Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 3, 1580-1586. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1896.
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'Simancas: November 1586, 1-15', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 3, 1580-1586, (London, 1896) pp. 644-656. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/simancas/vol3/pp644-656 [accessed 26 April 2024]
November 1586, 1-15
| 8 Nov. Paris Archives, K. 1564. 217. |
500. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King. [Extract.] Whilst I was closing this letter a courier arrived from Zeeland and Middleburg, who says that he sailed on the 3rd, and when he was embarking he saw Francis Drake going ashore. He had arrived there (Middleburg) with four large well-armed ships and four small ones, bringing English troops for Leicester. He does not report their number as Drake was at the moment landing with 20 persons from the ship. The letters the courier brings do not mention Drake's arrival, but only report that the duke of Parma had given the rebels a good beating. They do not venture to say much, only that they had lost a large number of men.—Paris, 8th November 1586. |
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| 8 Nov. Paris Archives, K. 1564. 220. |
501. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King. In my last letters I advised your Majesty of the arrival here of Harry Wotton, an envoy of the queen of England, instructed to lay before this King the complaints against the queen of Scotland in a way which will arouse the indignation of the King and his mother towards her. He is to point out how much she depended upon your Majesty in all matters, and how diffident she was of France ; and in support of this he is to show them the deciphering of a letter from her to me, which they say they seized and deciphered in the presence of the Council. The substance of it is to thank me very warmly for the good offices I constantly rendered to her cause, and to ask me to signify to your Majesty that, if her son did not become a Catholic, she would declare (as she did now declare) that your Majesty was the legitimate heir to the crowns of England, Ireland, and Scotland, in whose favour she abdicated any right she might have to those crowns. In accordance with this, they had discovered in the boxes of her escritoire her will, written with her own hand, and duly signed, in which she confesses that as God has summoned her to Himself, she dies in the true Catholic faith, which she implores her son to embrace, and begs all Catholic princes to urge him thereto. If, however, his obstinacy and pertinacity be so great as to make him persist in his error, she declared, in his default, your Majesty her rightful heir and successor, as you were, to the three crowns ; and she besought you to strive for the conversion of the realms, with all the energy which your Catholic zeal and your aforesaid rights demanded of you. She called God as witness of this in discharge of her conscience, and commended to His care the submission of the three realms to their rightful inheritor, who was the most Catholic prince on earth. She prayed your Majesty in acknowledgment of this to be careful to reward those who had suffered for the Catholic cause, and for her sake honouring their descendants and successors. I understand that Wotton brings a copy of this will, and of my letter fully authenticated by the signatures of the queen of England's councillors, and of the two secretaries of the queen of Scotland, whom they are keeping in prison. He (Wotton) also brings another authenticated letter, which the queen of Scotland wrote to Babington, and which had been deciphered by the said secretaries. The effect of it is to encourage him greatly in his resolution, (without specifying what it is), as it is much in God's service, and to the advantage of our holy Catholic faith. The last thing to be considered therefore, she says, is her own safety, and she will be glad to sacrifice her life in exchange for so saintly an object. The English councillors dwell greatly upon the construction of this letter, which was written in English, and say that it is the most artfully and cleverly worded letter they have ever seen. When the two secretaries of the queen of Scotland deciphered it, they said they had earnestly begged her not to write it, and prayed her not to approve of Babington's resolution, in which they (the secretaries) have borne no part. Harry Wotton also brings another certified letter, which the Scots ambassador here wrote to his mistress, the principal point of which is that he tells her not to look for any help from France, because everything that the King could wring out of his subjects was for the two, which expression they interpret as signifying the two minions, (fn. 1) but which the Scots ambassador says means the two armies that were formed. He also brings letters written to her by her servant Thomas Morgan, who is in prison here, and Charles Paget, making some personal remarks about this King, and the little confidence she could place in him ; all of which documents bear dates within the last two years, and are said to have been discovered in 12 coffers and writing desks, which were taken from the queen of Scotland, and brought, under seal, to the queen of England, who, with six of her councillors, were present when they were opened. They discovered therein documents proving the communications she was carrying on with the highest people in England, which has caused the greatest alarm to the queen of England, as it is considered that it will make it more injurious to her if she proceeds against the Scottish Queen. When Cecil saw the papers he told the Queen that if, now that she had so great an advantage (which is an expression they use in England), she did not proceed with all rigour, at once, against the queen of Scotland, he, himself, would seek her friendship. These words are worthy of so clever a man as he is, and were intended to lead the other councillors to follow him in holding the queen (of England) back. The latter has sent to the king of Scotland to tell him that his mother had disinherited him, and declared your Majesty her heir, and she (Elizabeth) had instructed Paulet, who is the keeper, to tell the queen of Scotland that it is time she looked to the welfare of her soul rather than anything else ; and a thousand threats of the same sort. The Queen replied that it behoved everyone to have this in view, and God who had kept her thus far, would dispose of her as he deemed best for His service. In His hands she had placed her life to be spent in the increase of the Catholic faith. She spoke upon this point with so much firmness and valour, that Paulet himself, terrible heretic as he is, was astonished, as were the Queen's Councillors when he wrote to them about it. They have taken away all her household and have left her only a single gentlewoman. The queen of England bases her claim to proceed against her on the ground of her renunciation of the sovereignty, and her consent to the Act adopted in Parliament when I left England, making it high treason for any person to conspire against the person of the sovereign, which clause had been signed by the queen of Scotland, and all the nobles of the realm. These are points which, even if they be sustainable in strict law, in an ordinary case, cannot be urged by the queen of England, as she held the queen of Scotland in durance ; and the other charges will be fully answered by her ambassador ; as this is not the first time that Cecil and Walsingham have invented forged letters, and as the queen of Scotland's ciphers have now fallen into their hands, they would of course make use of it to write whatever they thought best calculated to inculpate her and irritate the French against her. As regards the will, that is a document in which the truth must be told, and she could not avoid acknowledging your Majesty's right which is as clear as noonday, and especially as the queen of Scotland cannot sustain her own claim, without recognising yours. Harry Wotton hopes to obtain audience of the King at St. Germain where an appointment with His Majesty has also been made for me. He (Wotton) says that the queen of England has sent all the members of her Council and the principal nobles of the realm, accompanied by two secretaries, to the total number of 32, to examine the queen of Scotland in accordance with the charges they had formulated and the papers they had discovered. She will, of course, refuse to reply, as she is a sovereign and acknowledges no superior. I will at once report to your Majesty all I hear.—Paris, 8th November 1586. |
| 8 Nov. Paris Archives, K. 1564. 218. |
502. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King. [Extract.] The archbishop of Nazareth (fn. 2) has been informed by me of what your Majesty orders me, and he humbly thanks you for this sign of your favour. He says that the interests of God and those of your Majesty are so interwoven that he could hardly neglect the latter without forgetting the former, which his dignity as a minister of his Holiness, an honest man, and a subject of your Majesty, will never allow him to do. His obligation towards your Majesty is not lost sight of, and he is ready to fulfil it to the fullest extent. He is as steadfast as I have reported him to be, whenever your Majesty's interests demand ; and in the matter of the exclusion of Bearn he is harder than a diamond. He has told me several times that before his departure from Rome he spoke to his Holiness about it ; and the Cardinal inquisitors assured him that on no account would the bulls against the princes of Bearn and Condé be altered. I keep in close communication with him, as your Majesty orders, and I recognize how sincerely and truthfully he opens his heart to me. The queen of England is keeping the queen of Scotland very strictly, as your Majesty will see by my other despatch herewith. Although the general idea amongst the common people is that her life will be in danger, this is in all probability not to be feared, because the reasons which have hitherto led the English Councillors to spare her militate more strongly in her favour now than ever. To these may be added the certainty that, even if the Queen wished to wreak her vengeance upon her, the Councillors would not allow it to be done, in view of the injury it would bring upon them individually and collectively ; as it would at once set the country aflame with a long civil war, which the various pretenders would foment, and enable your Majesty, who is the next legitimate heir after the queen of Scotland (her son not being a Catholic), to conquer the country with ease in its divided condition, whilst the Catholics would undoubtedly follow the party of your Majesty. The forwarding of the cause of the queen of Scotland is truly a pious task, seeing her firmness in the Catholic religion and her attachment to your Majesty's interests, which is proved by what I mention in my other letter as being contained in her letter to me of 20th May, and also by the papers found in her desk ; but yet I find my hands tied in dealing with her interests here. I have therefore arranged for Nazareth to signify to this King that, if he did not, at the present juncture, aid the queen of Scotland with all the energy which his many ties to her demanded, he must recollect that, failing the queen of Scotland, your Majesty was the next legitimate heir to the Crown, as her son was a heretic. This will be sure to put fire and spurs to his Councillors, who are so desirous of abating your Majesty's greatness, and will lead them to take strong action in the queen of Scotland's favour, which it is only right that I should endeavour to forward ; whilst at the same time it will be extremely advantageous (as her son is of age and persists in his heresy) that the truth with regard to your Majesty's rights to the three crowns of England, Ireland, and Scotland, should at once be made known, and the people made familiar with the claim and led to found their hopes upon it. Nazareth approved of this, although I did not go into further particulars with him, only that your Majesty was the rightful heir, and the idea was set afloat before Harry Wotton (fn. 3) spoke to the King. They say the latter intends to send Belièvre (fn. 4) to England. He values this councillor so much that the very fact of his sending him will have an effect upon the queen of England, and will somewhat temper her fury. This was indicated by the English ambassador here on the occasion that Charles Arundel arrived in Paris, when the Scots ambassador came and told me that the English ambassador would inform him through Arundel of what it was desirable he should know about his mistress' (the queen of Scotland's) affairs, and begged me to give Arundel permission to visit the English ambassador. On Wotton's arrival, Stafford gave Arundel a precise account of the charges made against the Queen, in order that the King might be pre-informed of them, and said it would be well for him to send Belièvre to England, as the Queen considered him a politic and powerful minister, and he would consequently be well able to conduct the affair of the queen of Scotland. Stafford also told Arundel about Drake's ships and the departure of Hawkins ; and I am trying to get Arundel more into Stafford's intimacy in order that he may get fuller information on this and other points. I send your Majesty a letter from Don Antonio received from Sampson. I hear from various quarters that Don Antonio is much dissatisfied with the queen of England, who had assured him that out of the plunder to be brought back by Drake she would assign him funds to enable him to take a fleet to the coast of Portugal. Don Antonio is now unable to obtain means even to maintain the Portuguese he has with him in England, and the Queen told him not to burden himself with so many people as she could not feed them. The Scottish gentleman, Robert Bruce, arrived here on the 2nd, and I am hourly expecting a reply to the despatch I sent to the Prince of Parma in order to send him with it to Muzio (the duke of Guise).—Paris, 8th November 1586. |
| 8 Nov. Paris Archives, K. 1564. 219. |
503. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King. On the 20th and 24th ultimo I wrote to your Majesty the news I had received from England, and confirmed the sailing of Hawkins' fleet, which intelligence had been brought by two ships which had arrived at Havre de Grace. I have had a sailor from the last of the two ships brought hither who tells me that his ship, after Hawkins had let them go, had been at the islands of Bayona, where they had seen J. Martinez de Recalde with 12 ships, and they had given him news of the English. He had supplied them with biscuit for their voyage to France. Through Sampson and other sources I have got at the reason for Hawkins' voyage. It appears that the Queen, out of suspicion of the fleet which was being fitted out in Normandy, had ordered 32 ships to be supplied with biscuit for three months, most of them being merchantmen already fitted for sea, in order that Hawkins might take them to Rochelle. In view of the small number of vessels which La Chatre brought out, it was seen that so many English ships would not be required, and only 17 sailed for Rochelle. Don Antonio therefore urged the Queen, since it was no longer necessary to keep Hawkins on the coast of France, to send him to St. Michael's, to await the two ships which were expected there from the East Indies, as he was advised from Lisbon that they had not arrived. He said that Hawkins might also have the opportunity of sacking a village or two on the islands. The Queen sent orders to Hawkins to take this course, and he took biscuit on board for another three months, out of those of his ships that he sent back to England. Although it was said he took six of the Queen's ships, they are not hers, but old ships she has sold to merchants whilst she builds new ones. Captain Pardin says that when he left London on the 28th September, Drake had been with Don Antonio, and had persuaded him warmly to recommend the Queen to send Hawkins on this voyage. He (Don Antonio) undertook to do so, and was to go to the Court next day. I am doing all I can to get information about English armaments in compliance with your Majesty's fresh orders, but, owing to the strictness in the ports, it was impossible to obtain information earlier of the sailing of Hawkins for Rochelle. Although I am trying to tempt merchants of all nations to advise me in their mercantile language of what I want to know, they are in such terrible fear that I can get no one to face the task, nor will any person go from here for the purpose. As to my sending persons specially to reconnoitre the fleets being fitted out in the ports, that is impossible, as they are small places, and the arrival of a man, or or even of a fly, who does not belong to the neighbourhood, is always noticed, and the person interrogated as to his object in coming. As they are obliged to carry permits from the justices to go from place to place certifying who they are, there is no way for any man to set foot in England without he drags the hangman's rope after him, unless he goes with some good pretext direct to London, where people are allowed to come for the sake of trade. The moment they arrive even there, if they are strangers, their hosts give notice to the Commissioners, who come to examine them. This is done with so much strictness that, even in the case of a Flemish heretic who went from here, summoned by one of the Queen's Councillors to bring him some jewels he wished to buy, and who bore a passport from the English ambassador, he was nevertheless stopped and examined when he landed at the port, and again when he arrived in London, where some other resident Flemish heretics had to be bail for him. When the man reached the Court he was immediately arrested, and four privy councillors came to examine him again, amongst whom was the one who had sent for him. (fn. 5) Notwithstanding this, and that they saw the jewels he had brought, the Councillor dissembled, and he and his colleagues asked the Fleming so many questions about me that he came back hither scandalised, and says that, to judge from the questions they put to him about me, the queen of England and her Councillors must think that I carry on communication not only with the men in England but with the very trees. I have heard from a good source that the English ambassador said that Drake would not sail so soon as was intended, and that he finds great difficulty in his return voyage in consequence of his bad treatment of the seamen and others who accompanied him, who have come back poor ; and also because of Francis Knollys, a relative of the Queen and a son of the Treasurer of the household, as well as a brother-in-law of Leicester, (fn. 6) who has always taken out ships to plunder and went with Drake on his last voyage. In consequence of the small profit they made and the loss of so many men, they had high words on the voyage, and the quarrel has been renewed since they came to London. The Queen ordered Knollys to be kept under arrest for some days, and Drake in consequence has become much disliked. Those who found the money for his former expedition are hardly likely to do so again, as they have made a loss. The Flemish heretic who went to England says that they showed him all the pearls that Drake had stolen, as he is a man of credit and experience in this business, and he asserts that they are not worth altogether more than 8,000 crowns. The English ambassador is not of opinion that the Queen alone will provide funds for Drake's return venture. Secretary Walsingham had held out hopes to Don Antonio that very shortly some extra sum of money would be given to him. Sampson suspects (as does Captain Pardin) that it will be part of the 8,000 crowns which Don Antonio asked of the Queen to pay his debts. Don Antonio was living in a house that had been a monastery, near Windsor. (fn. 7) —Paris, 8th November 1586. |
| 9 Nov. Paris Archives, K. 1564. 216. |
504. Document headed "Advices from Deventer, 9th November
1586." Philip Sidney (fn. 8) had died of a wound at Deventer, his thigh having been cut off in consequence of his hurt. The earl of Leicester was withdrawing his troops to the garrisons, having dismissed 24 standards of Flemings who were discontented at not being paid. The writer of these advices met Francis Drake at Rotterdam on his way with money to the earl of Leicester. The earl of Leicester gives the English soldiers 25 placks a week for their maintenance in the garrisons. The Englishmen who are about the earl of Leicester and elsewhere in Zeeland confess that they had lost 2,000 men in the fight at Zutphen. |
| 10 Nov. Paris Archives, K. 1564. 223. |
505. Document headed, "Copy of a letter translated from the
English, written in London, 10th November 1586." When the Licentiate Guevara went from London to Spain through Paris, I gave him a memorandum of events here so drawn up as to enable him to inform your Lordship verbally of them, in the same way as I had formerly done with P. de Villa Real, and I hope they have both been able to tell you the news in a way which you understood. Since then the danger of taking letters has become so great that I have been unable to report, as people have to be extremely careful, and I have met no one whom I could trust. By this opportunity, therefore, I repeat some of my former intelligence, in case the messengers above mentioned may not have made it as clear as I could wish. This is being taken by P. Sarmiento de Gamboa, (fn. 9) whose being brought to this country your Lordship will recollect. With regard to the return of Francis Drake from the Indies, I advised that he had arrived here and what he had brought. He captured at Santo Domingo, Cartagena, and elsewhere, about 140 pieces of bronze ordnance, some very good and large, as well as a number of iron pieces. About 16,000 or 18,000 ducats worth of pearls, rather more than 150,000 ducats of gold and silver, and some merchandise which he captured in Santo Domingo. He lost 800 men on the voyage, and the valuation made of what he brought for division amongst the persons who subscribed the funds for the venture, amounted to 43,000l. of our money, although the real value must reach fully ten or twelve thousand pounds more. Up to the present, however, not a groat has been given to anyone but the soldiers and sailors, who got 6l. each, which is equal to 20 Spanish crowns. This has caused great turmoil and discontent amongst them, but to no effect. The rest of the proceeds were lodged in the Tower. The affair has turned out so badly for them, that it may be concluded that they will not again go to the Indies to sack towns. They are much troubled with this war which they have entered into against Spain, as the whole country is without trade, and knows not how to recover it ; the shipping and commerce here having mainly depended upon the communication with Spain and Portugal. They feel the deprivation all the more now, with the loss of the cloth trade with Germany, which they formerly carried on through Holland and up the Rhine, but have now been deprived of by the capture of Nutz on that river. If Berck be taken also, which please God it will be, now that the neighbouring places have fallen, they will not be able to send any cloths at all, and this is causing much dissatisfaction all over the country. The rest of their trade with the other German ports and Muscovy is a mere trifle, as all they brought from those places was sent by them to Spain, and their Spanish trade being now gone the other is of no use to them, as they do not know what to do with the merchandise they bring hither. All that is left to them is the Levant trade, which is with Turkey and Italy, and that with Barbary. If these two are taken from them, which can be easily done, they will be driven into a corner, without any commerce or navigation at all. Their French trade is very insignificant, and is carried on by a few small vessels only. Great importance should be attached to stopping their Levant trade, which may be done by carefully guarding the Straits of Gibraltar against ships from here, whose sailing I will report and give particulars of their number, in order that a sufficient force of galleys and galleons may be placed in the Straits to stop their passage. I will also report the sailing of ships for Barbary, in order that an effort may be made to impede that trade also ; and I can assure your Lordship, if this were done for a single year it would bring them perforce to surrender on any terms which His Majesty might please to dictate, both with regard to the fortresses they have seized, and the restitution of their plunder, and above all would prevent them from preying on the seas in future. On this latter point I will also give my opinion, and say what I think will be best for His Majesty's interests, and those of his subjects. All the ships coming from Brazil should meet in some port there and sail together, accompanied by some armed vessels, the cost of which convoy could be divided amongst the flotilla. The ships from Santo Domingo might do the same, keeping a very sharp look out. The ships from the East Indies and elsewhere might be met by strongly armed ships of the fleet and convoyed in, but the most important point of all is to look well to the safety of the flotillas from the (West) Indies, upon which these people especially have their eyes fixed. Placing on one side the profit that they individually expect to gain, they think that the attacking of the (West) Indian ships will be a great blow to His Majesty, which will enable them the better to carry on the war and gain their ends. I can assure your Lordship that it is impossible to give notice of the equipping of ships here for the purpose of going out to await the arrival of the Indian flotillas, because so great is the movement of armed ships in England that no notice whatever is taken of them, and it is only necessary to tell the shipmasters to be at a certain port on such a day for them to go without even their knowing of each other's movements. Some of the best of the Queen's ships are sent thither too, on a pretext of cruising along the coast as they usually do, and thus without anything being heard of it, twenty or thirty fully armed ships can be sent out to await the flotillas. Your Lordship may be certain that this will be persisted in, unless orders are sent from Spain for the flotillas to be accompanied from the Indies by a good force of armed ships, as well as having them received at the islands by others which can protect them and bring them in. The greatest care also should be taken with the islands of Havana and the Azores, especially St. Michaels and Terceira, because the English intend, if they can, to land and seize one of those three, for the purpose of keeping a garrison and a fleet there, and making of it another Rochelle to impede the Indian trade, and to hold a stronger pledge from His Majesty. Believe me, your Lordship, when I assure you that if this be stopped the country cannot live or maintain itself. They are all greatly confused and repentant for having meddled in the matter of Holland and Zeeland, and the Queen is constantly throwing it into the faces of the people who persuaded her to it, and particularly when she sees how badly things are turning out for them there, and going daily from bad to worse. What they fear most is next summer, when they think His Majesty will send thither his usual force, and that they shall be obliged to face it as best they can, or lose that which they already secured. They have no money for the purpose ; besides which the Queen is very unwilling to spend money, and is extremely close. To this must be added the fact that John Hawkins has come back with the fleet of royal ships and merchantmen, which he took out to encounter the Indian flotilla, without bringing anything with him, except the usual Portuguese and Santo Domingan vessels. This has caused much disappointment, as they were in great hopes of his performing some notable act, and they are the more mortified as they learn that the flotilla of 40 valuable ships has passed safely. After considering all this, and that they have Holland, Zeeland, and the fortresses on their hands, which they are unable to hold, that they are crippled with the cost and waste of the war, that they have done, and are doing, all the injury they can to His Majesty (little as it has been, and smaller as it must be for the future) without any movement of retaliation being made on the part of His Majesty, they are naturally now afraid that he is about to fall upon them with a force which they will be powerless to resist. For this and many other reasons they are more desirous of peace than ever, and especially the Queen and those who were the cause of her entering into the war. She was so desirous of peace that she (or at least the Lord Treasurer, who was always against the war) sent Agustin Graffini and Andrea de Loo to the duke of Parma. Graffini went twice, and the second time brought back William Bodenham with him, but it ended in nothing, as also did Andrea de Loo's mission ten or twelve days afterwards. They have also been very desirous for the return of Pedro de Villa Real, with whom all the Councillors conversed, as he will have told your Lordship, and asked him to find means of signifying to His Majesty how much they desired peace. Villa Real wrote to Secretary Walsingham, saying that he had performed the office he had promised, and would return hither with the reply, for which purpose he requested a passport. The passport, signed by the Queen, was sent to the English ambassador in Paris, but Villa Real did not return, much to their sorrow. Their great object and desire is that His Majesty should send some personage hither, and as I informed you by Licentiate Guevara, they have sent a request through Lisbon asking that Antonio del Castillo should be sent, and Secretary Walsingham wrote to him with certain suggestions, the principal of which was that negotiations for trade should be opened, and if His Majesty agreed to this, Antonio del Castillo could come. His ostensible mission would be to arrange for trade between this country and Portugal, notwithstanding the war, but when he was here they could broach the question of a general agreement. The clauses sent by Walsingham were to the effect that the peace to be conceded to Flanders, should be based on the "pacification of Ghent," and in addition to this should grant liberty of conscience. If this were not accepted the negotiations were not to be undertaken. The answer sent from Spain was that it was not in order for people here (i.e., in England) to seek to impose laws in His Majesty's dominions, and Señor Castillo wrote to the same effect to Secretary Walsingham. The message brought by the person who was sent was, that if they (the English) were willing to come to just and reasonable terms, either Señor Castillo or someone else should be sent hither. License was also sent from His Majesty in Madrid for the ship which had conveyed the message to return to England freely, with as much merchandise as they liked to send in her. All this was received by the English with much satisfaction, and it was decided to send the ship back to Portugal again to convey Señor Castillo hither. From what I can gather now, however, about these peace negotiations, the Councillors are anxious to arrive at them by other means, namely, by Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, who takes this letter, and they are treating him with much distinction, contrary to their wont. This is well merited by the person with whom they are dealing. The Queen summoned him to Windsor where he conversed with her and all the principal members of the Council, and as he is the most influential person they have approached upon the subject, and they recognise that he is a very clever and business-like man, they are making much of him and doubtless have opened their minds to him upon the subject of peace. Your lordship in such case, will, on his arrival in Paris, discuss the whole matter with him. Really what would be most beneficial, if His Majesty is willing to make peace and consents to send a person hither, as they so greatly desire, is that he should send this gentleman (i.e., Gamboa) here again, because, apart from the fact that it will be a more dignified course, as it will not appear as if His Majesty was suing for peace but was sending back a reply to their request for it by their own messenger, although a Spaniard ; he is a person of much worth who really understands these people as if he had lived ten years amongst them, a man of decision, an excellent scholar and a person who will speak to them with all fitting plainness. If, on the contrary, it should be decided to send Señor Castillo or some other person hither, your lordship knows well how it would stiffen the necks of these people, as it is, of all things in the world, that which they desire, and would glorify themselves most upon, that His Majesty should send an envoy here after all their insults and injuries in the past. The idea that dignity would be saved by sending the envoy ostensibly to treat only of trade with Portugal, amounts to nothing, because the world is well aware that such an envoy could only come by His Majesty's consent, and they will be sure to say that His Majesty has sent to sue for peace, and that Portugal and Spain are unwilling to face this country and cannot do without it. They will think here that what they have believed impossible has come to pass, and will again demand terms similar to those contained in the message they previously sent. If His Majesty does not come to an agreement with them, and without active warfare, will simply stop their traffic in the way here suggested, I can assure you they cannot hold out for many months, especially if his Highness (the duke of Parma) presses them hardly there (in Flanders). They will then be forced to beg for peace of His Majesty by every means, and will have to send a special envoy to him for the purpose. I do not wish to avoid saying one thing on this point, namely, that God only knows how sorry the poor Catholics here would be if that which I have mentioned should come to pass. Then indeed would their hearts fail them, for your Lordship well knows that after God all their hope rest upon His Majesty, as the protector of our holy mother church, who will, they trust, try in these dissentions to find some remedy for these troubles God ordain it all for His service, and the increase of the holy faith! When the fourteen knights and gentlemen were condemned to death at Westminster for conspiring against the Queen there was much public talk about your Lordship, both in letters and verbally, and the queen of Scotland's name was used just as freely. The latter Queen has been brought to a castle seventy miles from this city, and nearly all the Council went down there to speak to her on this matter, in company with the chief justices of Westminster, and other gentlemen. They were with her for three days, and it is said that she answered them with great spirit, although she is so ill she cannot stand. Parliament opens on the 27th of October (by English style) and in order to be present the Queen is coming to Westminster. It is said that the principal thing to be dealt with is the matter of the queen of Scotland, and to render even more strict the laws about religion. They will also be asked for money for the war in Flanders. Your Lordship is aware that 400,000 or 600,000 ducats is usually got from them. I will advise what passes in this Parliament if I can find a safe channel for communications to pass. Your Lordship will have learnt how, rather more than a month ago, they took Pedro de Zubiaur from here to Holland to exchange him for certain prisoners held by his Highness. Pray your Lordship ship write to his Highness and ask him to deliver as early as possible those who are to be exchanged for him, as he (Zubiaur) was much travailed in body and mind, and was in full hope that your Lordship would favour and help him as you always had done. I have no more to say, except that Francis Drake has been sent to Holland, to the Earl, with about 40,000 or 50,000 ducats. The Queen has made Davison her secretary. You will recollect him as going backwards and forwards to the States. He is a creature of Secretary Walsingham, who, in future, will not undertake routine work, but only matters of difficulty or of State. It is said that he (Walsingham) will be given the title of Lord Privy Seal. I will write whenever a safe opportunity offers, and will adopt special means in case anything should occur of importance to His Majesty's interests. I know you will be happy to receive my advices, coming from a person so desirous as I am of serving His Majesty.—London, 10th November 1586. Note.—The letter of which the foregoing is a close condensation, seems to have been originally written in English, and was translated into Spanish, apparently by an Englishman, for the King's perusal. The style is exceedingly tedious and verbose. |