiijd.

Item,—vij dozen napkins and vij towelles conteyninge cxvij yardes iij q^trs di. of narrow diaper at ijs. the yarde, xjli. xvs. ixd.

Item,—iiij cupbord clothes conteyninge iiij yardes iij q^trs di. of fine broad diaper at ixs. the yarde, xliiijs. xd. ob.

Item,—for sowinge and makinge all the said lynnen, iiijli. xs. vd.

Item,—for washinge all the said lynnen, xxxiiijs. vjd.

Item,—for xxx peeces of fyne Cornish mattes conteyninge xx yardes in every peece at iijd. the yarde, vijli. xs.

Sum is—Cl. li js. jd.

1 p. Indorsed.

403. Sadleir to Walsingham. [Nov. 23.] C. P., vol. XIV.

Sir, for answer to your letters of the 17th instant—you have seen before this time with mine of the 19th—after I had conferred with Mr. Cave—the estimate of a new charge for this Queen and attendants, upon the intended charge, the good likelihood that Tutbury house will be ready for her by the end of this month, the continuance of the Earl of Shrewsbury's provisions until that time, and that, as I trusted, this Lady would then be able to be removed thither.

As to a longer continuance of the earl's provision here than to the end of this month, in case this Queen shall not then be able and willing of herself to be removed—which is touched so in your letters of the 19th and 20th instant, brought to me on the 22nd—and that you find her majesty disposed to refer the time of the removing to my discretion with respect to her, whilst she is thus indisposed of health; I have dealt with my lord's officers here. They answer, as of themselves, not knowing his lordship's pleasure, that for "great meates" and such other accates (fn. 3) as this country will yield—and yet they go far for them —shift may be made upon some few days warning, but that it is not so for beer and wine; and that upon my lord's order until the 23rd of this month they made such provision, that it continues, and will do until the end of this month, and have thereto agreed, though they have no very special warrant from his lordship. But they assure that the wine will be then all spent, and that their beer will not exceed two or three days of next month, and dare not proceed to any further provision without his lordship's commandment, which they say would come very late now, especially for beer and wine. And when it was alleged to them that a new provision would serve for his lordship's folk that are to tarry behind, they answered that they had received express commandment to break up house here upon our removing, and all to go to Sheffield, where he has a good number, and to keep but one house. Thus you see, sir, necessity will almost cause a removal hence at the end of this month. But if it should so fall out—as I trust it will not, and would be heartily sorry it should— that through the state of this Queen's foot—for her body is well—she shall not find herself able, or will not willingly remove from hence so soon—for sometimes she says she would be loth to remove hence before Nau's return—in that case you can consider how necessary, and that it were high time to deal with the earl [Shrewsbury] that he may give order hither with speed for some further supply against all events. And as to an increase of his late allowance to be made after this month, his lordship is there with you to be moved and satisfied therein, for his officers will undertake no such thing without his commandment. But if her majesty shall please to give me warrant and leave it to my consideration to remove this Queen to Tutbury, and will so signify it to her by her highness's letters, which she will take very well, as I have written, I mean to have that regard to the time and to this Queen's health and contentment as her majesty shall command, so that I trust it shall be done with the liking of all parties.

If her majesty has not already despatched her letters whereof you make mention, may it please her not to forbear to do it. For I trust her majesty conceives of my dutiful consideration and respect in this case, as to the importance of the cause and her princely care of this Lady's health belongs. Always provided that here be provision, if need shall so require. And whereas you, with the advice of the Lord Treasurer and Sir Walter Mildmay, advised me by your former to levy forty soldiers of her majesty's tenants about Tutbury to attend upon this charge, which I minded to do, as by mine of the 19th you have seen, now that this of yours says that my Lord St. John shall levy that number in his own country, for the causes by you alleged, and as in my opinion is meet, I mean to deal no further to levy any here, saving some few night watches and ward until my lord comes. And as for the pay and lodging of those forty soldiers, I have also said my opinion therein, but referred it to your considerations there, that her majesty may therein resolve with my Lord St. John.

The earl's [Shrewsbury] letter which came with your last to me, of the 20th, for Mr. Stringer, was only that his plate now in this Queen's use, may so remain for a time by inventory between them.

I recommend to your good remembrance the plate and napery mentioned in yours to be sent to Tutbury by the end of this month; for default whereof—this removal happening shortly—I shall give order that there shall be no great lack for a short time.

My lord's officers also desire to receive his pleasure for the delivery of her majesty's stuff for their discharge. They have sent to bring from Sheffield all that may be thereof found, good and bad. And when it shall be brought, and added to this here, it will appear how the inventory will be answered. The yeoman of my lord's wardrobe who received the whole is dead.

As to your postscript of Nau's desire that this Queen may not be made acquainted with the resolution for her removal until his return, for the causes by him alleged to you, you there are able to judge how the likelihood of the time of his return and the necessity or cause of our stay here can agree together. It may be a device between them, or by himself, without "teaching" to hasten his return the sooner, and by his report to see as much as she may into her majesty's disposition towards her motions, and to herself, and to be ascertained to whose hands she shall be committed, and of the quality and credit of him, whereof she speaks much, and is not a little careful and curious of it, as I have written to you. I have caused to be laid in already at Tutbury 5 tuns of beer and one tun of wine, and wood and coal, and do not doubt but that house will be ready within these two or three days, so far as the stuff appointed to be carried thither from Mr. Sheriff's will serve. By the report made to me of that house and the country about it, for all respects, this Queen will be very much better there than she is here, as, indeed, since, and in, her late sickness she has found fault with her strait lodgings here, and—as she has cause—with the place where, in health, she used to eat; being much annoyed with smoke and scent of meat from the kitchens, one of them being under that room, and cannot be holpen without good cost. Yet they are all the best lodgings of this house, standing together, meet for her and her people. And therefore I doubt not but as soon as she shall be able to set her foot to the ground, she will be content to be removed; and the rather upon the contented advertisement and report which she has received from her secretary, which came with your last. Whereat she took such comfort, namely, in that her majesty asked so earnestly of her health, and the care her highness showed to have of it, and so friendly accepting her tokens, "as the teares ran downe by her cheekes for joy, which wer well seene, and that part of his letter read to others hearing." Herewith I send a letter to her majesty from the Queen, which she says is to give her majesty thanks for the great favour she shows her, and care she has for her, which her secretary has faithfully testified by his letter to her. Wingfield Castle. Signed: R. Sadleir.

Postscript in Sadleir's hand.—Here is one with me who would as fain be at home as I, though he say nothing to you, after eleven months absence from his own causes.

3 pp. Addressed. Indorsed.

404. Monsieur Nau to Walsingham. [Nov. 24.] C.P., vol. XIV.

Sir, on what it has pleased Mr. Waad [Wadde] to report to me this evening on your part touching my going to-morrow to Monsieur de Mauvissière, I have to beg you, as I do very humbly, to inform me privately how it will please the Queen, my mistress, and you, that I should behave. For, as I have only come here to please her, I do not wish in a thing of so little importance to give her occasion to esteem my sincerity less, and will act therein as commanded. Nevertheless, only being a common visit and ordinary courtesy, in which Mr. Waad will assist, I promise not to go beyond my promise in deeds or words, whereof may One be witness.

I should esteem it a special obligation if it would please you to obtain for me this favour from the said Queen our mistress, who so much more would rely—especially for such indifferent things—on my sincerity, and so oblige me to behave most exactly, as I think to have done up to the present, in things of importance. And I know that it will be a very great pleasure to the Queen my mistress to hear the news of the King her son, the memory of whom is what entertains her most in life. Signed: Nau.

½ p. French. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

405. Requests by Monsieur Nau. [Nov. 25.] C.P., vol. XIV.

"Nau's request unto ye Lords appoynted to confer with him."

(1) To be licensed to repair into Scotland to confer with the King touching such points of the treaty as concern him; and also to advise the King to take sound peaceable course with his subjects. [In the margin.] "The ratefieing treatye." "The delyvery of hostages." "The mediatyon for the noblemen." (2) That he may be confronted with the Countess of Shrewsbury and her two sons touching the slanderous speeches given out against the Queen of Scots.

That Buchanan's book may be prohibited.

That touching the hard conceit the Queen of Scots has of Tutbury Castle, she may not over hastily be conveyed thither.

1p. In Walsingham's hand. Indorsed: "Nau's requestes to the lordes."

406. Sadleir to Walsingham. [Nov. 26.] C P., vol. XIV.

Understanding by a letter from Henry Sadleir how friendly you deal for me to relieve me of this charge, I acknowledge myself most bound to you for the same, and shall lack no goodwill to requite your courtesy therein, if it may ever lie in my power. Also, understanding by his said letter that if you should bring it to pass [that] my Lord St. John should come hither to Wingfield and convey this Queen from hence to Tutbury, I have thought good to signify my poor mind to you in that behalf; which is, that I think it will be much more commodious for him, and not incommodious for me, that he should either find her at Tutbury at his coming thither, or else be ready to receive her there when she shall come thither, both for that his journey shall be the shorter by fourteen or fifteen miles of very foul way, and I also shall be so much the nearer home. And besides that, which is the worst, if he do come hither, he shall find here neither meat, drink nor good lodging for himself, nor yet any at all for his folks, nor yet meat nor room for his horses, our provisions here being almost spent, and will, indeed, be at an end within these eight days, if they last so long, having no good means to renew or supply the same, specially for beer and wine, as I have already advertised you. Here is no place of any receipt for my Lord St. John and his train, this house, and the village here, which is little, and very poor, being full with my Lord of Shrewsbury's men and mine, and at this present neither man's meat nor horse-meat to be had in the same. So that I am fain to send my men all about the country here to make my provision for my horses, which I pay well for. Wherefore I think it best that my Lord St. John come directly to Tutbury, where the house will be ready out of hand. Beer and wine, wood and coal [are] already laid in, and Mr. Cave [is] there ready to make all the other provisions upon a very short warning, the country there being a great deal better, more plenteous, and far more able to serve for all manner of provisions than this is.

Also I find this Queen here, being in good health of body, though her foot be so that she cannot well set it to the ground—I will not say it is the gout—yet without any great pain, very willing to remove whensoever she shall understand the Queen's majestys pleasure therein by her majesty's own letters. Marry, she seemeth to be somewhat desirous to stay either until Monsieur Nau shall return to her, or at least until she shall hear from him. But I doubt not to remove her with her very good liking and còntentation whensoever it shall please the Queen's majesty to appoint the time, which must needs be within these eight or ten days at the furthest, for I cannot see how we can abide here longer. And unless it be meant that she shall remain still in the custody of the earl [Shrewsbury], I see no cause why she should tarry here any longer. But the sooner she be removed the better, in my poor opinion. There is no cause of stay for respect of health or indisposition of her body, only her foot, as I say, is a little sore, which may be laid on a pillow in her coach "without her disease," as she herself finds no lack in the same, but is, indeed, very willing to remove whensoever it shall please the Queen's majesty to advertise her thereof. Wingfield. Signed: R. Sadleir.

2 pp. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed.

407. [Walsingham to Sadleir.] [Nov. 26.] C.P., vol. XIV.

Lord St. John now attends here for his despatch; but as well by reason of the parliament as of the present negotiations with Nau and the Scottish ambassador, and of other weighty causes that are in hand, thinks her majesty will have no time to resolve therein until next week. In the meantime, while Nau desires that his mistress may not be removed until his return, and her majesty is willing to assent thereto, has thought good to give him knowledge thereof to the end he may take order for some provisions to be made for ten or twelve days longer, at her majesty's charges. For the easing thereof he will do well to consider how some of the earl's people may be discharged. Thinks that the estimate sent by him of the increase of charges her majesty will now be at, above the rate allowed to the Earl of Shrewsbury, will greatly hasten the treaty.

Till yesterday Mons. Nau's negotiation was private with her majesty's self, the purpose whereof he thinks chiefly concerned the Countess of Shrewsbury and these causes. Yesterday he [Nau] had conference with some of the Council, to whom he made requests (1) that the treaty might go forward with his mistress: (2) that he might not be removed till the finishing of the treaty, or, at least, till his return: (3) that the Countess of Shrewsbury and her two sons might openly before the French ambassador, himself, and some of the Council, confess the untruth of the imputations laid to his mistress, which touch her life and honour.

¾ p. Copy. Indorsed.

408. Household Stuff Sent to Tutbury Castle. [Nov. 28.] C.P., vol. XIV.

"Howshould stuff and other thinges of the late Lo Pagettes sente from Burton and Bewedesert to Tutbury Castell by Tho. Gresley esquier, shiriff of the Com. of Staff., and ther rec. by Briane Cave, appointed therunto by the Lordes of her majesteis Counsaile, xxviij° November 1584. xxvij^mo Elizabethe Regine, etc."

Featherbeds, 56. Bolsters, 57. Pillows, 14. Blankets, 35 pairs. Coverlets, 51. Mattresses, 13. Wool beds, 6. Common bedsteads, 20. Standing bedsteads, 8. Pieces of old tapestry, 7. Pieces of new tapestry, 10. Long cushions, 7. Square cushions, 4. Backed chairs, 6. Chairs backed with blue cloth, one with green cloth, and another with black velvet, 4. Silk canopies, 2. Green "say" canopies, 2. Silk quilts, 3. A tester of crimson velvet fringed with silk and gold. Taffetie curtains fringed with gold, 5. Coffers, 3. Square board cloths, 2. Rugs, 4. Joined buffet stools, 18. Buffet stools covered with murray cloth, 10. Buffets of "nildworke," 4. "Caieres" of crimson velvet, 1. Close stools covered with black and green "mockeadoo," 1. "Murrey bourde clothe," long, fringed with green silk, 1. Square "bourdclothe," 1. "Bourdclothes" of green cloth, 2. Short tables, 3. Livery cupboards, 12. Pieces of "dernixe" [darnex], 40. A large "shoulabord" table. Drawing table. Buffet stools covered with Turkey work, 3. Buffets covered with black velvet, 6. Turkey carpets long and short, 2. Iron spits, 18. Iron racks, 2 pairs. "Aundirons," one great pair. "Aundirons," small pairs, 4. Brass pots, 7. Brass pans, 5. Brass "possenettes," 3. "Brundirons," 2. "Iron great bayard." Dripping pans, 4. Gridirons great and small, 2. Frying-pan. One great iron grate and two lesser. Pewter vessel pieces, 160. Pewter beer pots, 6. Pewter chamber pots, 8. Pewter basins and ewers, 3. Brasen laver. "Blacke jackes," 6. "Blacke billes," 17. Halberds 23. Calivers, 40. Headpieces to them, 40. Flasks and touchboxes, 80. Field pieces of iron, 16. "Crarges" to them, 13. Cases of "dagges," 10. Barrels of gunpowder, 5. Pewter candlesticks, 32. Pewter pie plates, 10.

1 long sheet. Indorsed: "Inventorie of the parcells of the Lord Pagettes stuffe sent to Tudburie for the Scottishe Queene."

409. Monsieur Nau to Walsingham. [Nov. 28.] C.P., vol. XIV.

Sir, not to lose time, I have thought by the articles here inclosed, that I beg you to show to my lords the Great Treasurer and the Earl of Leicester to make up for the little leisure that I had yesterday, for making known to them privately, and to you, the special offers of the Queen my mistress for her liberty; which I am sure that they and you will find so advantageous and reasonable that nothing can be added thereto. I await their good pleasure to examine them more exactly, and to clear away all difficulties and objections which could be alleged on the same. And, however, I beg you to obtain for me without more delay, audience of the Queen your mistress, having, besides, several things which remain for me to inform her of my first negotiation, new occasion to speak to her on the first despatch that I have received from the Queen my mistress with letters on her part to present her. Signed: Nau.

½ p. French. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

410. Articles Presented by Mons. Nau on behalf of Mary. [Nov. 28.] C.P., vol. XIV.

The Queen of Scots being once assured of the Queen of England's friendship will declare publicly that she will adhere strictly to her good sister and bear her respect before all Kings and Princes of Christendom. Will declare a sincere amnesty for all wrongs done her in England. Will recognise her good sister as lawful Queen. Will renounce her own rights to the crown of England. Will revoke all acts of pretension heretofore done by her to the crown of England or to the prejudice of the Queen of England. Will renounce the Pope's bull in so far as it can be interpreted in her favour. Will not pursue during her good sister's life any public declaration of her right in the succession of England, etc. Will not practise with any subjects of England anything tending to foreign or civil war against England. Will not support the Queen of England's declared rebels or those convicted of treason against her. Will enter into the association shown her at Wingfield. Will not enter into treaty with foreign Kings and Princes for war or trouble against England. Will take part with the Queen her good sister in case of civil war in England, and assist her with all her forces. Will enter into a league defensive with her good sister. Will enter into a league offensive, provided she has good assurance and secret recognition of her right in the succession of the crown of England. Offers herself as hostage. Will not leave England without her good sister's licence. On returning to Scotland she will promise to change nothing in the established religion. Will grant general oblivion for all offences done against her in Scotland. Will travail for a general reconciliation between the nobility of Scotland. Will do her best to content the Queen her good sister by showing favour to the banished Scottish lords in England. Will not proceed to her son's marriage without her good sister's advice. Her son to join with her in this treaty. Hopes the King of France will intervene and assist her as surety for her promises. All the Princes of the house of Lorraine will bind themselves in the treaty. She will try to obtain the same from other Kings and Princes. Requests a brief answer and final conclusion with regard to all this.

1¾ pp. French. Indorsed: "Articles propownded by Monsieur Nau." (Printed, Labanoff, vol. vi. p. 59.)

Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 180.

Another copy of the same.

411. Sir John Foster to Walsingham. [Nov. 29.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 208 b.

The laird of Farnihurst, Warden and Keeper of Liddesdale, is presently to come at Jedworth with 100 footmen and 50 horsemen, and his son has gotten very liberal entertainment of the King forth of the abbacy of Dunfermline and other places.

The said laird has taken upon him to answer for the whole Middle Marches of Scotland and Liddesdale, as well for former attempts as such as are lately committed. At first he refused answer for any but attempts lately committed, but now he thinks they [the English] are as far forth as they. He has taken upon him to answer for all. How he will execute it, he knows not.

He is in such fear upon entering into his office, that he has requested the King that the Laird of Cesford's men and other surnames in East Tynedale should lay in pledges to the King that they should not only attend upon him to the days of truce for service of the King, as they were wont to do, but also into London and other places for such services and occasions as he shall have to do, otherwise than they have been accustomed; which they have utterly refused to do, and say they will never be bound to such services, but will rather leave Scotland; so that there is great variance and contention like to grow amongst them. What it will draw unto, I know not.

He has not only demanded the rolls of Menteith, the Warden's clerk, but will have him to supply that room still, and to be clerk unto him; which he has refused to do, and says he will rather refuse the realm of Scotland, than serve any but his old master the Laird of Cesford, and is charged to enter unto Farnihurst within certain days, or else to be put to the horn.

There is such a sudden fear come upon the Earl of Arran, that there are 60 men appointed to watch every night at Edinburgh Castle, 60 men in the steeple, and 400 men of Edinburgh to guard his person in the palace every night, which makes such grudging in the town as there was never the like.

He has removed his lodging about Tuesday last from the accustomed place where he was wont to lie in the castle of Edinburgh, and came to the King and requested that he might have a bed in his own chamber, which he utterly denied, but granted him the Chancellor's lodging. But he said he durst not lie there for fear, but has gotten him a lodging at the highest part of the palace, where the King lies, and keeps house in the said Chancellor's house, and dines and sups there, and lies in the King's lodging at night.

1 p. Copy. No indorsement.

412. Proposed Treaty with the Queen of Scots. [Nov.] C.P., vol. XIV.

"The manner of proceedinge."

The articles to be sent to Sir Ralph Sadleir to be communicated to the Scottish Queen.

In case she shall dislike any of the said articles, or shall desire alteration in some points, she shall declare to Mr. Sadleir the causes of her misliking. And if he cannot satisfy her therein, that she be permitted to send Nau to the Queen of England to acquaint her with the causes of her dislike and wherein she shall desire amendment.

The articles being agreed on upon conference with Nau, then may Sir Walter Mildmay, at the time of the Earl of Shrewsbury's return, repair to Wingfield, and then proceed to the final conclusion of the said treaty.

½ p. Indorsed.

413. Considerations Touching Mary. [Nov.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 192.

Courses which may be adopted with the said Queen are. 1. To keep her in her present state of custody. 2. To restrain her from the liberty she now has. 3. To set her at liberty upon caution.

Touching the first, it is to be considered that the princes now favouring her are moved with commiseration on her complaints that she is hardly used, and their pity is increased on her acquainting them that her reasonable offers had been refused. It is also likely that the Queen, upon this refusal, will continue her schemes to acquire the English throne, according to her pretended title, underhand. Therefore this scheme cannot be approved.

Touching the second, which might prove profitable if the Scottish King were as devoted to her majesty as formerly, and if he were not likely both for release of his mother and the advancement of his own title to this realm, to attempt something against her majesty, such a course would breed the following inconveniences:—1. Increase of offence in him and the other princes who disapprove of her restraint. 2. Give them just cause to take means of redress. 3. Cause some desperate person to attempt somewhat against her majesty's own person.

Touching the last course, to set the Scottish Queen at liberty, whether in this realm or in her own country, it is to be considered that the title pretended by her to the throne is now grown in the son, who being unmarried, and a man, becomes a more dangerous enemy, unless fear for his mother's peril restrain him from action. Also, her release may encourage the papists both at home and abroad, though provision may be made by parliament to cause them more discomfort than otherwise.

With due consideration there is good cause of hope that this course should breed benefit rather than peril.

Considerations as to the manner of her liberty. 1. Whether she shall be confined with some limitation in the realm, considering how infected the country round already is in religion. 2. Whether abroad, without limitation in Scotland or France, that she may be at hand to advise in furtherance of such practices as will stir up trouble in this realm.

By the latter course the foreign princes, especially the French King, who had acted as mediator on behalf of the Scottish Queen, would be in honour unable to take further part with her, and the Scottish nobles by such an act be brought to stay any action which might tend to the disturbance of this realm.

5½ pp.

414. The proposed Treaty with Mary. [Nov.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 189.

Reasons to induce her majesty to proceed therein.

1. That the late plots tending to trouble in this realm have grown from the Scottish Queen's ministers and favourers, not without her allowance and seeking.

2. That the means used by her ministers to induce princes to listen to those plots have been grounded on commiseration of her restraint.

3. That the failure of the plots is owing to those princes having been engaged in home and domestic troubles.

4. Lest something may be attempted in her favour, now those realms are quiet.

5. Lest her "fawtors" attempt something to the peril of her majesty.

6. That for the prevention of the above, it would be advisable to finish the treaty not long since begun, between her and the said Queen.

1 p. In Walsingham's hand.

415. Objections against the Scottish Queen. [Nov.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 184.

[In the margin]—Under Sec. Walsingham's hand.

1. She is ambitious, and ill affected to her majesty, to whom her liberty would bring peril.

2. Her release would give comfort to Papists and others ill affected, and advance the opinion had of her title as successor.

3. As long as she is in her majesty's custody, she may act as a gauge of her majesty's safety, for her friends will attempt nothing to her majesty's offence for fear of the danger she may be thrown into.

Other objections with their answers.

1. Her majesty has treasure.

Treasure is the principal part of defence in war in states that have forts and castles to serve as places of retreat. In a kingdom void of such places, a prince hazards his fortune before he can use any great portion of his treasure.

2. Her majesty has many subjects.

The strength of princes consists not in the number, but the soundness of his subjects.

3. They [the subjects] are better armed than before.

It is true they are well armed, but never have they been less skilled in the use of their weapons. It were dangerous to draw men to the use of their weapons before they are skilled to use them.

4. They are trained and ready to enter the field more than at any other time.

It is true, but they have never seen the enemy, and their captains are void of experience. How to supply that want is the difficulty.

2 pp. Copy.

416. Letter sent by James VI. to the Provost and Bailies of Edinburgh to be Signed. [Nov.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 203.

"The Copie of a lettre sent by the King to the Provost and Baylifes of Edinburgh, to be signed and sent to their ministers, etc."

We have received and read your letter; for the which offence we have humbly craved pardon of his majesty, who has not only of his great clemency granted the same unto us, but has also permitted us to write you this present [letter] to use you more charitably and honestly than you have used us. We mean—yet remitting to learned men and to your own consciences to show you "so" you are not blinded with ignorance or lack of learning—at least some of you— how far you have slidden from the right way in your last letter written to us, by irreverently alleging and affirming that his highness's late Acts of Parliament have no ground or warrant of the Word of God, but, on the contrary, are directly opposite and repugnant thereto: remitting, we say, the same to be impugned by the learned, they consent fully and satisfy us. Seeing we can find no part of the Scriptures and Word of God plainly repugnant thereto, and also in respect that the first Act of Parliament ratifies and allows the liberty of the preaching of the Word and religion presently professed within this realm, and administration of the Sacraments, and seeing they were also concluded by the States, amongst whom there are both Godserving and learned, and wiser than you are—it contents us therefore to follow St. Paul in the xiiith of the Epistle to the Romans, the meaning whereof you have seldom to exhort us to follow. To return then to our purpose, you have not only contemptuously and irreverently slandered the good and necessary laws established by his majesty and Estates in Parliament, slandered his Council and present estate, exhorting all men to the misliking of the same, fled from his realm unchallenged or pursued, thereby making "bothe" guilty consciences, but also misbehaved yourselves in particular towards your late flock. First leaving us without knowledge, against your duties and conditions made with us, thereby putting his majesty in suspicion of our foreknowledge of the same. Next, in making us offend his majesty in the receiving and reading of your slanderous letter, you now having made yourselves his fugitives and rebels. Wherefore, and in respect of the foresaid causes, willing to use you— as we said before—more charitably and honestly than you have us, we therefore, by these presents discharge ourselves to you, esteeming ourselves no longer your flock, nor you any longer our pastors, thanking God, the revealer of the secret thoughts of all hearts, that he has also made you manifest to your shame, and to the relieving us of wolves in place of pastors. Thus hoping his majesty will provide us with good and gentle spiritual pastors, we commit you to God's mercy; who make you, in shaming for your foresaid offences, unfeignedly repent.

1⅓ pp. Copy.

417. Elizabeth to Sadleir. [Nov.] C.P., vol. XIV.

Has relieved the Earl of Shrewsbury of the charge of the Scottish Queen, in consideration of his decayed health and weak state of body. Makes special choice of him to supply his place for a time in that charge. Is to proceed to the removing of the Queen of Scots to Tutbury Castle, according to such direction as, by her order, he has received from her Principal Secretary for that purpose, at such time as the house being in readiness to receive her, he shall in his own discretion think convenient. Is to call to him the sheriff and such other gentlemen of the county of Derby as he shall think meet. Will, with as convenient speed as may be, despatch thither Lord St. John, of whom she has made special choice to take that charge upon him. Is to order the removal so that it may not be dangerous or prejudicial to her health. Manor of St. James.

1 p. Copy. Indorsed.

Draft of the same.

418. Notes Presented by the Master of Gray. [Nov.]

"The notes presentit be Patryk Maister of Gray ambassatour for ye Kingis majestie of Scotland in the realme of Ingland drawin furth of his generall instructionis and gevin to Schir Frances Wolsinghame, principall secretarie to hir majestie to be advysit upoun be quhome it sall please hir hienes to appoint."

Item:—these frequent incursions, "reasing" of fire, and unaccustomed riding of the wardens of England with "sogroris" and men under pay, in hostile manner, within the bounds of Scotland, have caused the inhabitants of both the realms on the frontiers rather to look for further hostility and open invasion than maintenance of quietness. If it shall be her majesty's pleasure to entertain the happy peace, it appears to be expedient that this apprehension should be removed forth of the subjects' minds with speed before it produces any further inconvenience.

Secondly; great spoils of merchants, who continually cry to the King and Council to be helped to the restitution of their goods, otherwise to be licensed to take so much as they have lost—"quhilk gyf he suld permit wold wythin schort tyme gener confusioun and forther inconvenient"—has moved the King to earnestly desire that some speedy order may be given for avoiding of all further inconvenience in time to come, and that the goods taken may be restored. Whatsoever good order shall be given within her majesty's dominions for "remeding" of the premises, the like shall be performed in Scotland.

"Thridlie, the resaving of certane declarit rebellis aganis the King my maisteris authoritic, fugitives from the lawis of Scotland wythin this realme, and interteneing of thame so neir unto the fronteris, contrarie to the traictie of peace, joynit also to the foresaidis disordres, hes gevin occasioun to the King my maister and his counsall to dowt gyf thay sall luike for happie quyetnes or forther hostilite."

Fourthly; since his departure from Scotland such attempts have been committed on the Borders by her majesty's officers, that "it hethe so confirmit evill, men in ewill opinionis and so woundit the myndis of the best sort that they can nocht imagine quhat salbe the end."

Item:—his abode here has been longer than he "luiket for," and if any further time should be "protractit" for treating of every particular matter, it would be more than the King his master—who lately has commanded him to return with speed—would well like of. Therefore he has "takin occasioun and boldnes" for furthering of his returning, and to make overture of these equitable remedies following, which he craves may be presently performed or "other wayis" answered with reason and equity. Promising also that whatsoever good order shall be devised and performed here for the accomplishment hereof, shall have "the lyk correspondence in Scotland." Craves that this his too great boldness may be accepted in good part.

The remedies.

First, for removing of all jealousy or suspicion of war from the minds of the people of both the realms, it appears to be expedient that a proclamation should be set forth certifying the subjects of the good "intelligence" betwixt the Princes, and of their mutual good meaning for entertaining of peace and quietness betwixt them and their realms.

(2) That commandment may be given in both the realms that the wardens of all the Marches may meet with convenient speed to give justice to all complainers.

(3) That the subjects may remain in full hope to receive effectual justice for all "attemptatis" that have been committed heretofore, it appears to be expedient that a certain time should be appointed for meeting of commissioners, having full power to administer justice to all people and inhabitants, upon whatsoever injustice they shall have occasion to complain.

(4) As the "specialiteis" of this general order appear to produce good effects on the Borders, so it appears to be convenient that some good order may be provided for the staying of piracy, "quhilk appeireth may be provydeth be gevin of ordour that in all the portis and hevenis of boith the realms no schip selbe suffereth to depart onles thay sall geve cautione that all freindis and confederatis sall remane indamnifeit, and this cautione so fund to be anserable to all parteis interessit in kace of contraventioun: and in lyk maner quho soever favouris, supportis or assisteth to any pyrate—quhilk or amongis all nationis reputat hostes publici—sall incur ye lyk pane as the pyrat suld have done alsweill in restitutioun of goodis as punischement of body."

Item:—for "attemptatis, raptis be see," and spoliation committed in times past "induringe" the minority of his sovereign, and to this time, which "are growin," by continuance of evil doing and long suspense without payment or punishment, to large sums of money, he has power to "bring the hole to ane ressonable compositioun of sum speciall sowme, quhilk may be payit be sum spedie ordour to be devysit and thairefter recoverit be the ordour of fynis sett down be hir majestie for that effect."

(5) Seeing that by no persuasion can he move her majesty at this time to make delivery of the rebels and fugitives "foresaidis," according to the treaty of peace, it appears, for some satisfaction of the King's suit, to be expedient that her majesty should remove them presently from the Borders, not only to avoid trafficking against his majesty's estate and person, but also "to seclude all apperent suspitioun yerof, quhairby the King my maister may remane in howpe to move her majestie to considder better heirof at sum tyme heirefter."

Lastly, it appears that the King of Scots would "receave better contentment" from her majesty's proceedings if he should be satisfied by solid reasons upon what ground this "inusitat form of doing" and hostile invasion that has been committed on the Borders, within Liddisdale, since his departure, proceeds. The manner thereof may be understood by this complaint presented to the Council of Scotland by Martin Elwat, a copy whereof he sends with this.

Item:—he "recommends" to his honour's memory the "notes" given to Mr. William Davison concerning offences alleged to have been committed by Lord Scrope, warden of the West Marches, or at his command, upon the inhabitants of the West Marches of Scotland.

2²/3 pp. Indorsed: "The Master of Gray's requestes."

Cott. Calig., C. VIII. fol. 210.

Copy of the same.

419. Demands by the Master of Gray. [Nov.]

(1) That commandment be given to Lord Scrope to make redress for all Scottish bills, seeking only redress of goods for two years past, and especially the bill of Montbihurst, letting the redress of blood and fire rest till the order of commissioners; and that he forbear to urge the Scottish warden with the "entrie" of principal offenders, but receive his clerk, officer or other servant, upon his promise to make "the persons entered worth the somme," while diligence may be done for apprehension of the principal offender, or otherwise by payment of the bill.

(2) That the Bellasses [Bellies] and Carlisles, fugitives presently in England, may be delivered to the Laird of Johnstone or expelled her majesty's realm.

(3) That commandment be given to Lord Scrope to assist the opposite warden in pursuit and punishment of the rebels and fugitives of the Borders by apprehension of their persons or demolishing of their houses, and to forbid that any such person be received within her majesty's realm.

(4) That order may be taken for amending the last offence done in burning the warden's own house, slaying of his servants, and taking of some prisoners.

²/3 p. Copy. Indorsed: "Propounded by y^e ambassadour of Scotland."

420. Propositions and Requests by the Master of Gray. [Nov.]

As concerning the article "craifving" the restitution of goods taken by English pirates, which is founded upon certain decrees obtained and probation "deducet" before competent judges of this realm, it is certain that among all nations pirates are reputed hostes publici, and therefore should be punished accordingly, if they can be "comprehendit," and the goods "spoilzeit" by them, wheresoever found, should be restored; which her majesty has not only performed to the subjects of Scotland, but also of her own proper goods has bountifully, without any "probation deducit" or any form of proceeding by order of justice used, caused satisfaction to be made to divers inhabitants of that realm. And if any subjects of that realm shall have occasion to complain of any injustice, upon special information given thereof, equitable order shall be given for their satisfaction, according to justice.

As concerning any "decrettis" alleged [to have been] obtained, and not satisfied; if any such shall be produced against any special persons, the "saidis" [the producer] shall have full execution against all such persons as are contained therein, [and] their whole goods and possessions [shall be] made "stringzeable" to the parties or their lawful factors, "obteneris" of the decree, and their bodies made punishable, if they may be "comprehendit."

Albeit no further can be "craifit" by any order of justice than is contained in this foresaid answer, yet her majesty, upon special consideration moving her for relieving the subjects of that country who have been troubled by pirates, has given special order that [a] certain fine or taxation should be levied of her own proper subjects, whereby divers "compleneris" of that realm have already been relieved. Which good order her majesty, at the desire of the said Master, shall cause [to] be continued "wytht expedition possible," and whatsoever sum shall be recovered by her shall be "disponit" to such distressed persons as shall be recommended by the said Patrick [Master of Gray], and to no others. The Queen of England craves that the like justice may be done to the subjects of England spoiled by the Scottish pirates, "quhar of ther is grett number compleingzearis.'"

As touching the reception of such as the said ambassador terms "declarit rebaldis and traytoris," for removing all jealousies from the King of Scotland's mind, such order shall be given that with all speed they shall be "retirit" so far within England that all suspicion shall be avoided, there to remain till such time as further order may be taken thereanent.

As touching Martin Ellett's late complaint, the wardens of the Marches, without her majesty's knowledge or advice of her Council, constrained through necessity to remedy divers insolences committed on the subjects of England by the said Martin, who is a great "author," and maintainer of disordered persons, assembled in no such great power as is alleged, and sought the said Martin at his own house, where no great harm is done; and if any extraordinary hurt or scaith be committed, the commissioners who shall be ordained to meet may have power to take order thereanent according to the laws of the Borders.

1⅓ pp. Indorsed: "Certain propositions and requests of y Mr of Gray."

Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 212 b.

Copy of the same.

421. Answer of the Lords of the Council to the Master of Gray. [Nov.]

"The Lords of the Counsells awnswer to certaine notes propounded by the Master of Gray, ambassadour for the King of Scotts."

The Queen of England has commanded that present order shall be given to the wardens for the stay of all attempts and incursions to be hereafter made upon any of the said King's subjects inhabiting on the Borders, in hope that the King, as his ambassador has promised, will take the like order for the opposite Borders of Scotland. If the wardens of Scotland had, according to the offers made by her majesty, undertaken to have yielded satisfaction for such spoils as were oftentimes orderly demanded according to the treaties, these late incursions and spoils done in hostile sort had not been committed. For avoiding whereof in time to come, her majesty has willed that her wardens shall meet more frequently with the wardens of Scotland than of late years they have done, though, indeed, by the default of the wardens of Scotland, with express commandment to yield satisfaction for such spoils and attempts as have [been], and shall be hereafter committed. She also assents that such causes as cannot conveniently receive ordinary redress by the wardens shall be referred over to be heard and determined by especial commissioners to be chosen by both their majesties.

For removing the jealousy that is conceived, by the ambassador's report, by the subjects of both realms, through late incursions and spoils that have been on both sides, and no redress yielded by ordinary justice, that this hard and violent course may not in the end break out into some public and open hostility, her majesty will cause it out of hand to be notified to her subjects on the Borders, by proclamation, how desirous she is that the good amity between the King and her shall continue; and lest there should grow any interruption thereof by the particular revenges that are daily taken, which cannot otherwise be avoided, that her and the King's meaning is, that by more frequent meeting of the wardens than of late years has been, there may be redress made according to ordinary course of justice, agreeable with the treaties.

Touching the spoils of late years said to be committed by sea upon the King of Scots' subjects by certain English pirates, the Queen of England has always offered [to perform], as also performed, on her behalf, the ordinary course of justice against such as have committed spoils, and also caused restitution of such goods as have been duly proved to appertain to any of the King's subjects, wheresoever they have been found; which is as much as any Prince is bound to perform by the law of nations. Yet to make her goodwill more apparent to the King and his subjects, she has not only extended an extraordinary favour to the King's subjects above all other Princes' subjects, her neighbours, by yielding to them towards their satisfaction the benefit of all such mulcts and fines as have been generally imposed on aiders and abettors of pirates, but has also extended her liberality to divers [people] of Scotland who have been recommended to her by the King in respect of such losses, as by ordinary course of justice is required. As touching such others as have made due proof before the ordinary judge of England for marine causes of such losses as they have sustained, and have not yet received any satisfaction, there shall be order given that such persons as by the same proofs shall be any way found culpable shall yield satisfaction so far forth as may stand with the laws of this realm. And although no further matter may be "craved" at her majesty's hands by any order of justice than is contained in the said answer, yet her majesty, for the special care she has to gratify the King, is pleased to continue the "employing" of the benefit of the said mulcts and fines imposed upon delinquents, that otherwise should "grow" to her own coffers, upon such of the said subjects as shall be recommended to her from time to time by the said ambassador, in hope that he will procure the like justice to be done to the subjects of England who have been lately spoiled by Scottish pirates, as by a note thereof delivered to him may appear.

Touching the request for orders to be given in the ports for stay of pirates, her majesty has already had, and also will hereafter have care to have such order kept as is desired.

Touching the reception of such as the ambassador terms declared rebels and traitors, a matter he has above all others so vehemently prosecuted, her majesty protests that if she thought them guilty of any intent to attempt anything against the King's own person, she would not only have forborne to have suffered them to come within her dominions, but would have proceeded against them with all severity, as against such as should have sought to attempt anything against her own person. But being persuaded, as she is in her own conscience, that the matter wherewith the King charges them has proceeded only from particular quarrels and feuds between them and other subjects in Scotland, a thing that has commonly fallen out in the minority of young Kings, when for lack of absolute authority subjects enter into their particular revenges, not submitting themselves to ordinary course of justice, she will give present order for their removal from thence to some such place as shall "avoid" all suspicion, where they shall be also advised to remain in quiet sort till such time as her majesty shall understand the King's further meaning touching the said lords.

Touching Martin Elwood's late information, the act whereof he complains has been done by the wardens of the West and Middle Marches, without either direction or privity of her majesty or of her Privy Council—yet the said wardens, upon some doubt conceived that some information would be given against them, have offered to justify their doings, as constrained thereto of necessity through divers spoils committed on her subjects within her several wardenries by the said Martin and his associates, being a principal maintainer of all disordered persons, whereof no redress could be obtained, though the same was demanded—notwithstanding, she is content that at the intended meeting of the commissioners the attempts now complained of shall be examined and ordered by them.

3 pp. Indorsed: "Awnswere to the M^r of Grayes notes by my ll. of Councel. December 1584."

Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 211 b.

Copy of the same.

422. Message to the King of Scots from Elizabeth. [Nov.]

"The heades of A. B. his message to be delivered to the Scott. King."

The non-performance of sundry things of late time promised to her, the strange usage of her late ambassador sent to restore things to a perfect state of amity, and the continuance of hard measure to such of his own subjects as are known to stand well affected to the mutual amity had wrought in her a resolution to forbear to have any further dealing with the King, but to wish him well.

Notwithstanding her majesty being made privy to the late offers made by the King and the Earl of Arran, and through such persuasions as were used by the Lord Governor of Berwick [Hunsdon], was won— though with great difficulty—to give ear to the same, and to make some trial whether there will be better performance of these offers than of the former, and so was determined that the Governor should have gone to Berwick to pursue the said offers to some good effect. But having very lately seen the copy of a proclamation set forth, dated 24th October, by which it appears that the King continues his former resolution to prosecute, partly by warding and partly by banishment, such as have been noted to be affected to the mutual amity and the maintenance of religion, her majesty is "at a staye" from proceeding further, seeing no reason to hope for any better effects of these new assurances and offers than of the former, especially considering the repugnancy of the contents of this last proclamation to the offers made by Lord Hunsdon.

If the King could make it apparent—as by his speeches to "Mr. Robert" [Sir George] Carey he said he could—that the said parties now prosecuted had any purpose or intent to attempt anything to the prejudice of his person or the danger of his estate, her majesty would be found so far from entreating for them that none should be more ready than herself to assist the King in the prosecution of them.

As well for the satisfying of the world as the justifying of his own actions, it had been very meet for him to have made these conspiracies known, if there had been any such matter, before any such hard prosecution against them; wherein it is seen that the livings and possessions are rather sought for private men's benefit and revenge for their particular quarrels, than the persons justly touched for their faults; yet the matter [is] so cunningly handled by ministers, that the King, not hearing the parties slandered, may be induced to think much true that is said of them in their absence.

She is sorry that the counsel she gave him, to beware of such indirect practices as young Princes' governments are most commonly subject to at their first entry, has been accompanied with so little fruit; which, in the end, cannot but work peril to his person and some dangerous alteration in his estate if he shall not in season take some more temperate course, according to the advice that she has heretofore in vain given him.

Whereas now he stands in his own realm upon his guard—a thing that sounds greatly to his dishonour—she will undertake, by God's assistance, in case he shall follow her advice, that he shall be sure to live in as great quiet as ever any of his predecessors have done.

Touching the conceit that is bred in him, that her majesty should seek to unite the Hamiltons and Douglases to his prejudice, [this] is but a device of those who would be glad to enrich themselves with the spoil of those two houses.

Her majesty never sought the restoring of them to any other end but for the strengthening and quieting of his estate. And as touching the Hamiltons—if the memorial delivered to Colonel Stewart and Colvile be viewed—it shall be found that her majesty, understanding the jealousy the King had conceived of Lord Claud Hamilton and the Lord of Arbroath, desired, for the King's better contentment—in case there were any such scruple in him—that they might enjoy their livings abroad out of his realm.

She cannot in reason think that he makes any account of her so long as he deals so severely with those who have been instruments to nourish good amity between them, and if he shall alter that course and follow her advice, who does not stand partially affected to any subject of his, he shall be assured—all former unkindness removed— to receive such fruits of her friendship as shall be to the comfort of himself and his whole realm.

Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 173.

2 pp. Indorsed.

Copy of the same