Elizabeth: December 1586

Calendar of State Papers, Scotland: Volume 9, 1586-88. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1915.

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'Elizabeth: December 1586', in Calendar of State Papers, Scotland: Volume 9, 1586-88, (London, 1915) pp. 178-236. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/scotland/vol9/pp178-236 [accessed 24 April 2024]

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In this section

174. Walsingham to Shrewsbury. [Dec. 2.] Lansd. 982, fol. 75b.

Certain persons being chosen a committee out of both houses were sent to her majesty to entreat her to give order for the execution of the Scottish Queen; to which she answered, "that she was loth to proceed in so severe a course against the Scotts Queen as the taking away her life, and therefore prayed them to thinke of some other way that might worke both hers and their security." Parliament, after long deliberating, returned their committees to her majesty, saying that they, having considered thereof, saw no way of safety but by execution of the said Queen, and therefore prayed it might be performed. Her majesty is contented, though she yielded no answer to their supplication, to give order for the publication of the proclamation. It is hoped she will be moved by their earnestness to proceed thoroughly in the cause. Parliament is adjourned till January. London. 2 Dec. 1586.

¾ p. Copy.

175. Pasquier to Walsingham. [Dec. 2.] C.P., vol. XX.

Upon the assurance that it pleased you to give me when I was with you of your goodwill, I took courage to importune you last week by a little note—which I sent to Mr. Philippes to deliver to you—for my entire deliverance, or in default thereof for some opportunity to procure money, whereby I may be able to support myself in the very great need that I have thereof. With your leave, if it please you, I will renew this suit; I will most humbly entreat you, sir, to be willing so far to do me good as to oblige me in one or other of these two. Saturday 2 December, 1586. Signed: Pasquier.

½ p. French. Addressed. Indorsed.

176. Monsieur Nau to Walsingham. [Dec. 2.] C.P., vol. XX.

This note will be only to remind you, the opportunity presenting itself, of the decision as to my most humble request and suit touching my present estate: and in the meanwhile that it may please you to procure for me, besides the money which I have already entreated of you for my necessities here, the necessaries contained in a memorandum here inclosed, not being in any wise able to do without them being detained here longer: for I lately asked for very few of them, and yet they were not entirely sent to me.

If it please you to cause all my coffers to be sent hither, and to deliver the charge thereof to some one of your people, I should be very greatly obliged to you therefor. 2 December 1586. Signed: Nau.

½ p. French. Addressed. Indorsed.

Inclosure with the same:—

(Needs of Nau.)

Memorandum of the articles that I beg to be permitted to have for my necessity here.

Firstly, six shirts of the best that are in my coffers.

A dozen new handkerchiefs.

A dozen collars with flat bands with a simple lace, each with its pair of cuffs of the same fashion. More, half a dozen collars or ruffs with work, and the cuffs, six pairs.

A dozen pairs of short hose of new linen.

A dozen large handkerchiefs made for the night. They are like table napkins.

Half a dozen new night-caps.

Two worked covers to use with the night clothes.

A jacket with black velvet sleeves worked, and the breeches of the like velvet.

A long cloak of black taffeta of coarse grain, entirely trimmed with black lamb.

A short cloak without sleeves, of taffeta of coarse grain, lined with uncut black velvet, with large buttons on the trimmings.

A long cloak of black cloth lined with black taffeta, fastened all down with a broad black lace. A pair of new black satin sleeves.

A doublet of black satin with a little lacing in a circle upon it, and the breeches or Venetian hose of the same fashion.

Two pairs of leather buskins.

Two short black silk stockings and two black worsted stockings.

Four yards of black cloth which were in the trunk where the stuffs in reserve were.

The hat of black quilted taffeta with a narrow brim, and another hat of black beaver trimmed with cords.

Six pairs of common gloves washed, garters, belts, six dozen points of silk.

A cup of silver with its case. A jug of silver, having two rings on the two sides.

A book in Italian entitled "Diei Veglie." Two volumes of Plutarch's Lives in Italian. The smaller works of the said Plutarch in one volume in French. A book in English newly printed "Of resolution of lyffe," and a breviary of prayers.

1 p. French.

177. Burghley to Shrewsbury. [Dec. 4.] Lansd. 982, fol. 75b.

"If your lordship shall like to fynde a dryer soyle my house at Burghley shall be at your commandment, where out of the stone pitts no humour cometh to nourishe the gout."

I send you the late proclamation for publication of the sentence which her majesty commanded me to draw; wherewith she was well satisfied. What will follow a few days will declare. Her majesty is greatly pressed by the French and Scotch to stay further action therein. May God direct her for His honour and her safety. Richmond. 4 Dec. 1586.

½ p. Copy.

178. Proclamation Concerning the Sentence against Mary. [Dec. 4.] C.P., vol. XX.

"By the Queene. A true copie of the proclamation lately published by the Queenes Majestie, under the great Seale of England for the declaring of the sentence lately given against the Queene of Scottes, in fourme as followeth":—

Understanding that divers things were and had of late been compassed, imagined and resolutely intended to the hurt and destruction of the royal person and the subversion of the realm by foreign invasions and rebellions at home as well by the Queen of Scots as by other wicked persons with her privity who had freely confessed the same, and thereupon received open trial, judgment and execution according to the laws for their deserts, and being deeply grieved to imagine such monstrous acts should be devised by her, a princess born and of the blood royal, and one whose life has been preserved and saved many times, yet drawn to think all the same to be true by the sight of such proofs as proceeded from herself and the conspirators themselves, who voluntarily and freely, without coercion, confessed, was by the lords of the nobility and other loving subjects counselled to take undelayed order for the examination of all these enterprises and conspiracies avowed by the said Queen of Scots, and to use all present means to withstand, or rather prevent, the same.

Being unwilling to proceed against her, considering her birth and estate, by such usual sort as the common laws of the realm, which was by indictment and arraignment of ordinary juries, yielded by good advice to proceed in the most honourable sort that could be devised within the realm to the examination thereof according to a late Act of parliament made the 23rd November, in the 27th year of the present reign. Thereupon by commission under the great seal of England dated at Windsor Castle 6th October last, according to that statute, assigned, named and appointed all the lords and others of the Privy Council and so many other earls and barons, lords of Parliament of the greatest degree and most ancient of the nobility of the realm, as with the same lords and others of the Privy Council made the number of fortytwo, adding also thereto a further number, according to the tenour of the aforesaid Act of Parliament, of the chiefest and other principal judges of the Courts of Record at Westminster, amounting in the whole to the number of forty-seven, to examine all things compassed and imagined tending to the hurt of the royal person, as well by the said Queen of Scots, by name of Mary, daughter and heir of James V., late King of Scots, commonly called the Queen of Scots, a dowager of France, as by any other by her privity, and all the circumstances thereof, and thereupon to give sentence or judgment as the matter should appear to them by good proof, as by the same commission more fully appears.

And whereas, afterwards, the most part of the said Councillors, that is to say thirty-six, in the presence and hearing of the said Queen of Scots at our Castle of Fotheringay at divers days and times in public, very exactly, uprightly and with great deliberation, examined all the matters and offences whereof she was charged and accused tending to the dangers afore-rehearsed in the said commission, and heard also at large in all favourable manner what the said Queen did or could say for her excuse in that behalf, whereupon afterwards on the 25th October last all the said Council, lords and judges who heard and examined the same cause in the said Queen's presence, with one assent after good deliberation gave their sentence in this sort following:—that after the 1st June in the 27th year of this present reign, and before the date of the said commission, divers things were compassed and imagined within the realm of England by Anthony Babington and others, with the privity of the said Mary, pretending title to the crown of this realm of England, tending to the hurt, death and destruction of our royal person, and that, after the same 1st June and before the date of the said commission, the said Mary, pretending title to the same crown, had compassed and imagined within the same realm divers things tending to the hurt, death and destruction of the royal person, contrary to the form of the said statute; which sentence and judgment the same lords and commissioners have with one assent caused to be put in writing and duly engrossed with the whole process of their proceedings thereto belonging, and have subscribed the same with their hands, as by a record thereof shown more fully and largely appears.

And whereas also, since the same sentence and judgment so given and recorded, the lords and commons in this present Parliament assembled have also at sundry times in open Parliament heard and considered the principal evidences, proofs and circumstances whereupon the same sentence and judgment were grounded, and have by their public assent in parliament affirmed the same to be a just, lawful and true sentence, and so have allowed and approved the same in writing presented to her, and notified to her how deeply they foresaw the great and many imminent dangers which otherwise might and would grow to the royal person and the whole realm if this sentence was not fully executed, and consequently, therefore, by their most humble and earnest petitions in that behalf they most earnestly pray, beseech and move that the said sentence and judgment, so justly and truly given as is aforesaid, might be declared and published by royal proclamation, and the same finally executed.

But after such earnest request made from all the lords and commons in parliament, they perceiving how deeply the Queen of England was grieved to hear of these horrible and unnatural attempts and actions of that Queen, whose many former offences manifestly and dangerously committed against her, her crown and realm had been overpassed with great clemency, contrary to many advices and requests as well in Parliament as otherwise, and understanding her desire to have some means devised by them in parliament to withstand these mischiefs, other than the execution of the aforesaid sentence as was required, they, after their sundry considerations apart and conferences, jointly, with one accord, in the names of all the lords of Parliament, even by the particular votes of them all assembled, and also of the Commons with one assent, allege, declare and protest that, upon their long, many and advised consultations and conferences, they could not by any means find or devise how the surety of the royal person and the preservation of themselves and their posterity with the good state of the realm might be provided for and continued without the publication and due execution of the said sentence.

Whereupon, being not only moved, to her grief, but also overcome with the earnest requests, declarations and important reasons of all her said subjects, the nobles and Commons of the realm, whose judgment, knowledge and natural care for her and the whole realm far surmount all others not so interested therein, and so justly to be esteemed, and perceiving the said sentence to have been honourably, lawfully and justly given, agreeable to justice and to the laws of the realm, yielded, and according to the said statute by this proclamation, declares, notifies and publishes to all her loving subjects and other persons whatsoever that the said sentence and judgment is given in manner aforesaid, to the intent that they and every one of them by this proclamation may have full understanding and knowledge thereof.

Also wills that this proclamation be .... (fn. 1) into the court of Chancery as speedily as conveniently may be. Richmond. 4th December 1586.

God save the Queen.

Imprinted at London. Christopher Barker, printer to the Queen's most excellent majesty.

3 pp. Broadsheet.

Cott. Calig., C. IX., fol. 602. Harl. MSS. 290, fol. 189.

Copy of the same.

Another copy of the same.

179. Sir Amias Powlet to Walsingham. Elizabeth [Dec. 4. 1586.] C.P., vol. XX.

I think the time very long since I heard from you or any other about the Court, and I should fear lest Fotheringay were forgotten, if I did not know that this lady under my charge has given great cause to be remembered by all true and faithful subjects, whose dutiful care for her majesty's safety, the continuance of the Gospel and the liberty and quiet of this realm will not permit them to sleep soundly until the head and seed-plot of all practices and conspiracies tending to the imminent subversion of prince, religion and people, be utterly "extirped."

I thank God I have conceived a most stedfast hope of a happy resolution, and yet the experience of former times teaches us that opportunities neglected are very often accompanied with dangerous effects. God has the times and seasons in his hands, and His judgments cannot be prevented, but will appear in their dire hour.

This lady is said to be grieved in one of her knees, which is no new thing unto her, and is not likely to have any continuance. Thus you see that these few lines tend to no other end than to draw from you a word or two, if your leisure will so permit. Fotheringay. Signed: A. Poulet.

Postscript—Sir Dru Drury prays to be recommended to your good favour.

Second postscript—It may please you to do me the favour to cause one of your servants to deliver this letter inclosed to my Lord of Leicester.

¾ p. Second postscript holograph. Addressed. Indorsed.

180. The Scottish Ambassador to [Walsingham]. [Dec.]

Requests that his promised instructions be sent to Mr. Archibald Douglas, with the name of the person to whom he may address himself until her majesty appoints an audience.

¼ p. Indorsed: "From the Scottish ambassador."

181. [ ] to [ ]. [Dec.]

Advises him of the following, in case others omit to inform him of the new care his majesty has in restoring order in his estate. Following the execution of the King's proclamation, (1) the Earl of Angus as his lieutenant and justice in the south is well occupied at Edinburgh.

(2) The Earl of Huntly is lieutenant and justice in the north at Aberdeen.

(3) His highness has had a diet to make the principal broken Irishmen inhabiting the middle part of the country answerable to justice. He now gives certain times weekly to hearing the complaints of the people, a course for which they begin to feel a sweetness.

(4) He has been occupied this morning in settling the disorders of the West Marches, having the Earl of Morton and the Laird of Johnstone present.

(5) The session is "ythandlie" occupied, as also the justice trial. His highness takes delight in hearing their proceedings.

(6) He has appointed a number of skilled auditors for the Exchequer, neither of the session nor of the Privy Council, to put order into the confusion in the estate of his receipts and house.

(7) He has appointed the principals of his nobility to convene here on the 15th of December to remove their private mislikings, and unite them in his service.

1 p. Indorsed: "The parte of a letter written out of Scotland, December, 1586."

Cott. Calig., C. IX. fol. 595.

Copy of the same.

182. Burghley To The Scottish Ambassadors. [Dec. 6.] Lausd. 115, fol. 72.

The Queen having considered of the request you made this day, in the King your sovereign's name, for a safe-conduct for certain noblemen he wishes to send to her to make some overtures to move her to stay proceedings against the Queen his mother, and that in the meantime she would for some days stay the execution, hath willed me, after conference with her council and me,—"to let you understand that if you, Mr. Keith, had not delivered unto her majesty so strange and unseasonable a message, as did directly touch her noble father, her self, and all the estates of her present parlament, shee would not have misliked, nor denyed the Kings request, tho' nothing can bee at this instant more dangerous unto her self then delay." But as you have proceeded in so strange a manner, she cannot with honour yield the safe-conduct and the stay of proceedings.

Yet as she imagineth that the message should not grow from the King himself, but by those who wish to interrupt the amity between the two realms, or hope by threats to make her hasten the execution, she is willing that overtures be sent from the King to his ministers here, so [that] it be within ten or twelve days. Yet she cannot promise to stay so long in case she be forced, through danger to her life or the realm, to proceed to execution.

For my particular, I am sorry to see such strange dealing. Such requests ought to have been sought with all courtesy, but I fear, as doth her majesty, that there be some not well affected to the nourishing of love betwixt their majesties.

11/8 pp. Copy. Indorsed.

183. Mr. Archibald Douglas And William Keith to Burghley. [Dec. 6.]

Acknowledge his letter stating that her majesty does not see her way to a safe-conduct, in respect of the message and letter delivered by Mr. William Keith, and because the said message seemed to be procured at the devotion of some ill affected round the King, but that her majesty consents to grant twelve days that such overture as has been devised may be sent hither. Regret that any of their dealings should offend her majesty, and suggest that such persons as their sovereign should trust may be allowed to come hither for "opening up all such griefs, as the concealing might breed inconvenient," whereby any evil instruments may be rendered harmless. Crave that, since her majesty has been pleased to grant such time to do good in, she will also grant them the safeconduct they also desired.

From the letter that gave offence it may be perceived that whatever concerns the King proceeded from a necessity, whereunto he is in some degree forced by the acclamations of his subjects. London. Signed: A. Douglas. W. Keithe.

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed (in Walsingham's hand).

184. Mr. Archibald Douglas and William Keith to Walsingham. [Dec. 6.]

Have received a letter from the Lord Treasurer, and committed the answer thereof to the bearer of this, for whom they beg a commission for post horses for his speedy despatch to Scotland. London. Signed: A. Douglas. W. Keithe.

Postscript—Desire that the bearer may be given the particulars wherewith the Master of Gray may be thought to be charged.

½ p. Postscript in Mr. Archibald Douglas's hand. Addressed. Indorsed.

185. Sir Henry Woddryngton to Walsingham. [Dec. 7.] Cott. Calig., C. IX., fol. 609.

It may please your honour, late at night on the 6th instant I received from the Court of Scotland these intelligences, which I assure your lordship I am credibly informed of by one of no small account at Court. They are as follows :—

The nobility of Scotland are summoned and have general warning to be at Edinburgh on Saturday next. They are to convene in Council with the King, beginning on Monday next, and are to continue three days in Council, which is to conclude with a general consent that if the Queen of Scots be put to death the King [will] give up the peace with her majesty and [go to] war with England.

The King now shows himself to be greatly discontented to hear that the Queen his mother should die; and yet it does not all come from himself, but he is both threatened and forced by the nobility to enter in the action against her majesty and this realm if his mother die.

And also these other practices in the north of Scotland by the lords there and Maxwell for the erecting of mass are all let fall, and [there is] no proceeding for the reformation thereof as the King was determined. But all are to join wholly together against this realm. And likewise the King has received assurance from the French King that, if he have occasion, he shall be assisted both with men and money.

After the breaking up of this assembly there presently came ambassadors to her majesty, the Earl Bothwell, the Master of Gray, Sir Robert Melvin, Mr. John Sharpe, Mr. Lindsey, preacher, and Mr George Yonge, with divers other gentlemen of credit. All this I thought most convenient, for the discharge of my duty to her majesty, to signify with all expedition to your honour. And so I commit your honour to the tuition of the Almighty. Berwick. Signed: Henry Woddryngton.

11/8 pp. Addressed. Indorsed.

186. Advertisements from the Catholics of Scotland to the Catholics of England. [Dec.8.]

1. That [the] M[aster of] G[ray] has made a secret offer to the Catholics there to procure a toleration of religion at the King's hands.

2. That he would do his utmost to dissolve the amity between her majesty and the King.

3. That the King, by his persuasion, is driven to deal with the Queen for stay of the execution of the Queen, his mother.

4. That he has sent one Tyrie, a Scotchman, with letters and instructions to Monsieur D'Andragas to move him to remove the hard "conceit" that the Duke of Guise has of him in respect of his dealing with England, offering to do anything in reparation thereof.

5. That if it shall please the French King to send an ambassador into Scotland by the mediation of the Duke of Guise, he doubts not but that through the credit he has with the King he shall be able to breed a breach of the amity between this realm and that of the said King.

6. That the Catholics of Scotland are persuaded that the offer made by [the] M[aster of] G[ray] is done to abuse them and discover their secrets, yet do they think it meet to bear him in hand that they love him.

pp. Draft. Many corrections. In Walsingham's hand. Indorsed: "Sent by Mr. Hudson, to be communicated to the Master of Gray."

187. Heads to be communicated to the Secretary of Scotland by Mr. Hudson. [Dec. 8.]

1. That my not answering his letters of six months past proceeded from no "misconceit" of him, but because I could not yield him such answer as was to my desire or his contentment through some cross-dealing here.

2. That I pray him to think that I am not one lightly drawn upon reports growing out of faction to condemn a man reputed so wise and religious as he is.

3. That by long experience I have found that where faction reigns—and few courts are free from the same—it is hard for a man to escape unslandered. Therefore I earnestly pray him that it may stand for a granted rule between us not to condemn each other upon any report until the same shall be reciprocally answered.

4. That for the present action in hand here all wise and religious men wonder to see that the wise and religious in that realm so press the King to importune her majesty in this cause of his mother, seeing all the papists in Europe that affect the change of religion build their hope of the said change upon the person of the said Queen, who shews herself so passionate in religion that she has transferred her pretended right to both crowns to the King of Spain in case her son shall persevere in his religion.

5. That the late message sent by the King, delivered by Mr. Keith, might have bred a dangerous alteration of the affection here borne to the amity of that crown, had not well-affected men interposed their credit for the stay thereof.

6. That although some here suppose that the Secretary was the penner of the said message, yet, for my own part, knowing him to be a man of wisdom and judgment, I am persuaded that it was done without his knowledge.

Lastly. Let him understand that some here would be content that the present amity between us were interrupted, and that the hatred between the two nations was revived, which would be more profitable for the common enemy than for either of our sovereigns. Therefore it ought to cause all well-effected servants and councillors to look earnestly that all causes of offence be avoided.

pp. Corrections and additions in Walsingham's hand. Indorsed.

188. Memoranda for Walsingham. [Dec. 8.] Harl. MSS. 292, fol. 37.

"The memorial of certain heads to be communicated to the Lord Secretary of Scotland."

That the not answering of his letters sent unto me above a five months past proceeded not of any "misconceit" I had of him, but for that I could not yield such an answer to the same as might fall out either to my desire or his contentment in respect of some cross dealing here underhand.

That I pray him to think that I am not one that is lightly drawn upon reports growing out of faction to condemn a man reputed so wise and religious as he is. That by long experience I have found that where faction through envy reigneth, as few or no Courts are free from the same, how hard it is for a man to escape free unslandered.

That I therefore do earnestly desire him that it may stand for a constant and grounded rule between us not to condemn each other upon any report until the same shall be reciprocally answered, whereby there may be a profitable intelligence continued between us for the public benefit of both the realms and the princes our sovereigns.

To let him know that all wise and religious men here do wonder greatly that for the present action in hand here, to see those that be both wise and religious in that realm so earnest in pressing the King to importune her Majesty so greatly in this cause of his mother, seeing all the papists in Europe that affect the change of religion in both realms do build altogether their hope of the said change upon the person of the said Queen, who sheweth herself so passionately in point of religion as she hath transferred her pretended right to both crowns unto the King of Spain in case the King her son shall persevere in his religion.

That the late message sent by the King delivered by Mr. Keithe had like to have bred a dangerous alteration here of the affection born to the amity of that crown, had not men well affected interposed their credit for the stay thereof.

That although it be supposed by some here that the Lord Secretary was the penner of the said message, yet for mine own part knowing him to be a man of judgment and wisdom I am persuaded it was done without his advice.

Lastly, to let him understand that there are some here that for their particular could be content the present amity between us were interrupted and that the ancient hatred between the two nations were revived, which might be more profitable for the common enemy than for either of our sovereigns and therefore ought to move all well affected servants and counsellors to look carefully that all causes of offence may be avoided.

12/3pp. Indorsed.

Harl. MSS. 292, fol. 17.

Copy of the same.

189. Sir Amias Powlet to Walsingham. [Dec. 9.] Cott. Calig., C. IX., fol. 608.

Sir, I cannot thank you enough for your friendly letters of the 7th instant, and for your willing favour to let me know upon every occasion such accidents as shall seem meet for me, which in this time of expectation cannot but bring great comfort, howsoever things shall fall out against all expectation. I should be condemned for a busybody if I wrote to you all that I think touching the copy of the Scottish King's letters to Keith, not doubting but that her majesty and her most honourable Council will consider of it in all respect of honour to her highness touching the manner, and in all politic and Christian judgment touching the matter. Only I will say that as I would be glad to hear that her majesty had not vouchsafed to read the said letter at a second hand, so I assure myself that having answered the French ambassador—coming from the mightiest Prince in Europe, and bringing a message of great temperance—in such round, princely and majestic sort as moved admiration in all the hearers, her majesty being now justly provoked many ways, if I do not mistake the copy, will not give place to the pride of so poor a neighbour, but repress the same in his first budding, a principal or rather the only remedy in such forward—I will not say presumptuous—attempts.

I pray God that the unthankfulness of the mother work not like effects in the son.

Captain Oliver has been here with me to-day and will bring hither the 40 trained men on Monday next, being very glad of this supply in this dangerous and desperate time. And although I took the last delay thereof for some argument of no long continuance of this service, yet I am so strongly persuaded of the honourable necessity of the cause—the rather upon the proclamation lately published—as these new forces cannot remove me from my former hope of a speedy discharge.

I have lately been suitor to the Lord Treasurer and you for a supply of powder, whereof in truth I shall have great need if the service have any little continuance. Every arquebusier of my servants and soldiers had only one flask full of powder remaining at my coming to this castle, where some part was spent the day of her majesty's coronation. I had only 30 calivers out of her majesty's store for the 30 soldiers allowed to me, but I brought hither 30 calivers of my own store, which serve to furnish my household servants.

This letter comes to you in a packet sent to the Lord Treasurer, by which I am a suitor to him for a new supply of money, and have put him in remembrance of my former suit for powder. Fotheringhay. Signed: A. Paulet.

Postscript—Sir Dru Drury has seen your favourable remembrance of him in my letters, and yields you all due thanks.

pp. No flyleaf or address.

190. Mr. Archibald Douglas and William Keith to Mr. William Davison. Dec. 10.

Has directed James Hudson towards Scotland with such answer as they received in their last audience.

Imagines that the grief conceived by her majesty and councillors at sight of the King's letter gave occasion for the refusal of the passport required. In like manner it has given them hope to obtain the same when her majesty's choler has been appeased. That they may be considered wise men, prays he will do what he can to move her majesty to consider that the granting thereof can breed no inconvenience, but rather work good effects.

Desires he will put her majesty in remembrance of her promise concerning the delivery of the "decreit" against the Queen, his majesty's mother, and that they may receive some good order concerning the piracies committed against the poor Scottish merchants, with answer concerning the Border causes. London. Signed: A. Douglas. W. Keithe.

Postscript—Would be glad if it might be her majesty's pleasure to send the few lines concerning the Master of Gray, with the copy of his present contract. Has already made mention thereof to the King. Signed: A. Douglas.

1 p. Postscript in Mr. Archibald Douglas's hand. Indorsed.

191. Mr. William Davison to Thomas Phelippes. [Dec. 11. [1586.]] Cott. Calig., C. IX., fol. 616.

Mr. Philips, her majesty delivered me the ticket here inclosed to be sent to you for your "exercise," because she thinks you now lie idle. When you have made English thereof I doubt not but you will return it back to her highness. And so in the meantime I commit you to God. At Court. Signed: "Your loving frend, W. Davison."

1/8 p. Indorsed: "To my verie loving freind."

192. James Hudson to Walsinghmam. [Dec. 12.]

Has not received his instructions from the governor concerning the Master and the Secretary. Forgot to tell him how the words which the King said of him grew—that he never loved him nor his mother.

Was told by the Master in secret that he knew that he [Walsingham] "defydid" in the King both for religion and cruelty, and therefore he did not advance his great causes as otherwise he would.

Much has been said to the King, and he knew as much besides. Therefore thinks he spoke so in grief. Is sure it was since they came away, for the King was then in another mind of him. Hears that the Master has no mind to come, and thinks some special man may come as a servant. He shall know it it be so. Would it were so, for Mr. Keith's better relief. Berwick. Signed: J. Hudson.

pp. Addressed. Indorsed.

193. Mr. Archibald Douglas to Burghley. [Dec. 13.]

The pitiful usage of Scottish merchants in this realm and the piracies committed upon them give occasion for this letter.

Within the last fifteen days three ships have been robbed. Two were laden with wine, whereof part was taken and the rest let go; and the complaint of the third appears in the copy of the letter herewith inclosed, received yesternight.

The hard dealing of the Admiralty with the Scottish men lately robbed in Norfolk, who came from Scotland to receive their goods, has caused an outcry against him. Prays that these attempts committed during his abode here may receive speedy remedy by reason that remedies now appearing "doable" in the compass of a short time become impossible to be performed.

The request moved to him in favour of one Achesone, a Scotchman, troubled at Newcastle, is not yet performed. The bearer will inform him of the cause, to the end he may give reasonable order therein. London. Signed: A. Douglas.

Postscript—Has often desired Mr. Secretary Davison to move her majesty and her Council to give some order for the piracies before committed, but marvels that he has received no answer.

1 p. Postscript in Mr Archibald Douglas's hand. Addressed. Indorsed.

Inclosure with the same:—

(Edward Herman to Mr. Archibald Douglas.)

A ship of Leith laden with merchandise, going to Dieppe in France, was taken by an Englishman, Captain William Beare, a month ago. He took the ship to Ireland and put on land both merchandise and mariners.

Is one of these merchants, having come to this town from Ireland, and being ready to come to London to complain. Is informed that their ship has been brought to Cardiff to dispose of the goods.

Prays to have letters of the Queen and the Lord Admiral to take the said ship and keep her for the owners' use. She is laden with wax and lint, hemp, salmon, "claytht," and hides, extended at more than 7000l. or 8000l.

Doubts not he will cause the said letters to be sent with all diligence for recovery of the ship and the apprehension of the men of war. The goods belong to the best men of Edinburgh. Bristol. December 10, 1586.

1 p. Copy. Addressed.

194. Master of Gray to Walsingham. Elizabeth. [Dec. 13. 1586.]

His letter came in marvellous good time, for he already had thought it strange that such as had professed friendship for him should hear of him but not acquaint him with it.

Is to see him shortly, therefore will be short, remitting the rest till that time, or to the bearer, who is well affected to them both. Protests that whatsoever is contained in the advertisement is false, and for his better satisfaction will answer to every particular.

1. In respect it is alleged that he promised to procure a toleration in religion of the King, all know he never dealt with him on such a point, and he shall have the King's own declaration therein.

2. For the dissolution of the amity little answer is needed. Has sustained overmuch evil in testimony of it to work the contrary. It would have been better seen what his dealing profited for entertaining it, if for the last two years he had forborne but for one day to deal therein.

3. That he has sent his servant Thomas Tyrie to deal with Monsieur D'Entragues to induce the Duke of Guise to use him and think well of him, answers that he never knew, from the day before he "pertit" till he desired leave to go to France for selling his place in the King's guard, that he was to go. Is to meet the gentleman in London where, for the better verification of this, he shall be examined, and his oath shall be taken if ever he carried from him either writing or instruction.

Wrote a letter within the last three days to Monsieur de Amies, brother to Monsieur D'Entragues, but there was no matter of "esteit" in it. Had he so dealt, would have let it come from them, for he has been sought thirty times in the past two years.

4. Never craved an embassy, but thinks some here dealt in it.

5. Touching the matter of his majesty's mother, assures him that he persuaded the King to the contrary as long as he durst, till it was like to procure his disgrace. It caused his "unfreindis" to deal with the King for his employment, thinking he would refuse. Indeed, would have refused if he had not been advertised of their design in time. Seeing that he must "enterprise" it, prays he will take it in the service he means, and that, if he minds not to save her life upon capitulation, he procure that he [Gray] is either stayed by the way or commanded to retire.

Has written thus that he may answer for him to her majesty and others. Her majesty has now done him the second wrong, to condemn him before she judge.

Prays that the Earl of Leicester may see this. Holyrood. Signed: Master of Gray.

2 pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed by Walsingham.

195. [R. Colvile] to Robert Bowes. [Dec. 14.] C.P., vol. XX.

Sir, my humble duty remembered. I thought good since our last conference at the Court—for that my lord minds within these few days to go down into the country—to set down in writing such reasons and arguments for my present employment as I would—under correction—at your next talk with his honour have him to be informed of. For, let no man imagine or think that the late wonderful and miraculous discovery has put an end to their devilish devices and practices, but they continue still in that malicious mind towards her majesty and the State.

As I understood, his holiness was lately advised by some desperate persons entering into the like attempt that, notwithstanding their apprehension, yea, and execution, he should not desist, but by all means possible prosecute his intended purpose, for, at some time or other, it should take effect. Also in a letter written by the Scottish Queen to Anthony Babington does she not will him that, though she was committed to the Tower, yea, or hardlier handled, he should, notwithstanding, persevere to put his devilish practices in execution, which argues their constancy in their satanical attempts?

And as no doubt they are quick for invention, politic in contriving, and constant in persevering, so are they as subtle, yea, and wise in their generation—I may use Christ's term—in discovering of any contrary policy managed against their devices and proceedings. For to what end should some of them tell me of late upon conference had privately of those causes touching the Queen of Scots, I affirming that I durst adventure a great matter she should be put to death, since it was by act of Parliament concluded lawful, and by all the states of this realm both spiritual and temporal humbly desired at her majesty's hands, and that they could find no way for her majesty's security and preservation but by her death?

"Tush, Tush," said one of them. "All this notwithstanding she shall not die, for all these proceedings are but policies to restrain and bridle the attempts of Catholics, because in her is their only rest. And now for her preservation and life they deem the Catholics dare not attempt anything lest it should be to her prejudice and execution. But," saith he, "God can turn this policy against themselves for the propagation of His church," as he doubted not but He would. Which argues that their malice ceases not, but that they are still devising how to "ruinate" this noble estate, which I pray God, for our sins and offences, He suffer not.

It has been a great saying amongst them sublata causa tollitur effectum. What their secret meaning thereof was, I know not, but evil being taken away the effect might cease. There is no policy against God; she has deserved to die. God has commanded she should die; she has sold herself to work wickedness, and therefore she ought to die. God grant that her life make not poor England smart!

How God dealt with Saul for not executing Agag, whom he had given into his hand for that purpose, you know. How God used Ahab for sparing of Benhadad, you are not ignorant. Thou shalt not suffer an idolator to live. Yea, so jealous is God of His honour, and so severe in punishing idolaters that, for worshipping the calf in the absence of Moses, the father was commanded to kill his son and the son his father, and to have no pity or compassion one upon another—a thing otherwise very unnatural. Pardon me, good sir, if I write somewhat too boldly in matters of so weighty consequence, but a certain zeal, which is of God, has made me digress from my former purpose.

Now of late I saw a letter sent by Simpson, the party who first persuaded me to get over sea, and who was banished out of the Marshalsea, whose letters I have as a commendum to Doctor Barrat and others at Rheims for my better preferment there when I should come. The conclusion of which his letters—written to a friend of his—I saw only, which in effect was this:—"I do greatly marvel that Mr. Glover has not kept promise with me in repairing hither. I fear me he is like the young man that was very rich, who went away sorrowing when Christ bade him sell all that he had and give to the poor and come and follow Him. So he is loth to leave his worldly preferement and to save his soul and many others. Tell him from me that I have been at Rome and am returned hither into France by Spain. If he come over now the next spring I have left order at Rouen, Dieppe, and at Paris also for him; he shall want nothing. Let him not doubt thereof. I myself will be at Rheims, where I mind to stay this winter. Tell him now is the time to do himself good, and the Church. But let him not fear, for God is on our side. I will procure him all the good that I can; for the rest I leave to you. Let him bring the certainty of all matters there, etc." This was the contents of that part of his letter which concerned me, as near as I can remember.

Now, sir, I am assured that this man is very much employed with them in matters of great weight, and, if you call to remembrance, I showed you once his letter to Doctor Barrat in my behalf, which I have yet, wherein he writes that he should employ me in the same place with as great trust as he used him, and that I was the man of whom he so often told him.

Now, these things considered, I suppose never a man in England had better means to discover their malicious treasons and practices against her majesty and the state than I have, if I were employed. And God is my witness, it is not only the cause of my preferment that made me first enter into this course, though I have great reason to seek my own benefit, but the detestation and hatred of their false worship of God and damnable religion, whereupon all their satanical practices are founded. And this consideration comes often into my mind—Who knows whether God, by the means of me, a poor simple man, shall work a miraculous work for His Church and chosen of England? For I have often observed that God ordinarily affects matters contrary to man's judgment, and chooses weak things to confound strong and mighty things, for the wisdom of this world is foolishness with Him.

Good sir, think this spoken of me ex sincero cordis affectu and not colourably, for I say this, and my conscience shall accuse me thereof, if I should any ways deceive you, that the religion which we profess in England is true, perfect and sincere, grounded upon the sacred word of God, theirs clean contrary, founded upon man's traditions. The one shall remain when heaven and earth shall fail. The other is even now in the war, and almost all nations perceive the palpable ignorance wherein they have been led.

If I should so much strive against God, against my country and sacred Elizabeth, what reward were there for me but misery and shame in this world, and everlasting torment in the world to come? I pronounce this sentence against myself if I be false, and therefore, good sir, let no man doubt me.

Under his honour's correction I think it very expedient—if he mind to use my service herein—that I should now presently, after Christmas, be committed to the Marshalsea for a month or two upon colour of an escape to be purposed by me over sea, and for that my lord minds presently to go down into the country, it will fall out in my conceit very fitly, and yet his honour not to be at the charge of a pursuivant or any others for to bring me up.

After this sort I know his honour shall have occasion to write to my lord, wherein, if it shall stand with his honour's liking, he may move my lord that he has a man whose name is Glover, who, upon the late apprehension and examination of certain priests, seems to be touched with weighty matters, and therefore to will his lordship that he send me up forthwith, but not to make me privy thereof, but only that he should send me with answer of his honour's letters, as ordinarily he is accustomed to send other of his servants; which done, I know my lord will perform accordingly. Then may his honour presently commit me as aforesaid, and signify unto my lord that I rest upon further examination, wherewith I know he will be satisfied.

By this means shall I thoroughly acquaint myself with them in the Marshalsea, and so be known of others their favourers, which are too many, God knows, yea, and some of the greatest, so that when I am to go over, having such a faithful commendation from them, and being so perfectly known amongst them—for from hence must my credit arise—I shall no doubt be made acquainted with their secretest attempts of greatest moment. And I would rather go down to Portsmouth than be committed now presently, for that I have two or three good fellows thereabouts with whom I am required by them to talk.

In Scotland I think were now some great service to be done herein, for no doubt that place is a receptacle for many English traitors and others envious of our blessed state. But my acquaintance there as yet is small, but by this means no doubt I shall shortly have enough to insinuate myself into the company of the chiefest. Well, in all these things I refer me to his honour's wise direction, and my rude scribbling to your patient acceptation.

In the conclusion of my letter I fall to begging, and very necessity enforces me thereto. I thought to move you herein at the Court, but I assure you, sir, shame refrained me. But paper cannot blush. My suit is that it would please you now against this good time—as beggars are wont to crave—to vouchsafe me a cast suit of your apparel. For I protest before God, saving these clothes I wear, I have neither doublet nor hose to shift me with, and know not how to get any. For, my lord—I may say to you in secret—is so miserable that he never enters into consideration how a man should live, nor cares not, so his turn be served, in what sort a man follow him.

Good sir, pardon me, and let my necessity be an excuse for my boldness. And so I rest yours in all dutiful affection and loyal service during life, being not able any other way to requite your great favour. Westminster. Signed: R. Colvile [crossed out].

pp. Indorsed by Walsingham: "From Barton to Mr. R. Bowes about ye Q. of Scot."

196. Henry III., King of France, to Monsieur Courcelles. [Dec. 14.]

I have had your letters of the last day of October and 30th of November, wherein I have been very glad to perceive that the King of Scotland my nephew has not yielded to those who wished by many artifices to persuade him to forsake the Queen his mother in the affliction she is in, putting before him the prejudice that he might do himself for the future by embracing her cause and defence. Wherein he has shown himself very virtuous and of a good disposition, having sent his ambassadors to the Queen of England, who have declared to her that he would renounce all treaties of alliance which he has with her if she should cause to be put in execution the sentence which has been given against his mother. This office will acquire for him great honour and reputation with all the princes of Christendom, who would greatly have blamed him if he had not bestirred himself for such a matter, besides that his interest is greatly concerned therein. Which you will have ever again to put before his eyes, and that he ought well to foresee that those who shall have the power to put his said mother to death, will not hesitate afterwards to attempt and essay the like towards him, deeming that it cannot be but that there remains in him the will to avenge himself of it.

I am very satisfied hereof, that you advertise me so particularly of the things which present themselves in those parts, wherein I desire that you continue. And as to the state of my affairs, I will tell you that the Queen my lady and mother commenced to see the King of Navarre the 13th of this month, being indeed entered that day; and the next day well advanced in proposals about the matter of the pacification of the troubles of this kingdom, whereof I hope, by God's help, some good conclusion. Nevertheless some time may pass therein, as things of so great importance cannot be so soon concluded. Also that the said King of Navarre has asked for some time in order to advertise his friends and the churches of France. Paris. 24 Dec. (fn. 2) 1586. Signed: Henry and Brulart.

1 p. French. Addressed. Indorsed.

Cott. Calig., D.I., fol. 139.

Copy of the same.

197. Mr. Archibald Douglas to Walsingham. [Dec. 15.]

"Pleis your honour, from France I haif ressaved advertisment that Colonell Stewart is cummed to Paris, who of layte was wyth the Prince of Parma."

"Sen his cumming thyther he hes had dyvers assemblyes of the bannisshed Inglesmen in the Bishoppe of Glasgow his lodgeindge and in that lodgeynd of the ambassadour of Spaynis. He gevis it owt that his erand is to procure the King of France and Duck of Guys theyr letteris to the sayde Prince in favouris of his bedfalle. Bot I can not lern to what purpose these frequent assemblyes of Inglesmen shuld be conwenit. Be all apparence it seameth that wythowt thayr helpe he mycht obteyn eny such sute, which maketh to suspect that sum uther mater is in wyrking, whearof I haif thocht gud to mak your honour advertised, to the end that ordour may be gevin to knaw the certaynty."

"I pray your honour to speik to Mr. Davison that we may ressave sum anssour anent such mater as we haif wrytin to him. What his anssour shalbe I cayr note, so that it appeir to my collegue that I omitt no part of my deuty in materris committed to my charge."

"Those piraceis will not fayle to wyrk ill effectis in our countrey, onles sum spedy ordour shalbe gevin for ramedy." Signed: A. Douglas.

¾ p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

198. Lord Scrope to Walsingham. [Dec. 17.] Cott. Calig., C. IX., fol. 611.

Received last night his letter of the 11th instant with the proclamation touching the Queen of Scots, and gives him hearty thanks for it. Is right glad to hear of her majesty's continued resolution that the execution of the statute in that case provided shall be permitted to be proceeded in against the Scottish Queen according to her just desert. So would more gladly rejoice to understand that by giving her that due reward such a dangerous and corrupt canker were indeed killed, for the happier health of their most precious head and the preservation of the whole body from apparent peril. Prays God long to keep them from this and all like poisons, to His glory and the comfort of them all.

Whereas he desires that the party known should be sent to look into Maxwell's doings and what comfort he has or expects out of England or from places beyond the seas, he may understand that the same party is now in Scotland—as he is informed—for the understanding of matters in hand and to be resolved on at the convention. Upon his return will acquaint him with such things as shall thereon come to his hand, and also will travail with that party to examine Maxwell's part in such things as he requires.

Touching his former advertisement of the passage of Ingleby into Scotland by Whithaw and Hoddam, dares assure the same to be true, having good proof that he was with Maxwell about Holyrood Day last. Sees that the mistaking of the time of his passage made him doubt the certainty thereof, whereof he can now put him out of doubt. Also is credibly advertised that the said Ingleby with two or three other Englishmen are at present with Maxwell, and quietly put up by him in a secret corner of Scotland. Is promised that the lurking place shall be made known to him in a few days, when he shall be advertised of the same.

All the noblemen and gentlemen in these parts—Maxwell excepted—are said to have "entered" their journey this day towards this great convention. Hears it is to begin on Monday next.

Is credibly informed that Maxwell has given out to some of his friends that the cause of the calling of this convention is especially for two ends, one for a liberty of conscience in religion, the other to give up the league with England, by general assent. Carlisle. Signed: H. Scrope.

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed.

199. Sir John Maitland To Walsingham. [Dec. 17.]

His sovereign, moved by the duty of a son and the bond of nature between himself and his mother to intercede for her life, has chosen the Master of Gray, who has always worked to conserve the amity between the two crowns, and Sir Robert Melville, a gentleman well known in England.

He is his kinsman and dear friend, therefore recommends him to him, notwithstanding some hard "conceit" may be bred of him through misreport growing upon faction. Assures him no one more apt to be employed could have been chosen, seeing his affection to the amity between the crowns, and his devotion to the Queen, of whom he thankfully acknowledges to hold his life.

Will be glad to hear that he is taken well with him, and doubts not he will endeavour to deserve his favour.

Has committed to the bearer some things to be imparted to him, to whom he carries a great affection. Prays he will give him credit in what he shall say. Holyrood. Signed: Jo. Maitland.

½ p. Addressed. Indorsed.

200. Walsingham to [Thomas Philippes]. [Dec. 18.] Cott. Calig., C. IX., fol. 617b.

After my hearty congratulations. Her majesty, understanding that the coffer with the Queen of Scots' accounts is not yet sent down, is displeased therewith and imputes a fault of negligence in me. I pray you therefore to let me understand what has been the cause of the stay thereof, for if I had known that you could not convey the same I would have devised some means that it should have been sent before this time. And so I commit you to God. Barn Elms. Signed: "Your verie loving frende, Fra: Walsyngham."

Postscript—Her majesty finds some fault that the original letters interrupted be not brought in to her with the extract you promised to make.

½ p. Postscript in Walsingham's hand. Addressed: "Mr Phelippes."

201. James Melville to Mr. William Davison. [Dec. 18.]

"My lord, albeid my brother neidis no recommendation of myn at your handis, nether neid I by hym—who will be mouth mak you participant of th'estait—to wse many wordis, yet I can not bot congratulat you in your office of secretary, as weall deserved of your part, and weall acknaulegit by the Quenis Majestie your Souverain, assuring you that as I was of before frend to your vertus I am no les reiosed of your promotion, for the firm confidence I have to se a personage of vertu in place till advance the glory of God, till entertean amytie betwen ther twa realmes, and to keip constant frendschip with his frend. Wherwith my hartly recommendatioun I tak my leave, preing God, good Mester Secretary, to grant yow happy success in your office, with health and honour." Edinburgh. Signed: James Melville.

½ p. Addressed. Indorsed.

202. Mary to Elizabeth. [Dec. 19.] C.P., vol. XX.

And then I know that you, more than any other, ought to be touched to the heart by the honour or dishonour of your race, and of a queen, the daughter of a king. Then, madam, by the honour of Jesus—under whose name all powers obey—I require you to permit, after my enemies shall have satisfied their desire for my innocent blood, that my poor desolate servants all together may carry away my body to be buried in holy ground, and with some of my predecessors who are in France, especially the late queen my mother; and this in consideration that in Scotland the bodies of the kings my predecessors have been outraged, and the churches thrown down and profaned, and that, suffering in this country, I cannot have place by your predecessors, who are mine: and what is more, according to our religion, we set great store by being interred in holy ground.

And since I have been told that you do not wish in anything to force my conscience against my religion, and that you have even granted me a priest, I hope that you will not refuse me this last request, permitting at least free burial to the body from which the soul will have been severed, since being united they have never been able to obtain liberty to live in peace while procuring it for yourself. For which before God I give you no blame: but may God cause you to see the truth of all after my death. And because also I fear the secret tyranny of some, I pray you not to permit that my execution take place without your knowledge; not for fear of the torment, which I am very ready to suffer, but for the rumour that would be spread about my death, without witnesses not suspected; which has been done, as I am persuaded, about others of different rank. To avoid which I require that my servants may remain spectators and witnesses of my end in the faith of my Saviour and the obedience of His church; and that all together carrying away my body, as secretly as it shall please you, they may withdraw themselves without there being taken from them either their movable goods nor that which in dying I may leave them, which is very little for their good services. A jewel which I received from you I shall send back to you with my last words, or sooner if it please you. I entreat you again, and require you in the name of Jesus Christ, out of respect for our consanguinity, and for the sake of King Henry the seventh, your ancestor and mine, and by the honour of the dignity which we have held and of the sex common between us, that my request may be granted to me. For the rest I think you will well have known that in your name my canopy has been taken down, and afterwards I was told that it was not by your command, but by the advice of some of the council: I praise God for such cruelty, it serving only to wreak malice, and to afflict me after having made up my mind to death; I fear that there may be many other such things.

11/6 pp. French. Extract. Indorsed.

203. James VI. to Lord Scrope. Elizabeth. [Dec. 20. 1586.] Harl. MSS. 292, fol. 44.

"Trustie and weilbelovit cosing, we greit yow hartely weill. After we had anis appointit our cousinge the erll of Angusse our Lieutenante ower the haill Marches of our realme foranempt England, uppon occasioun of sum speciall and weghty causses occurrand that necessarlie requierit the presence of the principallis of our nobillity and estattes, we callit him backe againe from the Borderis, and for the better furtherance of justice and quietinge of the West March of our realme owt of the presente disorder, we have appointed our right traist cousinge and counsaloure the Lord Hamilton our Justice and Lieutenaunte in our West March, quha intendis with all gudelie dilligence to be at Dunfreis for that effect.

But because his travell cannot be greatlie effectuall without your good concurrency and assistance, we have thought convenient by our awne letter hertely to requier you that he maye fynde the same indeid at your handis, incaise he salhave to do with your ayde to the punishement of ony our rebellis and fugitives: and speciallie that nane of them find ressett or refuge within the boundis of your office, and that ye will certefy him by your letter what he maye lippin for in that behalfe, accordinge to that gude affection quhilk ze have alwyse declarit to the furtherance of justice and continuawnce of the gude amytie betuix the realmes, and will do us thanckfull pleasure." Holyrood.

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed. Seal.

204. Mr. Archibald Douglas and William Keith to Mr. William Davison. [Dec. 21.]

"Pleis your honour, throw occasion of letteris ressaved from Scotland, whearin sum mater is contened necessary to be delivered to hir majestie, we haif thocht it convenient to pray your honour so to move hir hyenes that it may be hir pleassour to lat us haif knawledg when hir hyenes best lesare may serve for this effect." London. Signed: A. Douglas, W. Keithe.

¼ p. In Mr. Archibald Douglas's hand, also address. Indorsed.

205. Monsieur Nau to Walsingham. [Dec. 21.] C.P., vol. XX.

Sending you now the papers here inclosed for the Queen of Scotland my mistress, I have presumed to add thereto some little notes for myself, upon which I beseech you to let me know your answer. If, as it has pleased you to promise me already, you continue in this resolution to send for my goods hither, I entreat you to despatch to the place some one of your people at my expense to receive them in order, according to the list that I will deliver to him thereof, in order that nothing may be wanting. I recommend to you with all the affection that I may this permission, to be able to send instructions to my brother-in-law for the recovery of some moneys which are due to me, whereof the delay matters no less to me than the loss of the said debts. From your house. Signed: Nau.

½ p. French. Addressed. Indorsed.

Inclosure with the same:—

Very humble supplications of Nau.

Answer of his very humble submission to the Queen of England, and of the offers that he has made for his deliverance.

That he may be permitted to send to De Ruisseau his brother-in-law a little note concerning only the recovery of some moneys for himself wherein delay matters greatly to him.

That he may be able to have there, in the keeping of another, his necessaries and goods, in order to avail himself of that whereof he may have need from time to time. And forasmuch as there are divers movable goods of little value which are not worth the carriage, that he may be allowed to make a gift thereof to his English servant who is said to be in the country.

That the papers concerning himself alone may be returned into his hands in order that they may not go astray. And likewise the accounts, statements and other principal papers concerning the dowry of the Queen of Scotland, in order that he may the better explain the state of her affairs.

That the sums of money specified upon the roll here enclosed may be restored to the officers of the said Queen to whom they belong, and their quittances put in the hands of the said Nau to serve for his discharge.

That out of the money belonging to him there may be granted him for his necessities here as much as fifty or sixty pounds sterling. 21 December 1586.

¾ p. French.

206. Walsingham to [ ]. [Dec. 23.] Cott. Calig., C. IX., fol. 618.

Has satisfied the bearer's request according to his desire. If he is in execution for recusancy upon the statute, then his letter will do him no good. Requests he will therefore advise him to inform himself therein before delivery of his letter, and if he is found to be in execution to forbear the delivery of his letter.

Touching Pierrepoint and the party to be employed in Scotland, would be glad to report his opinion of what he thinks meet to be done, by speech, when his leisure will serve him to repair hither. Prays that hereafter he will forbear to name in his letters Borg, but will give him the title of Du Buy's secretary. Barnes. Signed: Fra: Walsyngham.

Postscript—Finds the party is employed in Scotland in present necessity. Prays he will deliver to him 5l. which he will see repaid.

1 p. Holograph. No address or indorsement.

207. Lord Scrope to [Walsingham]. [Dec 24.] Harl. MSS. 292, fol. 41.

It may please you, sir. The suspicious proceedings of Maxwell formerly, and by my last advertised, together with his intention to increase and "liste" more men of war—who, as I am credibly informed, purposes "to take upp" 100 horsemen and 200 footmen—do greatly and manifestly threaten some dangerous device against this country, or at the least for the disquieting of these Borders, and therefore, for the better preservation thereof from apparent perils, and to stop or discover any enterprise or incursion that may suddenly be attempted by him, I think it very requisite that some fifty horsemen to be levied in this country were for some time "layed" on these Borders and be always in readiness, "which for the better strengtheninge of some weaknes and execution of requisyte services heare, for whose mayntenance till yt might be seene what these thinges would turne unto," I most instantly desire that they may be allowed 12d. "le peece" per diem. And for the effecting whereof I most heartily pray you earnestly and effectually to move her majesty herein. For which purpose also I have written to my lord lieutenant, who, I trust, in considering the necessity thereof, known to his lordship, will advance and further the same. And thus heartily praying your lordship to send me her majesty's resolution herein as soon as opportunity may serve you to procure the same, I wholly commend this matter to be advanced by yourself. Carlisle. Signed: H. Scrope.

2/3 p. Addressed. Indorsed by Walsingham.

208. Master of Gray to Walsingham. [Dec. 25.]

Thought good by these few lines to let him know of his "hithercuming" from his majesty, having in commission with him Sir Robert Melville, whom he awaits here at Stamford. If he comes not, will "abyd" him at Ware. Their instructions are so modest that her majesty will think the King's meaning otherwise than it was thought by her to be in his letter to William Keith.

Omitted that point in his letter sent to him by James Hudson, but now swears that the King's meaning in his letter was modest, and not menacing. Knew nothing of it till it was written, and then, indeed, showed his majesty that it might likely be misconstrued, as afterwards fell out. His majesty meant so simply in it that he would not "reforme" it.

For himself, saw only the copy, but the Secretary saw his majesty write the letter. Thinks his majesty's last letter satisfied that point fully, and there only remains to confirm his [the master's] own purgation.

If it ever prove true that at any time these two years past, since he was in England, he wrote to any man in France or elsewhere suspected to be her majesty's "unfreind," will stand content on a "schaffald" to have his "haud cout afe," provided that if it prove false—as it will—her majesty say that she has twice wronged him.

If this offer be not taken, remembers her majesty's promise to him that before ever she trusted [sic] him she would acquaint him with it, which was not performed, and his promise never to alter his course or goodwill to her majesty, without acquainting her first with it, which he has duly performed, and minds to perform.

Prays he may have her majesty's mind, for is loth that any Prince should cast him off. Whenever a Prince "lichtest" a poor man the world esteems the poor man to be in the wrong, and to have done some notable fault in that service.

If ever he committed any it was not for either having used any other way or for having left any undone that might advance her service, but rather for having gone further than good reason would he should.

As for his commission, her majesty shall find it honourable and modest, and hopes to her contentment. Stamford. Signed: Master of Gray.

2 pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

209. Walsingham to [ ]. [Dec. 25.] Cott. Calig., C. IX., fol. 613.

My lords mean to take order with the seminary priests by banishment of some, executing others, and by committing the rest to Wisbeach or some suchlike place under an honest keeper. I have thought good to send you a register of their names that you may confer with the party you wrote of, and desire him to set down their abilities to do harm in their several kinds. I take it there will be found very few of them fit to do good. Barnes. Signed: Fra: Walsyngham.

2/3 p. Holograph. No address. Written above in a clerk's hand, "Babingtons treasons."

210. Monsieur Nau to Walsingham. [Dec. 31.] C.P., vol. XX.

This note will be only to accompany the papers here enclosed, which lately, through too great haste, were omitted to be sent to the Queen of Scotland, having been unwilling to fail to address them to you in order that you may, if you please, send them to her, forasmuch as they are very necessary to her. I await in true devotion the answer to my last supplications when your convenience will allow, for otherwise I wish not to be importunate to you about it. Only I will entreat you, Sir, in case it please you—as I have requested you—to grant me some one of your people for the recovery and conduct hither of my goods, and to provide for the payment of the portions which are to be restored upon the moneys found in my keeping to some officers of the said Queen, whereof I have sent you a list, you will do me this favour to commit the charge thereof to some one understanding French, forasmuch as I cannot prepare notes or information in any other language, and the said officers are all French. Saving your better direction, to which I refer myself entirely, I think that this bearer would acquit himself very well therein if you were agreeable, whereof I beseech you very humbly, and to pardon me the boldness that I use in proposing him to you. From your house in London. Signed: Nau.

1 p. French. Addressed. Indorsed.

211. Memorial [addressed by MM. Bellièvre and De l'Aubespine to Queen Elizabeth; with her Answer. [Dec.] Cott. Calig. B. VIII., fol. 160.

Her majesty having well considered the whole content of the things set forth in this declaration, has occasion to think that my lords the ambassadors have not fully made known to the King their master the answers made by her. Madam, We have made known to the King our master your good brother the answer which it pleased you to make to us upon that which we had prayed and set forth to you on his behalf, touching the Queen of Scotland, in two audiences which your majesty has given us.
For she considers that if the King had been duly advertised of the state of the cause touching the true matter of the Queen of Scotland, and of the manner of proceeding whereof her majesty has made use, in all honour and sincerity, for the examination and proof of that same matter, and of the sentence subsequently given against her, with the public intercession of all the estates of the realm that justice might be done, without which there had been neither order nor means that could be advised upon for the preservation of the life of her majesty or of the tranquillity of the realm, the said lord the King would not have willed his ambassadors to use so many exhortations and urgent requests as they have done to save the life (against all reason and justice) of her who was so criminal, and to continue the danger to the life of her majesty who is quite innocent; and by the same means to risk the subversion of the realm, as by some notes following concerning the details contained in this declaration will manifestly appear; and that her majesty has good reason to think that those ambassadors have either made an error, or used partiality in their advertisements given to the King. His most Christian majesty has been in extreme pain on seeing that which we wrote to him thereof, not only in respect to the said lady the Queen of Scotland, who is his kinswoman, his ally and his sisterin-law, but also in respect to yourself, madam, of whose friendship the said lord makes, and desires all his life long to make, much account, having it in high regard and esteem.
It is a thing quite agreeable to justice and honour that more regard and favour should be had to the preservation of the life of the Queen, being the innocent party and the one who has been, is, and always will be in evident peril by the continuation of the Queen of Scotland, than to that lady the Queen, being the guilty party and condemned for having horribly contrived and practised the death of her majesty in her own kingdom, and for whose sake the most wretched and most inhuman practices that can be devised will not be omitted in order to take her majesty's life. He begs you once more, madam, that you will take into your wise consideration the prayer which he has made to you thereanent, which he deems full of justice and honour, and to be no less for your good than for that of the person in favour of whom he returns to entreat you not to refuse.
When the King your good brother speaks in order to preserve the life of the Queen of Scotland his sisterin-law, when his majesty speaks for the cause which is common to all kings, he does not at all deem that you should thence derive opinion that it is desired to speak to your prejudice. The said lord acknowledges you as a queen and sovereign princess, who has in this matter a common interest with other kings and sovereign princes, and a particular one, inasmuch as the said lady the Queen of Scotland is also your nearest kinswoman.
It is well said in all truth that her majesty has many times declared her goodness and clemency, in that she has sought no vengeance. Yet if her majesty had been willing to believe, and to consent to judgement at the advice and earnest request made on the part of her whole realm, that punishment might be inflicted for the public injuries previously done against her estate, this offence and crime had not now happened. And as to the offence that your majesty professes to have been done to yourself, your goodness has many times declared that you seek no vengeance therefor, and thus we believe it. But as to the doubt which remains to you, that in preserving the life of the Queen of Scotland your own may be in danger, for which alone you desire provision to be made, the King your good brother enters into this thought with your majesty, as is very reasonable; and considering whence more evil and danger might befall you, or repose, safety and contentment, as well in regard to your person as to your affairs, he judges that without any doubt the death of the Queen of Scotland befalling thus as some counsel you, would be infinitely more prejudicial to you than her life can inconvenience you. I do not wish to dwell upon what some say, that it is to be feared that the said lady' may make some fresh attempt against the person of your majesty. We deem that there is far less to fear for your majesty while she is living and in your hands than if she were dead.
It is very easy to say that the King judges that the death of the Queen of Scotland befalling would be infinitely more prejudicial to her majesty than her life. But there is no reason adduced. Whereas on the contrary, after long and mature consideration had by the whole council of the realm in the assembly of the estates, the said council having been many times enjoined by the Queen (who had in no wise any desire that the life of the Queen of Scotland should be touched) that they should advise how, by some other means, both the life of her majesty and the kingdom might be secured, it has been concluded, judged, and solemnly declared to her majesty herself, that whereas the Queen of Scotland was justly condemned for attempting the death of her majesty by violence; also seeing the enormity and horror as well of this action as of her other previous attempts against the most legitimate and royal title and peaceable possession of her majesty of this crown (which the said Queen has never yet renounced as she ought and was bound to do); and considering also her frequent pursuits and solicitations to draw foreign forces against this realm; the said estates have judged it to be a thing more than necessary that justice be done upon her, and that without prompt execution of such justice neither could the life of her majesty be in safety, nor the kingdom out of danger of being wholly overthrown: and that this sentence has been conceived and pronounced only upon very good grounds, and after mature deliberation by those to whom, by ancient right and custom of the realm, the cognisance and consideration of such important affairs properly appertains; as likewise in all kingdoms and republics, the public causes which concern their estates are by their common council known, ordered and judged, according to the laws and affairs of those kingdoms.
The experience that has been had of previous dealings, originally and directly proceeding from the said Queen herself, and by herself, when she was yet (as is pretended) a prisoner; and the continual practices of her accomplices and abettors, bear only too certain witness to the contrary of that which is here said, as of a thing very far from the truth, to wit, that she could not harm the least of the servants of her majesty, seeing that she is so straitly detained. God has given such ability and understanding to your majesty, that if the said lady should be free, within your realm or elsewhere, you would know well how to defend yourself from her. But she is so straitly detained, that she could not harm the least of your servants.
For assuredly not only the least servants, but also the highest personage, who is the chief of the realm, and the principal parties under that same, would be in continual danger of their lives, in whatsoever place and manner the said Queen might be detained, so long as her wretched accomplices, the rebels of this realm, should be fed and nourished with a hope of her exaltation, through the ruin and destruction of her majesty and of her most faithful servants and good subjects.
When she first came into this kingdom she was not made prisoner, but only arrested that she might not leave it, and she lived in the estate and rank fitting to a queen, with her own train and household, in the houses of great lords, as first in the house of my lord Scrope, an ancient baron of the realm, having the service and free recourse of all her servants whosoever they were, even of those whom she ordained to be her ambassadors to her majesty, to wit of the bishop of Ross, of my lord Boyd and my lord Levington, all three yet living, my lord Herries and the lord of "Skerlin," comptroller of Scotland, the lord of Hamilton, master of the household, the lord of Fleming, the lord of Whitelaw, besides many other lords of the Scottish nobility. Hardly had she attained the age of 25 years, when she was retained as your prisoner, and deprived of communication with persons of counsel, which has made it more easy for those to deceive her, who have maliciously desired to bring about and faciliate to her some imprudent counsels.
And in this liberty she continued until it was afterwards discovered that she had secretly practised to corrupt the duke of Norfolk (who was not then married) by means of a secret offer of marriage, the which duke was then chief of the deputies at the town of York (near to the place of the sojourn of the said Queen) to hear the differences between her and her subjects. Which gave occasion to cause her to be thereafter withdrawn to a castle of her majesty named Tutbury, whereof the earl of Shrewsbury had then the custody, one of the oldest earls of the realm, to whom the said Queen was then given in charge.
And in this place she continued, enjoying her former liberty, until there was again discovered and manifestly verified a new practice and design to accomplish the aforesaid marriage with the said duke. And this wholly without the knowledge of the Queen, even by way of force and violence against the will and pleasure of her majesty.
Whereupon the said Queen of Scotland did so much that a rebellion was raised in the north country by some lords of the nobility, adherents of the said duke, who had secretly been parties to the practice which had been made for the said marriage. Which rebellion by the grace of God was promptly extinguished and quelled, and the leaders dispersed, whereof one was the earl of Westmoreland, who had then married the sister of the said duke, and now goes to and fro in France.
Then also the said Queen and duke sent secretly to the pope, to the King of Spain and to the Duke of Alva, soliciting them with all entreaty to cause this realm to be invaded by foreign forces. For the which crimes of lèse majestè and other the like manifestly proved the said duke was justly condemned and executed.
But notwithstanding all these most dangerous and more than evident enterprises and dealings, there was yet nothing done nor undertaken judicially against her, contrary to the deliberation in the assembly of the three estates, and to their very great regret.
Another construction must be put upon this, than being delivered to ransom, inasmuch as the Queen of Scotland had attempted to possess herself of the crown, under a titular pretext which she has not yet renounced as she was bound to do. And such an injury continuing cannot be redeemed by any ransom. If, while ruling in Scotland and being obeyed there as queen, she had entered into this your realm to deprive you of estate and life, and it had happened that she fell into your power, she could not by right of war expect any harder treatment than to pay a good ransom.
As to that which is here said, that until this present my lord ambassador has neither heard nor been able to understand any reason whatsoever whereby it can be maintained that she is under the jurisdiction of her majesty, it is very strange that he who has made a profession of law, and is well versed in the history of such matters and occurrences, and who is a chief counsellor to a sovereign king (as also the Queen of England is a sovereign princess) should be willing to make such an assertion. For until this present I have not heard nor been able to understand any reason whatsoever whereby it can be maintained that she is under your jurisdiction.
For herein, that at the beginning of this declaration he has acknowledged her majesty as a sovereign princess, he cannot make any other person equal to her in her own kingdom. And whereas he wishes to give the name of sovereign princess to the Queen of Scotland (which is a title which can with difficulty be attributed to her and to the King her son both together and at one and the same time, he reigning at present as sovereign prince) so it is, that neither she nor any other person in the world can be taken or reputed as a sovereign princess here in England during the life of her majesty. It follows then necessarily that the Queen of Scotland, being no sovereign princess in this realm of England, must be an inferior person. For there is in this place no equality or sovereignty. The said lady entered your kingdom as a suppliant, persecuted by a very great affliction. A sovereign princess and your nearest kinswoman, she has been here long, in hope of being restored to her kingdom by your goodness and favour. All these great hopes have up to this present yielded her naught but a perpetual prison.
Moreover, my lord ambassador, as a person who understands the laws, and has made profession thereof, and who owes his obedience to the laws, ought to remember the law which follows in the code, Ubi de crimine agi oporteat, where it is said:— Quia in provincia quis deliquit aut criminum reus sit, sive de terra, sive de alia qualibet occasione vel de qualibet re fuerit reus, illic etiam juri subjaceat. And for answer to that which might be objected in respect of her rank and quality, this is also held for a law: Quod delinquens in alieno territorio, et ibi repertus, punitur in loco delicti, nulla habita ratione dignitatis, honoris aut privilegii. Moreover, it having lately pleased your majesty to tell us that you desired only to find means whereby it might be done, that in saving the life of the Queen of Scotland you would not put your own in danger, we made it known to the King our master, your majesty's good brother, in order to receive his command thereupon. His majesty would desire above all things in this world to be able to devise some good means which should be to your contentment, although the thing seems to him to be entirely in your hands, who are detaining the Queen of Scotland prisoner and have her in your power.
But it will be said that no mention is here made of queens. In truth there is none made especially of this Queen of Scotland. But there are many examples as well of kings as of queens who have conformed and who agree to these laws, as in the matter of Robert, King of Sicily, Bernard, King of Italy, Elizabeth Queen of Hungary, Charles the second King of Naples, Conrad also King of Naples: and for greater antiquity, the King Deiotarus, King of Armenia, had not his cause pleaded by Cicero, as my lord ambassador alleges, because he was a king, but really because he was in no wise guilty of the crimes imputed to him, but had only been suspected, as appears evidently by the thread of the oration. That noble princess is now so . . . . and humiliated, that her greatest enemies might have compassion upon her. Which makes me hope the more from the clemency and generosity of your majesty.
For, what more remains to the Queen of Scotland than a very wretched life of very few days? Never in the world has such a judgment been given against a sovereign queen. Nor has such an idea ever entered our minds as that your majesty could resolve upon so rigorous an execution.
The beginning of this sentence is needed, as it was uttered by Cicero, for he said:—Quod primum dico pro capite fortunisque regis, quod ipsum etsi non iniquum est in tuo duntaxat periculo, tamen est ita inusitatum, etc. And it must be noted that there is a great difference between the cause of the King Deiotarus and that of the Queen of Scotland. For it appears that there were no proofs against him, but only some suspicions, as it is easy to see by these words following in the oration:—Arguitur domi te sue interficere voluisse, quod tamen nisi eum furiosissimum judicas, suspicari profecto non potes. Cicero said to Julius Cæsar, speaking for the King Deiotarus:—Est ita inusitatum regem capitis reum esse, ut ante hoc tempus non sit auditum.
If the Queen of Scotland is innocent, it is just that she be discharged from this accusation; if you deem her guilty, it is honourable to you, it is useful to you to pardon her.
And then afterwards in another place:—A viro optimo et ab homine non stulto cogitatum esse confingitis, at quam non modo non credibiliter, sed ne [susp]iciose quidem.
History sets forth the cause wherefore Porsena removed the hand of Q. Mutius from over the fire, which was, because Porsena having found him in no wise amazed that his hand was to be burned, and being much astounded thereat, said that, although Mutius should not die [sic], yet Porsena could not escape, Mutius being only one of the three hundred who had vowed to kill Porsena if he would not raise his siege, and he did not think fit to put Mutius to death. Thus this cause of Porsena cannot serve as an example to the Queen, to save the life of the Queen of Scotland. If your majesty shall do it, you shall do what good princes have been wont to do. King Porsena removed the hand of Q. Mutius from over the fire, and pardoned him who confessed and boasted that he had entered his army in order to kill and assassinate him.
These words contain a too general prohibition of the shedding of blood. For there are precepts which limit when it may be done and when it ought to be done. The most ancient precept was given by God to Noah, Quicunque sanguinem humanum effuderit, fundetur sanguis illius. But to all the prohibitions against the shedding of blood which are mentioned in the holy scriptures these words are for the most part added, sanguinem innoxium, and in this sense these admonitions may well have place. And for the result which follows from a too liberal and immoderate shedding of blood, unsparingly and indifferently done, even to thereby offending God, my lord ambassador can but judge in his conscience that, both before the bloody day of St. Bartholomew and also since, this sentence has been only too often verified, that one bloodshed leads to another. The greatest precept for reigning well and happily is to abstain from bloodshed. One bloodshed leads to another, and such executions usually have a sequel. We are now at the feast of Christmas, when it pleased God, instead of avenging himself upon the iniquity and ingratitude of men, to send His only son our Lord Jesus Christ into this world to serve as victim and propitiation for our sins. Since we are at the feast of the nativity of our life, we must remove from our eyes and chase from our thoughts all terrible and odious things. If your majesty shall resolve upon extreme counsels against the Queen of Scotland, those who belong to her both by blood and friendship will be extremely offended thereat.
The offers in the King's promise of the signatures, bonds and oaths of the kinsmen of the Queen of Scotland, which one might well think to be understood of the house of Guise, cannot in any wise assure the life of her majesty, far less make compensation for it, in case she be deprived of it. True it is that the King will be able to ordain that nothing be undertaken against her majesty, and that no such attempts be made, and yet nevertheless they have twice been hatched in his realm of France without the knowledge of the King, and by the goodness of God been discovered in England; so others similar may be renewed, and that in a more secret manner that one will not be able to discover either in France or in England. If, on the contrary, it shall please you to show kindness towards the said lady, all Christian princes will deem themselves bound to watch over your preservation. Which in the first place the King our master your good brother offers you on his part, and promises you that he will to the best of his power hinder such attempts from being made as those which are thought to have been here- tofore made against your majesty. And moreover he will give order to the kinsmen of the Queen of Scotland who are in his realm, and will cause them to bind themselves, and to sign upon their faith and honour, and to undertake for the said lady the Queen that that neither she nor any other for her will undertake anything against your majesty. Wherein his said most Christian majesty will do to you in his kingdom and everywhere else the good offices of a true brother and perfect friend.
For it is not in the power of any prince to obviate the beginnings of all secret conspiracies, especially of those, the execution whereof is intended to be made outside his realm. And if afterwards it should happen that an act so horrible took its origin and was contrived within his realm and achieved in England, what would it profit to charge the King with his promise, when in truth he will have known nothing of such conspiracies, and hence will not have been able to hinder or curb them? And if your majesty, as most prudent and well-advised, shall think good to advance some other means which you judge more fitting for your safety and satisfaction, deigning to let us know them, we will employ ourselves to the best of our power most faithfully, and will serve you therein with a very good heart towards her said majesty; entreating you for these causes, madam, to be willing of your goodness to take in very good part and to consider what we have set forth to you by the very express command of the King our master, your good brother, and in no wise to deem it to be the means to secure yourself if you shall put the Queen of Scotland to death.
And put the case that for want (as may be pretended) of sufficient order given by the King (as is said) in accordance with his promise, who would be able to charge him therewith? Or if any one could charge him therewith, yet this would not be any remedy for the realm of England for the loss of so dear a queen; and also neither the nobility nor other good and faithful servants of her majesty would be able to remedy the tyranny which would ensue through her for whose sake the life of her majesty would have been taken. Your fortune is a very happy one in this your kingdom, and your renown glorious among the potentates of the world, which makes us feel sure that no one will persuade you to resolve upon a thing which would be so contrary to your previous life.
And as to the signatures, bonds and oaths of those of Guise, from the greatest to the least, what assurance could England promise herself therefrom for the preservation and safety of the life of her majesty? This is a doctrine of those whom the house of Guise nourishes and maintains, to wit, that it is a work of merit to kill the Queen, to destroy all the faithful subjects of England who do not yield to the yoke of the pope in all things. Therefore, either these oaths are of no force, or they will easily obtain dispensation therefrom.
But suppose that their oaths were firm, who would there be of the English nation who would charge them therewith in case their cousin (who is the glory of their house) chanced to obtain the crown of this realm by the assassination of her majesty's person? Who would make the pursuit thereof by justice in England against the murderers when they themselves would be the judges, or would be assisted by her for whom the murder had been perpetrated?
Much more might be alleged to overthrow and annihilate the assurances spoken of, to which in truth one can give no colour or shadow of safety whatsoever by means of them.
And no creature whatsoever will be able to find a remedy when the deed has been perpetrated, for that neither signatures, nor bonds, nor oaths can restore life to a dead person, and there seems and remains no appearance in what way the guilty could be punished. Hence these offers are but words, although on behalf of the King they ought to be taken in very good part.
It is ever repeating the same thing to say that the Queen will live in greater safety, the Queen of Scotland remaining alive, than if it should happen that she be put to death. But there is no reason adduced for this proposition, but only some general words reiterated afresh that bloody remedies would be rather the beginning of many ills, etc. To which words answer is made as before, that for the blood of innocents or martyrs it is very true, but as regards the guilty and criminal quite the contrary happens. Your majesty will live in greater safety, the Queen of Scotland remaining alive, than if it should happen that she be put to death, the reasons whereof I will not dilate upon, because your majesty can understand them better than any other.
Bloody remedies would be rather the beginning of many ills than the end of those which people say they wish to remedy. Sleep is a very necessary thing to the sick, and there is nothing which brings it sooner than the poppy, but it is only bad doctors who order it to their patients.
This conclusion embraces two points which one cannot pass without finding them strange. His most Christian majesty hopes that your goodness will reject a counsel so foreign to your sweet and benign nature which is given you against the Queen of Scotland. But if it should not be the good pleasure of your majesty to have regard to so many and so great considerations, for the sake of which we make unto you this most urgent and most affectionate prayer on behalf of the said lord the King our master, but to cause the execution to proceed of so rigorous and extraordinary a judgment, he has given us charge to tell you, Madam, that he cannot but resent it as a thing (beyond the common interest of all kings) which will greatly offend him in particular.
The first is that my lords the ambassadors say that the judgment is rigorous and extraordinary. Wherein the said ambassadors (who have seen neither the process nor the proofs) have sufficiently harshly accused a great number of persons of nobility, honour, virtue, prudence and piety, representing on their part the whole estate of the realm, of whom it might well be said that such a manner of speaking and accusing was not at all well advised.
The second point concerns the Queen herself and the estates of the realm jointly, as if it were desired to put her majesty and the realm in fear by such words, so bitter, proffered in the name of the King, to hinder or delay their proceeding to establish the safety of her majesty's life, for which not one single sufficient reason has yet been alleged, nor offer made to obviate the dangers alleged above, still less to remove them.

pp. French.

212. Answer to Allegations of Monsieur Bellièvre. [Dec.] Cott. Calig., B. VIII., fol. 314.

"The project of an answere to the allegations of M. Bellieure as touchinge the Scottishe Quene."

"First, where they saye that the Kinge theire master is in great perplexity for the speciall good will he beareth to the Quenes majestie on the one syde, and for the strayte knott of alliance that is betwene hym and the Scottish Quene on the other syde."

"Her majestie dothe hope that the Kinge her good brother will have more regarde of her just cause, being in evident danger of her life, then of the Socttish Quenes case, that hath so horribly practised the destruccion of an innocent prince, her nere kinswoman, and the frenche Kinges confederate.

"Item, where they saye that the french Kinge theire master, and all other soveraigne princes and the Quenes majestie her self hath interest that no example should be given that a prince soveraigne sholde be called in question of life."

"It is a more daungerous example and president on the other side wherein the French Kinge and all princes Christian, and namely the Quenes majestie, whose death hath bene so many waies practised, but that such haynous and detestable treasons sholde be punished with all severity, to discourage and staye other from the like attemptes: expedit enim reipublice ne malefacta maneant impunita; namely such wicked attemptes against the sacred persones of an anointed and innocent prince."

"Item, whereas they sayed that forasmuch as the Quenes majestie dothe seeke only to be satisfied how her majestye may be in saftie of her life, the Scottish Quene being spared; and that it is more dangerous for the Quenes majestie that the Scottish Quene sholde be taken awaye:"

"This kinde of answer is a conninge pointe of rethoricke; to drawe the question purposed absolutely by the Quenes majestie, how her majestie may be in saftie, the Scottish Quene remainynge, in a simple and plaine question absolutely and easilye to be resolved by the judgement of anie man, to a question comparatyve, which may receave argument on bothe sides, that is which of bothe is more, ether to suffer the Scottish Quene to remaine or to be taken awaye: which question her majestie hath not proposed, nether is meete to be proposed, grauntinge (as yt must nedes be done) that her majestie is undoubtedly in daunger (the Scottish Quene lyvinge) and the other parte of the question hanging uppon conjecturall future events which may happen ether waye. For where they saye the Scottish Quene hath no meane to attempt anie thinge against the Quenes majestie thoughe she were at liberty, what force this reason hath the former doinges of her and other for her do declare, at what tyme she was kept under as provident garde as mans will coulde reasonably devise, namly, the Quenes majesties daunger (as the case nowe standeth) being infinitely increased by what iminent daunger wherein the Scottish Quene and her adherentes may perceave that she dothe presently stande by justice. For avoydinge of which daunger, the Scottishe Quene and her complices can thinke of no hope of remedy, but by the deathe of her majestie (whome God longe preserve) as yt did evidently appeare at the tyme when some of the traytors were discovered, who then founde no other devise for them selves but only the present attempting of the destruccion of her majestie. And yf the Scottish Quene, being before tyme undoubtedly without daunger of her owne life, coulde finde in harte to attempt such a wicked deede, in what daunger is her majestie nowe that the Scottish Quene and her divilishe instruments shall imagine that the sayde Scottish Quene cannot be out of danger from hower to hower, the Quenes majestie lyvinge, and shall discourse in theire braines aut ego illam, aut illa me."

"Nether can the fewe daies of the Scottish Quene, which as they ambassadours do pretende cannot be many for her weaknes and afflictions, be any reason to take awaye the danger of the Quenes majestie, for that the shorter tyme the Scottish Quene hath to lyve here in this worlde, the more haste her complices will thinke they have to atchive their wicked intentions."

"Item, whereas the Frenche ambassadours do excuse the Scottishe Quenes attempts, wherby she claymed the present possession of the crowne of England, by her minorytie and unadvised counsellers:"

"They answer nothinge to that which hath bene made manifest both by her majestie and her majesties counsellors that the Scottish Quene wolde never be contented to this daye to renounce that her present usurped title, although her ambassadours had promised that she sholde so doe by solemne intreatie in her name."

"Item, whereas th'ambassadors do saye that the Scottish Quene came unto this realme as a suppliant and that she coulde at most be put to her ransome, and not be detayned prisoner as she hath bene; wherby yt semed they woulde enforce that she were not to be punished for the thinges done by her during her imprisonment:"

"First, yt is to be left to the consideracion of indifferent persons whether the treaties being as they were betwene England and Scotland, together with the usurpation of the sayde Scottish Quene to the present tytle of the crowne, the Quenes majestie might not very justly deteine the Scottish Quene untill she had renownced her unjust clayme, and although her stay had not bene lawfull, yet her ambassadors do knowe right well, that a prisoner being in prison for any cause whatsoever, and committinge a crime his imprisonement [sic] is to be punished as a cryminall, howsoever he came first to be a prisoner."

"Item, wheare the ambassadors do saye that the Scottishe Quenes case is to be pittied, even by her ennemies:"

"Theire wisdomes do well knowe that pittie is not to be regarded in cases of justice, being of such consequence, and that pittye in such cases is more injustice and follye."

"Item, where the ambassadors do saye they have not harde anie reason to prove that the Scottish Quene being a soveraigne prince shold be in any wise justiciable within this realme, and that there hath never bene given any such judgment in this worlde:"

"It semeth straunge that les [sic] ambassadours, being both so learned men, sholde affirme a thinge so far from their learninge, readinge and experience, for they knowe right well:—Quod delinquens in alieno territorio, et ibi repertus, punitur in loco delicti, nulla habita ratione dignitatis, honoris aut priviligii. And that yt hath bene taken by the oppinyons of all men, and practised in the case of Robert, King of Sicily; in the case of Barnard, King of Italy; Elizabeth, Quene of Hungary; Charles the second, King of Naples, and of Conradine, and of King Deiotarus; which two 1st examples the ambassadors them selves have alleaged and taken for clere lawe, by the oppinions of all the writers upon the lawe, since the tyme that the sayde cases happened. Furthermore, forasmuch as the Scottish Quene is here in England, she is to be judged by the lawes of this realme, which are clere in this case, both by the judgment of all the realme and also by express positive statute lawe, which bindeth all persons within this realme."

"And whereas it pleaseth them to alleage the wordes of Cicero de Rege Deiotaro:—Ita est inusitatum regem capitis reum esse, ut ante hoc tempus non sit auditum:"

"It might have pleased them also to have taken the whole sentence of Cicero in that place, and the wordes that do goe imediatly before, which are these:—Quod ipsum etsi non est iniquum, in tuo presertim periculo, tamen est ita inusitatum. Whereby Cicero hymself speaking for his client, yet confesseth that the proceding against Deiotarus was not unjust, namely being called in question for practising to kill Cæsar."

"And although Cicero wolde do no less for his client but to excuse him by all meanes as well as he might, yet he graunted that Cæsar might procede lawfully against King Deiotarus, notwithstanding he was king, and stood not uppon the priviledg and prerogative of the Kinges person, but uppon the deniall of the facte, as dothe appeare afterward in the sayde oration in thes wordes:—Arguitur Rex domi suæ te interficeret, quod tu [sic] nisi eum furiossimum judicans suspicari perfecto [sic] non potes. And in these wordes following:—Aut quam non modo non credibiliter, sed ne suspiciose quidem."

"Item, whereas the ambassadors do use as yt were a dilemma in this maner; either the Scottish Quene is guiltles, and then cannot she be punished by justice; or els yf she be guilty yt is both honorable and proffitable to the Quenes majestie to spare her; for an ensample whereof they alleaged the story of Porsena and Mutius Scevola:"

"First, yt must be thought that they do thinke there are three hundred that have vowed to make an attempt against the Quenes majesties person, as yt was in the case of Mutius Scevola, nether do they perswade the Quenes majestie to spare the Scottish Quene for feare of her owne life, as the case of Porsena was, but for her majesties honor."

"Neyther do they yet consider that Mutius Scevola did that act in open hostility, and that Porsena raysing his siege and makinge peace with the Romans, was assured he should not be in any further danger of his person. Which thinges are all contrarye in this case, neyther do they consider the consequence of the argument:—Quod justum est, id honestum est, et quod honestum est etiam utile."

"And althoughe the ambassadors do promise in the Kinge their masters name that he will endevor to stay any attempte against the person of the Quenes majestie, and cause the Scottish Quenes kinseman to promise and confirme under their handes and seales that they will forbeare such attemptes, and that the Kinge their master will doe all thinges for her majestie:"

"It is to be doubted whether any of thes thinges can be any assuraunce for the Quenes majestie, nether coulde her majestie hetherto, nor the whole nobility and the commons in this realme which have bene consulted in this case, finde either this or any other thinge to be any sufficient saftie for the Quenes majestie, the case standing as yt dothe, during the life of the Scottish Quene."

"Neyther is yt to be counted as an acte of bloode, howsoever yt pleaseth the ambassadors to take yt, which sholde procure bloode againe."

"That is justly done by the lawe for the saftye of her majesties person, nether is the poppie or any other medicene violent that is given by just proportion to the dissease, nor the punishment bloody that is justly inflicted."

"And although the Scottish Quenes kinsman may pretende to be extreamely offended yf she be not spared, as the ambassadors do saye:"

"Yet the Quenes majestie must not have so much regarde to the displeasure of the Scottish Quenes kinsfolke as to the satisfaccion and contentment of the nobility and commons of her realme, of whose importunity and peticions, of [sic] the Kinge their master were fully advertised by his ambassadors, the Quenes majestie doth not doubt but that the King her good brother and so strayte a confederate wolde not anywise iam ressenter but beare with her majestie in conforming her self against her owne nature towardes her subjects in so just a request, knowing howe pretious a thinge the love of good subjects is for a prince never so vertuous, and to alienate and wounde the hartes of his nobility and commons is dangerous.

3⅓ pp. Indorsed.

213. A Fragment relating to an Examination touching the Queen of Scots. Elizabeth. [Dec.][1586.] Cott. Julius, F. VI., fol. 42.

There is no likelihood or probability that Babington or any man would himself both devise and impute to others a matter of so great importance and extreme danger.

Then it was added further that, besides these matters before mentioned, it was also manifest by the declarations and confessions of Nau and Curle, her servants and secretaries, subscribed with their own hands, without torture, and by their voluntary oaths, verifying that the Scottish Queen received the same letter from Babington and caused it to be deciphered, and after the reading and consideration thereof caused the said answer to be written to Babington in her name.

For proof thereof it was alleged that the copies of the said letters being shewn by the lords of the Council to Nau and Curle, after perusing them, they subscribed their names thereto, affirming the same and acknowledging that the Scottish Queen received the one from Babington and gave direction for the writing of the other unto him; which was "unrefused" by shewing forth the same copies so subscribed by them.

Also Nau sets down in his own writing, the 6th September, that the Scottish Queen did commonly hold this course in receiving and writing letters of secrecy and importance.

2/3 p. Copy.

214. [Gilbert Giffard] to [Thomas Phelippes]. [Dec.] C. P., vol. XX.

I know not which way to turn me, nor how to answer yours, but I perceive "the ancient speech" will be verified in me that "betwixt both I shall lose both," as commonly men of my coat do that deal and bear sincere affection to our Prince.

Pardon me if I speak boldly, for, by God, you touch me near, and though I should lose all the friends I have in the world, by God, it is nothing in respect of that wherein most unjustly either you suspect or accuse me: wherein I defy all the world, and, by Jesus Christ, if there be any man alive that accuses me therein I will be in England, if I die a thousand times, either to purge myself before the world or to die ignominiously.

Therefore, sir, and if you were my friend a thousand times, let us not jest in such matters. And methinks if you consider all circumstances, either you must condemn me for the veriest ass that ever was, or else you can find no fault in me. For how would I have delivered their letters knowing that they wrote everything to the Queen of Scots, or how chance they named not me in their letters, etc.?

By Jesus, I wonder how you can conceive any such matter. But this is the truth, as you, and I, and we all shall one day be judged in the sight of the whole world. It is true that I always feared lest matters would be revealed, and I confess your understanding and experience in these points to be good. But yet I will never yield to deal with these men better than I myself, and I am assured it had been discovered if I had not dealt in such order. Therefore when Morgan examined me secretly touching the parties that conveyed letters I was forced to name two, whereof Barnes was one. And for that purpose I dealt with Barnes, never thinking, as Christ Jesus save me, "but to make him a colour for Emilio and his writing once or twice would cause all blame to be removed from myself when things should be opened," which I knew must needs be shortly.

And so, in truth, it is fallen forth, and otherwise it had been impossible to have continued. But, as God is my witness, I thought to have withdrawn him after that Morgan had fully perceived that the convoy was sure. And one thing I will tell you; if you handle the matter cunningly Barnes may be the man to set up the convoy again, for Paget and Morgan be never in rest inquiring for him.

I have feigned as though the matter is irrecuperable, and therefore I have speculated upon the point. If you have Barnes, keep him close. If you have him not, I would you had him in your hands. However it be, either bring him by promise or fear to write to Morgan, or if you have him not, feign his hand to me. His name was Pietro Maria. Write by the name of Pietro Maria, discoursing of the whole success. And yet, as chance was, your name never came in question, "and it now is time to begin again," which they desire beyond measure. And no doubt they will take hold of it, for they are about another practice, I assure you.

And I pray you use Emilio no more. Let him be one of them that were hanged, for, before God, they will suspect. After you have written to me they will leap for joy. I cannot devise any better course, and it is impossible but it should hit. I know they burn.

Paget has written to me twenty times, I show myself unwilling, but when you have written I will stir them. Besides, if Cordaillot be there tell him I left word with you to send me two doublets and two pairs of hose which I left with him at my departure, and a cloak and other little things. If he be not there speak to Peter Francis and desire him to deliver them, and I pray you send them to Thomas Evans, who is a good, simple instrument.

Immediately upon the revealing of the traitorous notion Paget could never rest till he was parted hence, and he requested me earnestly to go with him, which I did because it was on my way to Germany. We came to Chalons, where he spoke with Guise, to whom he uttered all the success, whereat Guise was marvellous sorry. But he comforted him that he would never give over. Don Bernardino [de Mendoza] was the greatest doer. He swore—as Paget told me—a thousand oaths that they should have help, and that help was set forth for them. But it was nothing so, whereat Paget and Morgan are angry. He sent also two several letters, as Paget and Gratley tell me, one in Italian, and another in Latin, to the conspirators. But as they think, the parties were discovered before they came to their hands, therefore Morgan sent for them again, and I think they are returned.

As Gratley tells me in his letters [they] were nothing but "Ammazzate la Bastarda excommunicata heretica," he promised most of them great titles, and himself would say sometimes, "Io credo che la nobilita Inglese me daria il titolo de Duca quil mancho." Allen's hand was in the dish as far as the best, but in truth the most of them dislike of it. But whatever face Jesuits show in the matter, they all desire it. I have heard them call the traitors martyrs.

But if I knew anything of these before, God confound me. Since I know all, and being one day all together, "Well, my masters," said I, "take me hereafter to deal in a matter I know not of, and hang me," and was very angry, and told them they loved me but little to send me in knowing the danger. They said they would hazard their own father's life for the good of their country. But in truth I must needs confess I had an inkling of something. But, by Jesus, I knew neither the matter nor persons, only I knew they had an enterprise, and so much I told Secretary Walsingham. And the greatest cause of my going away was that I feared to be brought to witness some matters concerning the Scottish Queen face to face.

And besides, I knew the matter would come forth, which I knew to be some villainous practice. Then if I, keeping company with them, and forced sometimes to speak and assent to their speeches, had not revealed that which in truth I knew, neither you nor any man in the world but would have thought me guilty, and you see it is so proved; and therefore I must needs be in great danger of death or discredit.

And I pray you consider whether I had not just occasion, besides that I knew not what they had written of me to the Scottish Queen. Perhaps they might have spoken some things in my commendation which might justly have bred jealousy in your head, and yet I nothing in fault. And if all this will not persuade you of my innocency, let Mr. Secretary send for me without any further warrant, and I will come in. And howsoever it be, there is no man alive that knows my heart to her majesty and Mr. Secretary. And then God confound me when I leave to honour Him. And albeit he would command me silence if I could by any means pleasure or serve him, otherwise I would do it till death.

Well, I can say no more, but let her majesty and Mr. Secretary command me. If I procure it not done, credit me not. I must needs proceed for my credit. All men desire it and look for it at my hands. After, I will wholly employ myself to Mr. Secretary's service, which I think I could best do in Italy, for there I could know what were in both, yea, often that which is here is better and more freely known there. And assure yourself for affection you shall never find me double.

As for the points recommended unto me, think that I esteem nothing more in this world than that her majesty and Mr. Secretary might see my affection. And whatsoever you hear to the contrary, know it proceeds that I must needs speak and talk as they do, and I wonder you considered not so much. And I know Savage thought I had detected him, with whom I kept company, in truth, only for that he was one of the best companions and best conditioned, besides a very good scholar, and practical, and as pliant and pleasant in company as ever I knew. But of no other practices of his till now, I never knew no other but that D. Giffard sent him in, as I thought, about particular affairs. But since they have confessed all, and in truth one night I lay with D. Giffard, and in truth he told me all the whole beginning. And in truth he but motioned the matter to D. Allen, who at the first answered nothing. After three days he asked him again, and then said he "aggredere et prevalebis," and, as I think, annoyed Savage as it were to be expelled the house for a colour.

Savage never knew that Allen was consenting. D. Giffard showed me the last day a letter of Allen's which he keeps for a testimonial lest others should condemn him for it. Savage vowed and received the sacrament upon it. And thus much I got with much ado of him. He is now Guise's scholar, and is likely to be sent into Scotland. Therefore I know not whether I were best "fall" out with him or no, but if you remember that I am made a traitor in the highest degree, I think if you spake them fair we might sooner get them in. But he being so openly accused, it cannot be. Therefore they would be sharply written unto, and let me have a degree above all.

One thing you must help. Cordaillot told Paget he had a letter for me, whereat he was glad. I fearing to show it, not knowing the contents, said I had lost my cipher, as indeed I had. Gratley also was present, and to avoid suspicion I left it with Gratley, taking good order lest my cipher should come to hands. Yet in my absence I was almost deceived. Now he thinks the cipher is come, therefore send me speedily a letter that I may show them and say this bearer brought it in your letter. Rail at me, and conclude that, nevertheless, you will expect to see what I can say for myself, and when you fall out with them, fall out with all together, not excepting myself.

I am content you tell my father that I dealt very ill with you, but you may say you are content to wink at it since it is past, hoping to get some service at my hands.

For Jardley, I think he went over only to get Westmorland some money. Meredith's first and chief occasion was truly necessity, and the licence he had was only to continue D. Giffard with Mr. Secretary, which he feared lest my coming away had broken. No doubt Morgan schooled him, as he does them all.

"Charles will never be granted." I think he may easily be cosened with a letter, or else there is no remedy but lex talionis; and I would I did but know her majesty would take it gratefully. We would have the one way or the other all the crew. Let her majesty look to herself. By God, one or two villains are left, and those very near to her. By Jesus, I know no more thereof but that I overheard Paget talking and comforting Gratley. "Well," said he, "and Sir Walter Raleigh's man scape I care not, he will pay her for all the rest. I dare not now be seen." Paget thinks I am at my book, and therefore I cannot do as I would.

Sir, I think by my others I have satisfied you in all points save touching the change of my cipher with Morgan, which was not mine, and therefore you are deceived about Barnes' cipher, myself having no other with him than that you know of. But it was agreed, for better colouring the matter, that I devised with myself that he should use all one direction of Nicholas Cornelys, and so are you to interpret anything doubtful, all being the better to beguile Morgan, who was unreasonably suspicious.

Paget and Gratley had great suspicion of the letter in cipher sent me by you, which came by means of Cordaillot, who in their presence told me he had a letter for me. If therefore hereafter—unless Mr. Edward break absolutely with me—you write to me; send also a letter that may "abide the view." If Mr. Secretary break with these men let me be rebuked severely also.

D. Giffard, unless the matter be too evident against him, would easily be brought in by fair means. Paget has been "earnest" already to have him go into Scotland.

Look to it, I say still, for I assure, as I am a Christian, there is one very near to the Queen of England yet untaken, whose name, by Christ, I know not, nor any other description, only I overheard that he belongs to Sir Walter Raleigh. For these words spoke Paget, "Nay, by God's blood, there be yet they that will kill her." And I heard often named the gentleman's man above named. Gratley is gone into Germany. Paget fears nothing now, but assure yourself he will not come into England without great broils, and that he reckons of. Therefore take some other course. I know no other course but to feign a letter from some of his friends, as Ned Windsor, desiring him to meet him in some place most convenient for the feat, either to conduct him into England or deal otherwise, as his good services towards her majesty deserves. And truly methinks it is a great reproach that such "insigniows" deserts should escape unrewarded, even in that sort, for want of a better, being an enemy to the Queen. No man doubts of the approbation.

And the same means would be used with Parsons, who will else never be had. For the Queen of Scots' death, assure yourself most care not, for by that means they think the King of Spain nearer to the kingdom. I thank you for your good counsel to be a good husband, which I will, as things permit me, follow. I shall be further off for a time, and so be at more expense in going to and fro. All the world here looks that I proceed in degrees of learning, but I shall receive yours and answer them with speed.

Paget, Morgan, D. Giffard and Gratley write to me every day. I know that D. Giffard will easily be brought to the "beale." But he is nothing in respect of Paget, whose taking would be hindered. I will so lay the plot as though I be absent from Paris. There shall not a title escape me, wether I remain there or in Italy. I will not abide at my study, but only till Lent.

What I have omitted I will consider at leisure and satisfy you, but I beseech you condemn me not hereafter before my answer—as you say indeed you do not now—but otherwhiles you seem to have that settled opinion of me in a manner wherein I must needs tell you you do me great injury before God and man, charging me by these suspicions for the wickedest man that is in the world, when you call me in question touching my duty to her majesty and Mr. Secretary, as, if I should break with them, I were. Wherefore, good sir, pardon me if sometimes I speak "of" choler, for truly you moved me.

I cannot conceive to whom I should have uttered any such thing to, as touching the Earl of Leicester, unless it were obiter, not truly "for any particular whom I know," but that it is certain there may be many there that love him but a little. So, beseeching you still to have no other conceit of me than my affection deserves of end, etc. And I would to God my heart lay open to her majesty, and Mr. Secretary and you.

Whereas Morgan should say that D. Giffard meant not to deal sincerely with Mr. Secretary, I never doubted it but that he would not; "and so always I told you, only in truth against these others they are and meant sincerely." But I told you still that my credit could no otherwise have been kept but by pursuing the matter. And as for Ballard, Christ confound me if ever Gratley, Paget, D. Giffard or Morgan, or any in the world talked to me of him on this side, or if ever I had any other acquaintance with him or knew him "otherwise than man I never saw." Wherefore I told them that they failed not to make me privy thereof. They told me it was for my safety, and in truth Gratley and Morgan wrote to me expressly not to meddle with him, which letters I sent to Mr. Secretary, and I think you saw them.

pp. Fair copy of a deciphered letter. In Thomas Phelippes' hand. Indorsement illegible.

215. The Scottish Ambassador's Memorial.

"Memore of the heidis following."

1. "That it may pleis hir majestie to give ordour that we may have a coppie of the decree gevin be the nobilitie and judges that went to Fotheringay against the Queen, our soveranis mother."

2. "If neid shall so require, that ordour may be gevin that we may haif conference with hir majesteis judges that did of lait confer with us upone eny mater that shall result upone the sicht of the said decree."

3. "That it may be hir majesteis pleassour to geve suche ordour that ane declaratioun of the King our soveranis innocencie may be gevin the saidis judges and nobilitie foresaid, and that tharefore in decree nather eny proceadour in law usit against his said mother shuld prejudge enye titill or richt that he may pretend to this crowne, when it hes bene Godis pleassour to call upone hir majestie. And that the ylik may be done be the parliament in caice thay shall meddele in enye mater that may touche the proceadour against the said Queen."

4. "That hir majestie may be moved to cause sum gude ordour be takin for satisfeing of ane grit nombre of pwir Scottismen utterlie wrakkit and robbit be pirattis, and that ordour may be gevin for repressing of piraceis in tyme to cum."

5. "That her majestie may cause sum conference be had upone suche instructionis as I haif oppened to Mr. Secretarie, concerning Bordour materis, the league, and suppressione of piraceis."

6. "Item, that anssour may be gevin with expeditione convenient to this last lettir."

7. "Item, that her majestie may be moved to grant ane pardone at the dessire of the King of Scotland to the thrie brether callit Wallace, duelland in Ingland for the slaying of ane Scottisman that wes also remaning thair."

1 p. Indorsed in Thomas Randolph's hand: "Diverse matters of Scotland."

Cott. Calig., C. IX., fol. 673.

Copy of the same.

216. Laird of Poury Ogilvie to [Walsingham]. [1586.]

Thought good to advertise him by this present that after the lords' return to Scotland he was pressed to travail with the Master of Gray for James Stewart, sometime Earl of Arran, who is still in the King's favour, that, matters being taken up between them and a contract of friendship signed by both of them, he [Arran] might resort to his majesty's presence, and by his persuasion move the King to embrace the French course, and to take arms against England, if his mother were not set at liberty.

If the Queen, at the King's desire, would forgive his mother's offence, it would not now be sufficient unless she set her at liberty.

It is supposed that they dare do nothing against their Queen's life by reason of the accidents fallen out in the Low Countries, and that they purposed to detain her and dispose themselves to peace and quietness with Spain and France by her redelivery, when they should be "put to," and that the hard dealing of her proceeded only from him and others of her majesty's Council, who prefer their own surety to their mistress' life. But for them she might be moved to pity. Such was the discourse of the Scottish ambassadors with their King. There is no small jealousy between the Secretary and the Master of Gray, because the Master seeks to regain his former credit in France, and the Secretary, not willing to subordinate, presses to transfer the credit to his own person, so that the despatch of the ambassador into France is delayed till the coming of the English ambassador.

This emulation makes the Master more willing to deal with James Stewart that by his means the other may be debarred. If it take effect it will alienate the King from England.

Withholds the Master from taking any sudden resolution therein, and will hinder or further the same as his [Walsingham's] wisdom shall think needful.

Has not yet communicated with the Jesuits, but is advertised that they are to offer to his majesty any sum of money to push him to sue for his mother's liberty.

There is contention between the King and his ministry concerning his mother, but it is now agreed they shall pray for her conditionally.

Sends a packet of letters from Monsieur Courcelles to Monsieur Châteauneuf. Has so dealt with them that he is able to secure their secret letters for him. Therefore desires he will govern this matter with all kind of craft and secrecy. So it shall redound to his [Walsingham's] credit and advancement. Spoke with Mr. Archibald Douglas, before his coming away, in this matter. Prays he may therefore be pleased to advise with him as with himself.

Assures him he shall find no lack of constancy in him, and will look for the same himself, with such other friendship as he has heard he is most liberal with.

The Master of Gray is to send George Gray, his page, shortly into France. Will advertise him in the next letter of what he goes for, with other things to his contentment.

pp. Deciphered copy. Indorsed: "A deciphred lettre from Poury Ogilvy to the Secretary, wherin he wryts that the Master of Gray sekes to reconcile the K[ing] to Capten Jeames Stuard."

"Emulation betwene the Secretary and the Master of Gray."

"The Jesuits offer any somms the K[ing] will demawnd, to be imployed for procuring the Queen of Scottes libertye."

"It is thought the Queen dare not putt her to death."

217. A Pedigree of the Scottish Queen. [1586.]

[Shewing her descent from Margaret, sister of Henry VIII., and James IV. of Scotland. Roughly drawn up on one sheet, in Burghley's hand. Indorsed: "Erle of Anguss Cont. lastly [sic] Dowgl."]

1 p.

218. Earls of Scotland. [1586.]

"All the Earles of Scotland with their surnames and yeares by estimation for present lyvinge, anno 1586."

Duke of Lennox, a Stewart, 13 years, a malcontent; Earl of Angus, a Douglas, 26 years; Earl of Crawford, a Lindsay, 26 years, a malcontent; Earl of Cassillis, a Kennet, 10 years; Earl of Eglinton, a Montgomery, 24 years, a malcontent; Earl of Huntly, a Gordon, 26 years, a malcontent; Earl of Argyll, a Campbell, 12 years; Earl Bothwell, a Stewart, 24 years; Earl of Clenkerne, a Cunningham, 35 years, a malcontent; Earl of Atholl, a Stewart, 24 years; Earl of Murray, a Stewart, 24 years, a malcontent; Earl of Rothes, a Leslie, 60 years, a malcontent; Earl of Montrose, a Graham, 60 years, a malcontent; Earl of Monteith, a Greime, 6 years, a malcontent; Earl of Sutherland, a Gordon, 32 years, a malcontent; Earl of Caithness, a Sincklerey, 20 years, a malcontent; Earl of Mar, an Erskine, 24 years; Earl of Marshall, a Keith, 36 years; Earl of Morton, a Maxwell, 36 years; Earl of Arroll, a Hey, 30 years, a malcontent; Earl of Orkney, a Stewart, 55 years, a malcontent, who is base son to James V.; Earl of March, a Stewart, 70 years, who is brother to the King's grandsire the Earl of Lennox, who was slain at Stirling, whose wife Captain James Stewart, that late was Earl of Arran, and is now discourted, has married, by whom he has many children; the Laird of Arbroath, a Hamilton, 60 years, who is Duke Chateleroiz's eldest son, next to the Earl of Arran, his brother yet living, being lunatic, so that Captain James Stewart was but a usurper; Lord Gloyde [Claude], a Hamilton, 42 years, younger brother to the Laird of Arbroath.

1 p. Indorsed.

Another copy of the same.

Cott. Calig., C. IX., fol. 238.

Another copy of the same.

219. Notes of Letters. Elizabeth. [1586.] C.P., vol. XX.

"Original letters extant."

9 October, 1584. A letter from the Queen of Scots to Sir Francis Englefield, and an answer of his in cipher, and deciphered by Phelippes.

12 January 1585. A letter from the Prince of Parma to the Scottish Queen, in Spanish, deciphered by interlines by Pasquier.

25 June, 1586. The Scottish Queen's letter to Babington, written by Curll to renew his intelligence that was discontinued without his fault, and requiring him to send two packets of his from Scotland and France, having remained with him. Other two letters in the same paper, of Curll's writing, to one Barnaby.

28th July, 1586. A letter from Curll to one named by him Barnaby, to convey certain letters from the Queen of Scots to Babington, if he be come into the country, or else to keep it for ten days until his coming, otherwise to keep it in his brother's house.

7 August and 29 July. A letter from Curll to one Barnaby to convey the Queen of Scots' letter to Babington, with other letters to the French ambassador, by Barnaby's boy.

27 July. The Scottish Queen to Charles Paget, written by Curll in English, confirming the contents of her plot laid down in her long letter to Babington.

27 July. A letter from the Scottish Queen to Sir Francis Englefield, written by Curll, and a part of a letter in the end thereof to Foljambe, in French, by Nau, and translated into English by Curll. In this to Sir Francis Englefield is expressed at length the contents of her letter to Babington.

27 July. The Scottish Queen's letter to the Lord Paget, written by Curll.

The same was first written by Nau in French, being extant and affirmed by his own hand.

"Letters deciphered."

20 May. The Queen of Scots to Bernard Mendoza offering her interest to the King of Spain.

January, 1584. A letter to the Archbishop of Glasgow from the Queen of Scots.

27 May, 1586. The Queen of Scots' letters to Charles Paget to cause him to confer with Bernardino Mendoza for forces.

29 May, 1586. A letter of Charles Paget to the Scottish Queen mentioning Ballard's coming out of England to Bernardino Mendoza.

6 July, 1586. Babington's letter for answer to the Queen of Scots' first letter of the 25th June, of Ballard's repair and messages from Bernardino Mendoza and Charles Paget.

17 July, 1586. The long letter of the Scottish Queen to Babington to advise him to proceed according to a plot by her laid and expressed with many circumstances.

31 April, 1586. A letter to D. Lewis, secretary to the congregation at Rome, from the Scottish Queen.

2 July, 1586. Another letter to the same Dr. Lewis.

27 July, 1586. The Queen of Scots' letter to Bernardino Mendoza confirming the substance of her long letter sent to Babington, 6th July 1586.

27 July, 1586. To Sir Francis Englefield confirming the same.

27 July, 1586. To the Bishop of Glasgow, of the like tenor.

2 pp. Partly in Burghley's hand. Indorsed.

Cott. Calig., C. IX., fol. 340–404.

Copy of the same.

220. Goods stolen from Mary. C. P., vol. XX.

"A note of suche thinges as were taken awaye, which were the Quene of Scottes."

First, a glass garnished with two cyrstals, and two tables or covers on each side. Within the one is the picture of the Queen of England, within the other the picture of the Queen of Scots, and the said tables are enamelled and garnished with diamonds, rubies and emeralds.

Item, a little chest garnished with diamonds, rubies and pearls.

Item, a set garnished with diamonds, rubies and pearls, and emeralds in the midst.

Item, a pair of bracelets of agate garnished with little rubies.

Item, a jewel pendant garnished with diamonds, rubies and emeralds.

Item, one other jewel to hang, wherein is a sapphire garnished with small rubies.

Item, one other little jewel enamelled with white and carnation.

Item, one other little jewel of the fashion of an agate.

Item, a little pincase of gold, a chain to wear for a girdle for a woman, enamelled with white and red.

Item, a chain for a man, all plain without enamel weighing 6 marks 5 ounces and 5 pennyweights.

Item, in white money about a 7 score pounds.

Item, one piece of 20 ducats.

Two doublets, the one of russet satin, the other of "canves."

Item, one black velvet cap with a green and black feather in the same.

Three mufflers of embroidery, whereof 2 be of black velvet.

Item, 2 "carckanetts" or "bad" chains embroidered with gold and silver.

Item, other black set with pearls.

Item, 4 vessels of sweet powder.

Item, one pair of silk "stockes."

¾ p. Indorsed.

221. Progress of Heresy in Scotland. [1594.] [1586.] Cott. Calig., C. IX., fol. 660.

"The contents of the discourse made by Mr. Walter Lindsey of Balgas put in Spanish and in prynt."

"Imprimis. He dois declair the King his age, his religion and how farr he is addicted daylie more and more to the Calvainane heresy."

"Next he doth discourse of the ministers of Scotland, of ther inclination to sedicions, of ther moyan and power in the country, of ther presbetryes and forme of government domocatticallie; of the difference in religion betwixt Scotland and England. The injustice acknowledging no supremacye nor visable had of the church, quheras in the contrary the Queen of England wilbe acknowledged supreme head of the kirk of England."

"Of the King of Scotland his evill mynde towardis the ministers, bycause of ther great power and extraordynary presumptious dealing, tending to ther owne preferment and the said King his wrak and overthrow."

"Of the acte of parliament made in Scotland to the imitacion of England quher it is established for the cryme of lese majestie to heare a mass recett [by] any Jesuit preist or semynary."

"That the sea costes and burrowes of Scotland and ther indwellers are all heretykis, and that the most part of barrons and nobillity, Catholiques, or at least favourers of Catholiques."

"That the Larde of Fentrye who was martyred in Scotland and the Barron of Balgas sonne to therle of Crawford come neare of the Kingis blood were only constant in the Catholique religion and open professorris."

"Of the Barron of Balgas who keiped an open receipte for Catholiques and specially keiped an Inglish Jesuit in his house long tyme, who was after martyred in England."

"The Barron of Balgas his excommunicacion and of the blank subscryved by the King to the ministry for ther warrant of his apprehencion."

"Of the devilish custome in Scotland and barbarous cruelty of deidly feadis taking ther revendge of any perteyning to ther enemy or of his name althocht never so inocent of the falt, quhilk was thoccasion that non durst mell with the said barron by reason of his great frendship in the country and good fellows he held about him."

"Of the Barron of Balgas his couragious dealing and open profession of the Catholique religion, and howe by his example therle of Huntley, Erroll and Angusse did make open profession therof."

"Of the custome of Scotland amongst Catholiques to draw Saints on St. Valentyn's Daye, and how Huntley having drawne St. Lawrance, after they had celebrate the said St. Lawrance feast, confest and receaved devoutly, did defeyt a great nomber of Argyle's men quho was comed in the Gario to have killed his men and spoyled his country, and this the said erle did with a few nomber. More, how the said erle with all others that was within thocht themselves miraculouslie assisted by God, so that nothing could gainstand them that day."

"Upon this the said barron doth take occasion to discourse of my Lord Maxwell, howe an angell did appeare to him in the shape of a young man. In the meantyme he was pressed by the ministry to subscryve ther heresie, assuring him that if he did against his knawledge for worldly promocion subscryve, that hand which comitted thoffence should be cutted from him, besydis that he sould die an ignomynious death, as having transgressed the angells comaund. Indeid it did follow."

"Next he showes how my Lord Claud being persuaded by his lady for warldly respectis to subscryve the confession of fayth proponed to her by the ministry, being thereafter at mass and hearing that part of the Evangel red qui me negaverit coram hominibus, etc., crying out against the said lady and her informers, he took the offence so heavy in hart that he become at the presente in an moste highe and vehiment frenzie, quhilk doth continew with him to this day."

"Then doth he make a summar repeticion of the prosperity, reputacion and honour therle of Arrane was in at his being in France so longe as he was a Catholique, and how being persuaded therafter by the Queen of England uppon some highe preferment and worldly respectis to leave his religion imbraced that heresy profest by in England for the tyme and follow a course against God and his owne conscience, how nott only he but his father, Duke Hamilton, also who had imbraced that same heresie did fall in malicious disgrace, thone dying shortly therafter in great missery left as it were by all men, and thother through great displeasure and feare of God's judgement becomes frenatyk as he did yet remayne to thexample of further offendours."

"Of Mr. George Carr his apprehencion by the moyan of Mr. Bowes, ambassadour for the Queen of England at the tyme, and knavery of Mr. James McKartney, apothecary, togither with the noblemen's blankis which he had receaved to have caried in Spayne."

"Of the King of Scotland his comaund that no Englishmen shalbe suffered to come in his country or goe out of the same by ship without the Queen of England's ambassadour's speciall lycence to that effect."

"Of the Pope his good affection to help the afflicted country of Scotland in sending to the King therof and in wryting particulerly to his majestie."

"Of Mr. James Gordon with a messenger of the Pope's and some Inglish prestes ther landing in Scotland at the new toun of Aberdeyne. Of ther aprehencion togither with the mony they did cary by the magistratis of that towne, and how the said town and magistratis were not only compelled to deliver the said persons and mony by the noblemen Catholiques to ther former liberty, but also made particuler offer of all ther service to therle of Huntley."

"And last of all howe the said noblemen, by reason of the King of Scottes his extremity against them, were forced to mell with the said mony, quhilk was sent to the King for ther awin defence, as did appear therafter by proofe."

2 pp. In a Scottish hand. No indorsement.

222. Advertisement out of Scotland. [1586.]

Letters have been written lately from "A. B." to the Duke of Guise and the Duke of Parma, complaining that they have not of late embraced the affairs of Scotland with such earnestness as was requisite to the good success of the common cause, but had suffered themselves to be carried away with common reports of the King's disposition. He is not so settled but that if he saw any sure foundation in them he might alter his course. The said "A. B." prays that both of them give better care to the Catholic cause than they hitherto have done, assuring them that if a sure ground is laid beyond the sea other effects will follow both in King and country than the world looks for.

Similar letters were written by the said "A. B." to the Master of Gray praying him to be a solicitor of the former letter to the Duke of Guise, and before his return to know the Duke's "amisardare," advising him not to be carried away with the offers of friendship of those that seek but to serve their turn about the King, but rather to join with those who seek the welfare both of the Catholic cause and the King.

The letters to the Duke of Parma were sent by Colonel Symple.

2/3 p. No address. Indorsed.

223. Answer by Mr. James Hudson. [Dec.] Harl. MSS. 292, fol. 35.

Answer to a memorial of certain heads delivered by Mr. James Hudsone in the behalf of Mr. Secretary of England.

"I never did suspect that the not answering my letters did procede of any hard conceipt he had of me, but that it behuffed him [to] accomode his dealinge to the Queen his Sovereign's disposition and the couse of matters then in hand, which moved him rather to use silence than give unpleasant answer."

I never thought any of so sound wit and so great integrity would be lightly drawn upon report growing out of faction to condemn or misconceive of me, but will always judge and esteem of me as I shall deserve and as my actions shall minister occasion.

Where factions through envy reigneth, as for the most part in all courts, few escape malice and misreport, from which I look not to be exemed, but that many things are given out of me far beside my desert and meaning. Equity and good reason craveth, and upon my part I do firmly promise that it shall stand for a constant and grounded rule between us not to condemn or misconceive one of the other upon any report until the same shall be reciprocally answered, whereby there may be a mutual and profitable intelligence between us for the public benefit of both the realms and the weal of the princes our sovereigns.

What moveth the wise and religious men here to press the King to deal so earnestly for the Queen his mother I am constrained by the sudden departure of this bearer to commit to his report, for that it will require a longer discourse than becometh in a memorial.

The late message sent by his Majesty and delivered by Mr. Keith has been misconstrued, which has moved the King to interpret himself in a letter sent by this bearer.

They do me wrong that supposed the said message to be penned by me, and whatsoever it was, good or bad, I neither deserve praise nor blame thereby.

I doubt nothing but ye will look carefully that all causes of offence between our two sovereigns may be avoided, as on the other part I shall always do my best endeavour to conserve and increase the amity between the two crowns, so necessary for better assurance of the true religion and both the states, and if the King my Sovereign shall find such correspondence and kindly dealing as his sincerity shall merit, evil affected persons will not be able to interrupt the course of the amity between the two crowns, nor to resuscitate the ancient and almost extinguished hatred between the two nations.

1 p. Indorsed.

224. An Intelligencer in Scotland to Walsingham. [1586.] Harl. MSS. 290, fol. 179.

That you may know my means not only to serve for making your lordship acquainted with such foreign courses as may be prejudicial to the King my master or to England, I advertise you that immediately after my lord's return to Scotland "I was pressed to travell with the Master of Gray for James Steward sometime Earle of Arrane—who continues still in the Kinges favor and good grace—that matters being taken upp betwene them and a sure contract and band of perpetuall frendshipp subscribed by them both he might frelye resort to his master's presence, and so that by his persuasion the Kinge might be the more easelye moved to embrase the French course and to take present armes agaynst England unlesse that he have his mother sett at libertye."

"For suppose the Quenes majestie of England wold at the Kinges desire forgive this his mother's offence it will nowght be sufficient at this time onlesse she will putt her at libertye."

"For we suppose that ye dare not effectuate any thing agaynst our Quenes life in respect of those accidents that are fallen owt so farre by your expectation in the Low Contryes, so that ye are only purposed to kepe her and to dispone your selves [to] peace and quietnesse with Spayne and France by her redeliverye when ye sh[all be] putt to it. And soch was the discowrse of owr Embassadors to the Kinge our master."

"There is no small jelowsye betwene the Secretarye and the Master of Gray, for the Master presseth to have regresse to his former creditt in France, and the Secretarye, not to be subalternal, presseth to transfer the creditt to his owne person, so that the de[parture of] the Embassador into France is delayed till the incomming of the English Embassador, and emulation makes the Master the more willing to deale with James Steward . . . . (fn. 3) meanes the other may be debased."

Which, if it take effect, may alienate the King from England, therefore I await your advertisement whether I shall hinder or further this matter.

I have not yet had leisure to communicate with the Jesuits, but hear "that they are to offer any what somme of monye to his majesty" to push him forward in suing for his mother's liberty.

"There is a great contention betwixt the King and the Ministerye for pr[ayers for his] majesties mother; but now they are contented to pray for her conditionallye."

"It may please yowr lordship to receave a packett of Monsieur Courcelle's letters as . . . . of yowrs to the French Embassador Chasteauneuf. I have delt so with them . . . . able by my moyen to make theyr secrett letters to . . . . yowr lordship ha . . . . desire—as you wold wishe matters to continue—that you governe this matter with all kinde of craft and secrecye,"—for your credit and the advancement of the cause.

I spake with Mr. Archibald [Douglas] of this before my coming away; with whom you may advise. You shall find no lack of constancy on my part, and I look for such friendship from you as I shall deserve.

The Master of Gray is to send George Gray, his page, shortly into France.

1⅓ pp. Copy. In Phelippes's hand. Indorsed.

225. An Intelligencer in Calais to [Walsingham]. [1586.] Harl. MSS. 290, fol. 181.

About 20 April last past—new style—arrived at Calais from Scotland one James Seaton, a Scottish man, with three others attending on him. He landed first at Treuere [sic] in Zealand, and had letters of recommendation from the Scottish men there to John Petit of Calais, a factor for certain merchants and of the religion.

Petit was entreated to give Seaton some address for his safe passing to Paris, and advised him to go from Calais to Dieppe or Rouen by sea, and thence to Paris, because in Picardy lay the forces of the Duke of Guise and the King.

Seaton answered that he cared not, for he had letters from the French ambassador in Scotland to the Duke, and had also to deal with him by word of mouth before his access to the King; he also declared that he durst not pass through England for weighty considerations.

He told Petit that there were many Catholics in Scotland minded to be avenged of their Queen's death, and that the King had such a purpose likewise; and that he [Seaton] meant to return shortly to Calais and thence to Scotland, and asked Petit whether he could provide him with gunpowder and harquebuses: him to provide unto Petit answered "yea." Seaton entreated him to provide them against his return, saying he would bring a passport from the King for the transporting thereof, and so departed.

Seaton brought also letters of commendation from the French ambassador to Monsieur de Gourdan, governor of Calais, who feasted him at the "Maremayde" in Calais. He is a great Catholic and went to mass.

If it be thought fit to intercept Seaton in his return, at sea, it will be necessary that some person of discretion be sent to Calais to await him, and meanwhile to make the acquaintance of Petit, who is of the religion and very honest. Her majesty having vessels about Calais and Dunkirk, this person may discover in what vessel and at what time Seaton will embark at Calais, and give notice to the captain of the bark appointed to intercept him.

It is likely that Seaton is employed for some dangerous practice against her majesty and the realm. He is of good stature, big boned, a yellow beard, aged about 40, "having the lefte syde of his face full of blewe spottes made with gunpowder shott in his face, and a blemishe in one of his eyes."

2⅓ pp. Indorsed.

226. Verses by Mr. William Davison. Elizabeth. [1586.] Harl. MSS. 290, fol. 266.

"Semper eris pauper si."

"If thou bee poore, poore shallt thou still remayne;
Little growes less, but wealth more wealth doth gayne,
[Such] as [a]re poore shall yett bee nearer driven;
[For] only to the ritch are all thinges given."

"The ritch find freinds, the poore stand post [sic] alone,
They wealth and honour gayne, the poore gett none:
[Fay]lest thou of wealth, of wealth thou still wilt fayle;
Now men grease none but fatt sowes in the tayle."

"[If] thou bee poore thou wilt bee poorer yett,
[For] fatt sowes tayles now all the grease do gett.
If thou bee poore, poore still thou'lt bee, thats flatt;
No sowes tayles now are greasd but those are fatt."

"Nothing hangs now for poore men's mouthes at all,
[But] all good haps in ritch men's mouthes do fall.
[If] thou want wealth, fayth thou shalt want it more;
[But] hast thou much, thou shalt have greater store."

"Honour and wealth are witt and vertues nurses,
And witt and vertue wealth and honour merritt:
But witt and vertue joyn'd with empty purses,
[Nor] wealth nor honour in this tyme inherritt."

"[No] other burthen that doth beare the slaye
[Is] half so sore a weyght as poverty.
Want's like an Irish bogg wherein who thincketh
By striving to gett out still deeper sinketh."

"Virtue and learning weare in former tyme
Sure ladders by the which a man might clyme
To honours seate: but now they will not hold
Unless the mounting stepps bee made of gould."

"Virtue and learning, that were late neglected,
Are now—O happy tymes—restor'd to grace,
And nothing now in sutors is respected
But that they have good guifts fitt for the place."
"Who seekes promotion now is not respected
Except hee have good guifts fitt for the place."

"Haud facile emergunt."

"Virtue, thou canst not now to honour flee
Except thy wings with gold well impeéd be.
If vertue's wings be clypt by poverty
She cannot now unto preferment fly."

"Funiger intorto ge[r]itur nunc fune levandus
Et jugulum qui abiit pectora funis obit."

"A rope beares him who late a rope did beare,
And what his reynes late wore his neck doth weare."
"Who bare a rope now by a rope is borne,
And now his neck weares that his back hath worne."
"Who bare a rope now by a rope is borne,
And what his loynes wore by his neck is worne."

"Te speculum fallit, etc."

"Gellia, thy glass extreamly flatters thee;
For if thy filthy face thou once shouldst see
In a true glass, doubtles thou wouldst refrayne
From ever looking in a glass ageyne."

3 pp.

227. Scottish Ambassador to Thomas Tyrie. [1586.] Harl. MSS. 290, fol. 177.

"Thomas Tyrie, I receavit your letter, bot for therby I understand ze are not now in England, I forbeare to make any answeare till it; only I send you theize few lynes to let youe knaw quhat resolucion the King hes taken anent the Quene his mother uppon sycht of William Keythis letters: whilk he hes don in great suddenty respecting the wyghtines of the cause."

"He hath only at this tyme written to William Keyth to see if he can protract tyme for a short space to the end some hounorable ambassade be sent to the Queen of England for the effect aforesaid."

"To the which ambassade he preasted [sic] my self, but at the first I refused, which his majesty tooke in no good part, so that now I have condescended; alwayes condicionally that two of the Queens especiall favourers accompany me."

"For I was ever in feare if her lyfe had ben tane that men should have thought me an especiall occasion of it: and that made me chuse the Earle Bothwell and Sir William Melvill, who favours her baith, conjunctely in commission. And I protest before God and the world both, they shall see me do my duty honestly."

"If the Earle Bothwell will be as ready as Sir William and I, we shalbe gon within eight daies. Therfore faile not but ye meete me at London so sone as is possible to youe, and bringe with youe any thing that youe know propre for me so farre as your money extendis, but all black, as feathers, hattis and silk shankis, etc."

2/3 p. Copy. Indorsed.

If after your return some order had been taken in the matter of Morgan, as I conceived, we should not now be in trouble how to rid ourselves of the entreaties made to us about him.

¼ p. French. Extract.

Footnotes

  • 1. Torn away.
  • 2. New style.
  • 3. Decayed.