Simancas: July 1583 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 3, 1580-1586. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1896.

'Simancas: July 1583', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 3, 1580-1586, (London, 1896) pp. 486-498. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/simancas/vol3/pp486-498 [accessed 8 May 2024]

July 1583



5 July.	346. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King. The rumour has been current here that the king of Scotland was free, some movement having taken place during his progress in the north. The truth is, however, that he is in the territory owned by the earls of Argyll and Huntly, enjoying greater liberty than before, because, although the earls of Gowrie, Mar, and Angus are at Court they are not so entirely in possession of the King's person as previously. This news has greatly disturbed the Queen, as the affair happened before the arrival there of the ambassadors with their despatch, they having left here anything but satisfied. I enclose copy of a letter to me from the queen of Scotland. Mildmay and Beal have returned, but the former has stayed at a house of his on the road, so that the result of their visit is not yet known, although Beal says that, when they spoke of the charge brought by this Queen against the queen of Scotland, that she had planned to marry the duke of Norfolk without her consent, the queen of Scotland had replied that she would never have entered into the negotiation but for an autograph letter she had received from the earl of Leicester assuring her that this Queen would be pleased with it, and she was ready to exhibit the letter as often as might be desired. This had made the Queen very indignant with Leicester. I understand that the king of France has written to his ambassador here, saying that he has received a secret letter in cipher from the king of Scotland excusing himself for having sent the embassy to this Queen and for his cool reception of Meneville, which, he says, was rather the result of the influence of the conspirators than of his own feelings. Alençon has left Dunkirk for France, as he was afraid of being beleaguered. He did not advise this Queen of his intention, greatly to her surprise and that of her Councillors, when she learnt from Dover the news that he was already in France. Last night news came that the prince of Parma was battering Dunkirk on three sides, and the Treasurer, in conversation about it, said that it could not hold out long, as there were not 400 Frenchmen in the place. The French ambassador had audience of the Queen yesterday on his having received letters from France, and, from certain words that he has let fall, it is suspected that he might ask the Queen to help in the relief of Dunkirk. She, however, is very shy about it, as Cobham lately advised her that the Huguenots were suspicious that Alençon would come back to France and help his brother to make war upon them. Diego Botello is now in Antwerp, having returned from Holland, where he had been trying to arrange for them to help Don Antonio with ships, but the towns only laughed at him. The magistrates of Holland and Zeeland have granted the title of Count to Orange, but they have not dared yet to call the guilds together to confirm it. This Queen has sent a pensioner of hers named Bowes to Muscovy with the envoy who has gone in the merchantmen which usually leave at this season. They were not quite free from apprehension as to the king of Denmark, as they do not know whether the arrangement with him about their trade is concluded, although, as I reported, the Queen has sent a gentleman to negotiate with him. Some merchants have come hither from an English port called Lavair (Havant?) to complain that Manuel de Silva had captured from them at Terceira three ships with merchandise, saying tha Don Antonio would pay for them next year. As they do not lament much over their loss, it is probably an artifice of Walsingham's to make people think the Queen is not helping Don Antonio. No doubt the ships are those that went with munitions.—London, 5th July 1583.
9 July. Paris Archives, K. 1562.	347. Juan Bautista De Tassis to the King. Either Meyneville must have returned very ill informed of Scotch affairs or they must have changed considerably since he left there, as Mr. Seton, a gentleman of the mouth to your Majesty, arrived here lately, and has positively assured me of the following facts. He is on his way to your Majesty's Court, ostensibly to reside and fulfil his functions there for some time, but the true secret of his voyage is that he has been sent by divers Scots gentlemen who have banded together resolved to take up arms and liberate the King, if they can obtain from your Majesty a promise that they shall be supported against the English forces if it should become necessary. Not only do these gentlemen comprise all the Catholics, but also many heretics, who wish to see the King out of the hands of the English faction, this being the object of the bond. It is even asserted that the earl of Gowrie, one of the chiefs of the faction, is secretly a member of the party, and that the King himself knows something about it. In addition, however, to this common object, the Catholics have an ulterior secret aim, which is, as soon as they have liberated the King, to ask him for freedom of religion, so that Catholicism may again be admitted to the realm. Although the Scots have always had recourse in their needs to the Crown of France, by reason of their ancient alliance with this country, they are not inclined on this occasion to trust the French, but to address themselves to your Majesty in the assurance that, when once your Majesty promises them anything, they may depend absolutely upon it. When I asked him (Seton) whether their designs extended beyond Scotland, and whether they intended to make any attempt against England, he replied that they did not at present, but, when their project had succeeded, they could then discuss the other question as they had good connections in England. He has avoided mentioning this mission of his even to Hercules, whom he might have seen at Rouen, or to this (Scots) ambassador, whom he has met several times. He says he will leave here without fail on the 11th instant, and for greater security intends to go by way of Nantes. He says he is only going to ask your Majesty for sufficient aid to enable them to put the design into execution. He asserts that on his departure the King still remained in the power of the English faction ; although, greatly against their will and in spite of the strenuous efforts of the English ambassador, he had left Lisleburg (Edinburgh) (fn. 1) for another part of the country. He (the King) is now aware of the artifice of England, and disillusioned of the idea of obtaining his wishes from the Queen by friendly action. This falls in very satisfactorily with what is already proposed in the matter, and if it could be managed that the affair in Scotland and that in England should be effected at the same time, thus preventing the English Queen from attacking Scotland, she would be easily crushed and finished. Our friends in England might then, with even greater confidence, look for a prompt and complete success. God guide it as may be best for His service.—Paris, 9th July 1583.
13 July. Paris Archives, K. 1562. French.	348. Letter from a Scots Gentleman to M. De Meyneville. Being at this Court of St. Andrews during the first ten days of this month, M. de Dony (fn. 2) and Sir Robert Melvil urged me to write to you separate letters in their respective names, but, in order to avoid writing so many long letters which would only weary you, and knowing that you are aware, from your observation, that I am in their confidence, I am bold enough to condense their messages, and send you a summary of what they desired me to convey to you ; whilst at the same time thus assuring you, on my own account, that your friends have not forgotten their promise to keep you well informed of events here, and to do all they can in favour of our King and the maintenance of the old friendship with France. First you must know that my master the King has kept his promise to you, for about the 28th June last (old style) His Majesty retired to St. Andrews and lodged in the castle. He so far regained his liberty that he sent away some of the lords who accompanied him previously, namely, the earl of Angus, the master of Glamys, and others of their adherents, who were ordered to return home until the King might summon them, thus allowing others who wished to have access to him to approach him without the fear of quarrels in his presence. His Majesty immediately had a moderate Council chosen to remain with him, namely, the earls of Argyll, Montrose, Rothes, March, great-uncle of his Majesty, Mareschal, and Gowrie, in whom His Majesty reposes most confidence, and by whose advice he is influenced. Colonel Stuart has returned from England, where matters went so badly with him that the best thing he could do was to join the side of the King and entirely abandon the other faction, as he has done. (fn. 3) The King himself is therefore much more tranquil. With regard to the English bribery, the money is no longer sent to pay the guards, and the latter are being disbanded, a small number of them only remaining with the King, who will pay them from his own revenues for the present. The English ambassador is strongly pressing to be allowed to leave, and I expect he will obtain permission shortly without difficulty. There is therefore nothing more to be done now (if the Christian King desires to send aid to my master) than for you to return hither, as you said, without any armed force, but with plenty of cash to reward those who are most likely to be useful in the maintenance of the alliance, and perchance to succour his Majesty with a certain amount if he need it. As the King has now fallen into the hands of those who are favourable to you, and is now at liberty to undertake sundry good projects, and especially to think of his marriage, it is highly necessary that you should lay before the King your Master and his Council the present condition of this country. If any one comes hither it should be you, as his Majesty greatly desires it, he having found you very ready to be guided by his opinion when you were here, and you having given so good a report of him when you returned to France. I know that he has conceived a strong affection for you, and he expressly ordered M. de Dony to inform you how he (the King) had kept his promise, and was ready to be guided in future by the advice of his best friends, begging at the same time that you, and no one else, should be sent back hither from the Christian King. As, therefore, all is going well here, and His Majesty cannot decide anything important for his own advantage and the close union of the two realms without your presence, the two gentlemen Dony and Melvil pray you to hasten hither. They on their part have more than fulfilled their promise, and have taken great pains to manage and persuade the King in many ways to favour the lords, and their efforts have resulted in the late changes. You must especially state that Melvil has done so much that (putting aside the King's natural good inclination) the affair would not have been effected so successfully or so quickly without him. God grant, therefore, that the Christian King and our King's friends in France may not let matters drag, and thus put His Majesty in peril of person and estate for want of prompt succour, such as the Christian King and his (the king of Scotland's) kinsmen may consider expedient. If this good opportunity is allowed to slip it will never occur again. You know how subject this country is to change, and will recall the remark I have often made to you of the tardiness with which succour is sent from France. You and others may ask why the King and his good Council do not send to the Christian King and state their position, and request the support they require. I myself put the same question, and was told that it was in the highest degree necessary that the Christian King should send hither at this juncture, because our affairs and the members of our Council are regarded with such suspicion by the English that if our King were to send thus suddenly an embassy to France, perhaps all the good designs might be frustrated, to the great detriment of himself and of the other person that you know of, (fn. 4) as well as of many others. A good listener needs not many words. We are people of the best intentions, but cannot do as we would wish for lack of means. This is the truth of all that has happened, and the communication these gentlemen wished me to make to you, so that if you hear events related in any other fashion you may be re-assured by our statement. If it were not that the King keeps me near him to write secretly to France when necessary, I expect I should have been sent to you. M. de Dony also tells me that he thinks you will already be on the road hither, and I should be very vexed to miss you. M. de Gowrie has frequently spoken to me of the good report he is told you have given of him. He hears this from several persons who have come from France, and even from Harry Maxwell, and he therefore considers himself more secure of your kind friendship than anyone near the King, or even in the country. He also is bearing well in mind all that passed between you before you left. I am sure you will regard this letter with as much consideration as if either of these persons had written it with his own hand, and especially as it is sent partly by His Majesty's express command. Pray excuse my ignorance and bad ciphering, although the gentleman who carries the letter is very trustworthy and takes with him other important documents to France. You will give me credit, I know, for good intentions, and a hearty desire to serve and please you all my life. The King returned yesterday from St. Andrews to Falkland. It is rumoured that the Master of Livingstone and Hylsilz (fn. 5) will be sent to bring the son of the late duke of Lennox to this country. The King is going to St. John's town (i.e. Perth), and will show his trust and friendship in Gowrie by staying at his houses and even at Ruthven. You must know also that the earls of Huntly and Crawford have accompanied the King since he was liberated, although at first they were ordered to retire from court for a short time, so that the earls of Angus and Mar might the more easily and smoothly be induced to go. Three or four days afterwards Huntly and Crawford returned to court, where they still remain, and it is possible that the King may go north to Aberdeen. It will be advisable if you please to confer with M. de Glasgow, and convey to him so much of this intelligence as you think fit. The King is beginning to like and hold a very good opinion of him. (fn. 6) — St. Andrews, 13th July 1583.
13 July.	349. The Queen Of Scotland to Bernardino De Mendoza. If I were not sure that you will already have received news that God had been pleased to deliver my son out of the hands of the traitors who held him, I would convey to you the details I have received of the affair. I will, however, only beg you to communicate the news, by the first opportunity, to my good brother the Catholic King, in order that he may be good enough to forward the execution of our enterprise, at least to the extent of succouring my son in case he should be assailed by this Queen in the interests of the traitors, which I fear above all things. If she do not actively intervene, I have no doubt that the good party will easily overcome the others. I have no reply yet from the Queen respecting what passed between her commissioners and me about the negotiations for my release, and consequently everything remains in suspense. I thank you for the advices contained in your two last letters of 12th and 22nd ultimo, and judge your proceedings towards Mauvissière to be as well founded as his own designs are questionable. He wrote to me before about the reconciliation of the duke of Alençon with the Catholic King, but as I did not think there was anything in it, I did not inform you thereof. (fn. 7) I have advice from Spain that the Catholic King considers your stay here more necessary than in France, in consequence of the experience you possess of the affairs of this country, his intention being to employ you in the arrangements here for the execution of the enterprise as soon as it be determined upon. When your indisposition was advanced as an objection to this he said the short distance between London and Paris would make no difference, and he learnt that you were already better. I am sorry that my wishes for you have not been more successful, because I have no doubt that your presence in France would have greatly advanced matters, which is extremely necessary there. The decision is to be sent by the end of this month at latest, and in view of its tenour you can decide for yourself about your retirement from here. Nevertheless M. l'ambassadeur I can assure you that wherever you may be, you will have in me a friendly princess always desirous of repaying her obligations towards you.—13th July 1583.
16 July.	350. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King. Referring to your Majesty's despatch dated on the 6th ultimo, received here on the 8th instant, I have always kept the queen of Scotland informed of events here, and it was well that her son should be made to understand how desirable it was that he should persuade his mother not to leave this country. Your Majesty will have seen by her letters that she has taken it in good part. In reply to your Majesty's orders that I should give my opinion about the duke of Guise, and whether the affairs conducted through him offer the same objections as I pointed out, generally attach to the intervention of the French in this island, and in answer also to your Majesty's question as to the strength of the duke of Guise being sufficient to succeed in an enterprise, if he were aided with money only, and if not, what more would be necessary, I may repeat that if the French undertake on their own sole account the invasion of Scotland or England, in the absence from the country of the queen of Scotland, and under cover of her claims, it is easy to see the infinite number of insuperable obstacles which will present themselves to the submission of the country, considering that they are unable at present to establish the Catholic religion in their own realm. Besides this, the French put the question of religion into a second place, as a mere accessory after politics, and in this even they are not steadfast, but are swayed by their appetite and interest for overbearing and insolent domination. Of this many past and present instances are seen in the Netherlands ; and the evil to your Majesty's interests which would arise in this case may be judged thereby. England would at once be in a ferment of confusion, by reason of the natural enmity towards France, and your Majesty would be unable to oppose them, their ostensible cause being so just a one as the conversion of the country to the faith and the establishment of the queen of Scotland's rights. In order to avoid this and banish the jealously which may exist between Spain and France if each nation for itself yearns for the conquest of England, God has brought things into such a position as to enable the queen of Scotland to reconcile this suspicion. I have frequently pointed out to your Majesty the many advantages promised to your interests by the elevation of the queen of Scots to the throne after England has been converted, and for many reasons France will equally benefit. Both parties are therefore constrained by powerful and immediate reasons to prevent the forces of England from being used, as they have been during this Queen's reign, to the injury either of Flanders or France. This must be done by deposing her (Elizabeth), or rendering her impotent to injure or offend, and in my judgment it can best be effected whilst the queen of Scotland is in this country. I have pressed this point upon her, dealing with her in a way which will force her to cling to your Majesty's side, and her adherents, Catholic and Protestant alike, to join you also, as the person to come in her defence of whom they may be certain that his sole aim is to set her at liberty and establish the true faith. I have no knowledge of any principal Catholics here being in treaty with Guise, in which matter as he is French, they might be shy of me, or that he is regarded otherwise than as being generally favourable, he and his house being strong Catholics who have often offered to risk everything in defence of the cause. Catholics here acknowledge that any good that may reach them through France will he solely owing to your Majesty's favour, as they know that if the Guises be the medium, your Majesty has been their mainstay and protection against the French heretics. I am therefore of opinion that, very far from its being against your Majesty's interests and the conversion of the country, that the duke of Guise should personally attempt any enterprise in England or Scotland, it will be of the greatest advantage, and the intention should be forwarded in every possible way, as there is no other personage in France who possesses the same qualifications. The objections pointed out will thus be obviated, because, as he is so close a kinsman of the queen of Scots, and has charge of her private fortune, he will, both for her sake and his own, and for the sake of his party in France, take care that the French do not go further than may be agreeable to the queen of Scots, and thus the interests of God and your Majesty here will be safeguarded. Guise also will have to look to your Majesty, who provides the expedition, and will take care that the son does not deprive his mother of this crown as he has that of Scotland, because until the king of Scots is converted to the Holy Catholic Church no more can be expected of him than of any heretic Scot. The Catholics here, moreover, will not accept him as King until he be converted, and will only feel themselves safe under your Majesty's protection, and whilst the queen of Scotland leans upon your Majesty's arm as her main support. This she will undoubtedly do, as you will have rescued her from her miserable state, and because of the Queenmother's anger against her and the hatred of the Bourbons and the Montmorenci's towards her kinsmen the Guises. With regard to the second point, as to whether only money, or what else, should be given to Guise, I can give no opinion unless I know whether the enterprise is to be openly countenanced by the king of France, or whether it is to figure only under the name of the Pope or Guise, which would enable your Majesty if necessary to step in if the French go faster than desirable. I cannot say in what other way it would be well to assist, as the former plan was to enter by Scotland, and I sent the duke of Lennox a statement of the number of men which would be required. Since then I am ignorant of the steps that have been taken by Juan Bautista de Tassis and the Nuncio with the parties interested. Now that Lennox has died, therefore, it will be necessary to hear what Guise's adherents in Scotland require, and as it is now settled that the invasion is to be made in England it is not possible to say what help should be given till we learn what Guise is expecting from Catholics here, and who they are, what troops and followers they promise for the landing, and where they think the debarcation should take place. All these points must be decided in turn, and upon them will depend whether Guise comes, as he says, with 3,000 or 4,000 Catholic troops upon whom he can depend, or with a much larger force, almost a regular army. In case the former course is adopted, it will be highly desirable that your Majesty should send with him some trustworthy and experienced officers, who could take command if necessary. They might pretend to be dissatisfied with the prince of Parma or some other of your Majesty's commanders, and might join the force as if they had been dismissed. In the event of a large force being sent, as soldiers of various nations will then necessarily be included (unless your Majesty is willing so far to disclose yourself as to send Spaniards), they should be Italians and German Catholics, receiving their commissions entirely from your Majesty, which Guise cannot help agreeing to when he decides to leave France, because, by this means, he will ensure your Majesty's always favouring him if he behave properly, and that you will help him to return home safely and prevent his rivals from injuring him in his absence. This country is quite in the humour to accept any sort of corruption arising from divergence of sects, or even sedition, as will be seen by the accompanying letter. The people especially are most contemptuous of the proceedings of the councillors and ministers, as they call ecclesiastics here. This may be expected to produce good results. The French ambassador continues to tell the Catholics that if they will help Alençon he will be glad to come to their aid on behalf of the queen of Scots, and my zeal for the service of God and your Majesty will not allow me to refrain from saying, in view of the faithless behaviour and insatiable ambition of the man (Alençon), how important it is if anything is to be attempted here or in Scotland that it should be done as speedily as possible, and that Guise should be the sole instrument, without allowing Alençon time to take it into his head to try to get the lead. If he were thwarted in this he is quite capable of upsetting the whole plan, and even of informing the Queen of it. If Guise be not the chief, I consider that any other French commander than he should be accompanied by as many Spaniards as French Catholics. The zeal of the latter will not be greater than that of your Majesty's soldiers in the matter of religion, whilst if they (the French) have any other aim, it will be just as well to have men on your Majesty's side here whilst the cape is being cut up. Pray pardon my boldness, only my zeal impels me to say this.—London, 16th July 1583.
	351. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King. In my last I reported the return of Walter Mildmay from the queen of Scotland. Although I have no letters from her, I hear that no alteration has been made, except that the earl of Shrewsbury has been induced to take back his wife who had left him. The Queen (of Scots) complained to Walter Mildmay of the implacable vengeance with which this Queen was treating her by depriving her of her liberty, and Mildmay made her the following proposition, by virtue of a fresh commission and a letter from the Queen which he produced. First, that the captain of her guard should be appointed by this Queen to accompany her everywhere with 30 archers ; secondly, that she should carry on no communication either in England or elsewhere without this Queen's consent and intervention ; thirdly, that she herself should bear all the expenses ; fourthly, that the king of France and other Princes should make themselves responsible for her good behaviour, and that she should undertake not to leave the country without the permission of this Queen ; and, finally, that she should make a voluntary renunciation of any claim she might have to the English crown during the life of the Queen, the renunciation to be acquiesced in by her friends and relatives. It may be believed that she will not agree to this point ; and Leicester and the rest of them mean to make this the pretext for taking her out of the hands of the earl of Shrewsbury. News comes from Scotland that the King refused to hear Stuart except in the presence of the Council, and would not accept the money the Queen sent him, in bills of exchange on merchants (which means of sending it had been purposely adopted here in order to pledge him more securely to the speedy repayment of the loan). The King complained of this, and said that he would accept the money from the Queen, but not by the hands of merchants. He was also aggrieved at the continued imprisonment of his mother, and was much affected at the death of Lennox. Cobham writes again, saying that if Lennox had lived he would certainly have entered Scotland with troops in August. Parliament was summoned in Scotland for the 1st July, and the Queen suspected that if the King demanded then his entire liberty they would grant it, as the earl of Angus writes saying that he (the King) is getting every day more obstinate with the conspirators, so that they can hardly hope to withstand him, except by open rebellion. The people, too, are murmuring that it is not well for the world to say that they are holding their King in subjection. When Walsingham had left the Queen after giving her this news, she said to Lady Stafford that she could never be secure whilst that boy lived. The sect of Puritans is greatly increasing here, and many of the principal people belong to it. Six gentlemen of the county of Suffolk, seeing that the Queen will not reform (as they call it) religion here by killing all the Catholics, have written to members of their sect in France, whom they call "bretheren," asking their opinion as to whether they were justified in taking up arms against the Queen and deposing her, placing some other in her place, or killing her, in order that their religion might be settled. The letters were intercepted at the ports before leaving the country, and were sent to the Council. They sent for the writers, and interrogated them as to who were the "bretheren" to whom they wrote thus. The answer was that they were people of the same opinions as themselves. But, after all, they did not even reprehend them, or give them a bad word, but simply sent them away, which is very different from the severity with which they treat the Catholics. Since then a book has been published with the impress of Middleburg, in Zealand, on behalf of the Puritans. It is dreadfully seditious, and full of a multitude of abominable propositions, such as that kings are no kings or magistrates, except in so far as they conform with their gospel, as they call it, but if they fail to do so, it justifies their being deposed and killed. Some of the members of the Council were in favour of punishing these men, but as Leicester, Walsingham, and Bedford are touched with the same opinions, and are friendly with the leaders, they prevented it.—London, 16th July 1583.
	352. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King. In the ship which I said had arrived here, after fighting with your Majesty's vessels on the coast of Brazil and at Port St. Vincent, there arrived a Portuguese named Juan Pinto, who says he is married at Rio de la Plata. They captured him in a boat with the friars and brought him to London, where the Councillors secretly examined him and begged him to remain in this country and go with English ships to the Rio de la Plata. He slipped through their hands and came instantly to inform me. I at once shipped him in a vessel bound for Lisbon, and gave him letters for the Cardinal Infante, (fn. 8) in order that he might give a verbal account of what happened in the combat with the ships as an eye-witness, and thence, if necessary, be sent on to give an account to your Majesty. He positively asserts that the English sent to the bottom the flagship of your Majesty's fleet. The Queen has ordered the arrest of the captain of the ship, and of the galleon which accompanied her, not to punish them for having attacked your Majesty's ships in your own ports, but for not having continued the voyage. These ships have not plundered, and Drake's going to Plymouth was for the purpose, seeing whether they could be sent to serve Don Antonio. All the money spent on this expedition has been lost, and the merchants say that the English cannot make the voyage in ships of less than 1,000 tons burden, as they have to sail loaded with victuals, considering the way Englishmen eat, and they can only bring half a cargo home for the same reason. Even a cargo of spices will not pay under these circumstances, the voyage being so long.—London, 16th July 1583.
	353. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King. I wrote on the 5th of the Queen's dismay at Alençon's new step in France. (fn. 9) Her suspicions still continue, as he sent her nothing from Calais, where he remained some days, and in conversation with Hatton on the matter she said with many endearments how much she was indebted to him, as, had it not been for his great faith and prudence she would have found herself yoked to so evil a beast as Alençon, who now only thought of his diabolical plans of vengeance upon her, after she had rescued him from the hands of his enemies, lent him money and justified his actions before the world. She said she would be her own enemy if she did not, before the year was out, reward Hatton as he deserved, for so great a service. She afterwards sent for the French ambassador, to whom she complained bitterly of the sudden devotion of the king of France, which, she said, could bode no good to her and her realm. What was the reason, she asked, for the rapid sending of the duke of Joyeuse to Rome without any evident reason? Then she passed on to the ingratitude and disloyalty of his brother (Alençon), who had intended to commit another massacre at Antwerp, and to expose Englishmen's throats to the enemy's steel, whilst he was carrying on negotiations with the prince of Parma, actions, she said, upon which God had stamped the fate of Alençon, never to prevail over his enemies or be faithful to his friends. The ambassador tried to satisfy her with arguments, but she was so inflamed with rage that she would listen to nothing, and ended by saying that she could not avoid the gravest suspicion of the meeting between Alençon and his mother. Alençon has sent one of his secretarial officers with letters full of apology for not having informed her of his visit to France, and of entreaties that she will send him the rest of the money she promised him. She replied that she was only sorry that she had given him what she had with so little profit or return. A man has come also from Casimir offering to inflame matters at Cologne in such a way as will make it difficult to allay them, if the Queen will at once help him with 20,000l. in cash. This she has also refused, and tells both parties she is short of money. The Queen is informed that the king of France and his mother are growing more and more suspicious of the house of Guise, because not the Huguenots alone, but even the Catholics, were ill at ease about the King's manner of life and continued indisposition, as well as the evil inclinations and excesses of his brother, and in various parts of France pasquins had been distributed treating of the matter, and the people were thus being drawn towards the house of Guise, which they called the protector of the crown. It was feared that disturbance would result, and it was asserted that the dukes of Guise and Lorraine were in secret negotiation with your Majesty, of which the Queen is advised to be very suspicious. Walsingham, in conversation with a friend about this, said that the king of France had deserved no good offices from the Queen, but, on her own account, it behoved her to try rather to strengthen than weaken the house of Valois, in order to prevent her greatest enemy from getting possession of France, meaning your Majesty. The Queen had therefore ordered her officers and friends in France to stir up as much as possible the indignation and suspicion of the king of France against the Guises. I have reported this to Tassis, in order that if he thinks advisable in your Majesty's interest, he should warn the duke of Guise. The Queen learns that the people of Antwerp are very much dissatisfied with Orange, and it was consequently feared that they might submit to your Majesty. The earl of Bedford (fn. 10) was speaking of this in the Council, and urged that it was of great importance that the Queen should send envoys to Antwerp to treat with the people there about the safety of the person of Orange, and to request that he should be allowed to go to Holland. The other Councillors opposed it, as they thought it unadvisable for the Queen to declare herself so openly. Orange has sent a private envoy to her offering her again the possession of the States, if she will undertake the war and their protection, and promises to place in her hands certain towns, with a revenue of 300,000 crowns a year. Leicester and Walsingham and their gang tried to persuade her to accept the offer, which, however, she refused on the advice of the Treasurer, who told her that she had not sufficient strength to struggle with your Majesty, particularly with so small a contribution as that offered by the States. Leicester and the rest of them are trying to induce her to send five or six thousand men thither. Well-informed persons in Holland write to me that the definite granting of the title of Count to Orange is being delayed because the Gueldres people intimate that they will elect a Duke of their province if the Hollanders elect a Count, and thus weaken and divide the provinces.—London, 16th July 1583.