Spain: 1516

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 2, 1509-1525. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1866.

This free content was digitised by double rekeying. All rights reserved.

'Spain: 1516', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 2, 1509-1525, (London, 1866) pp. 276-286. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol2/pp276-286 [accessed 25 April 2024]

1516

1516. 24 Jan.
S. E. Pat. Re. T. c. I. L. 1.		 244. Treaty between King Henry VIII. and Charles, Prince Of Spain.
1. Peace and friendship is henceforth to prevail between the contracting parties, their subjects and dominions, without any exceptions.
2. Neither of the contracting parties is to do, nor to permit anything to be done by their subjects, to the prejudice of the other contracting party.
3. Neither of the contracting parties will henceforth show favour to the enemies of the other contracting party.
4. Each of the contracting parties is bound to include the other contracting party in all treaties and alliances with other princes.
5. If the subjects of either of the contracting parties injure subjects of the other contracting party, those who do the injury are to be punished, but this treaty remains in full force.
6. Letters of marque and reprisal are not to be granted, except in case of denial of justice.
7. The inhabitants of Tournay, St. Amand, Mortagne, &c., are at liberty to carry on commerce in the dominions of the Prince of Castile. If they are injured by his subjects, reparation is to be made to them.
8. If the subjects of the Prince of Castile be injured in England, Calais, or Tournay, the King of England will see that justice be done to them.
9. In case the Prince of Spain should find it necessary to forbid provisions to be exported from his dominions, Tournay is to be excepted from that measure.
10. Neither of the contracting parties will suffer the rebels of the other contracting party to stay in his dominions.— Brussels, the 24th of January 1515.
Latin. Copy. pp. 8.
Printed in Lanz-Actenstuecke und Briefe zur Geschichte Kaiser Karl V., and in Rymer's Foedera.
Feb. (?)
S. E. Pat. Re. T. Cap. c. l. Cas. d. Aust. L. 2. f. 44.		 245. Memoir on the Last Acts and Intentions of King Ferdinand The Catholic.
The principal object which King Ferdinand always had in view was the general peace of Christendom, and a war with the Infidels.
If King Ferdinand could have obtained a reliable peace with the King of France on condition that the King of France should renounce all his pretensions on Naples, and abandon King Jean of Navarra, he would willingly have accepted it.
[The following paragraph is crossed.]
King Ferdinand knew by long experience that the French always have disturbed and will disturb the peace of Christendom ; that they conquer and tyrannize over as many countries as they can, the states of the Church not excepted ; that they have an instinctive hatred of the Spaniards ; that they are striving to render themselves masters, first of Italy, and then of the whole world ; and that they are aware that it is Spain which prevents them from carrying out their designs. King Ferdinand, therefore, formed a league of Christian princes for the defence of the Church and of the states of the allies against the encroachments of France. The French were driven out of Italy, and King Jean d'Albret and Queen Katharine lost their kingdom of Navarra, because they sided with France and favoured the schism. When that had taken place, King Ferdinand, desirous to render a general peace of Christendom possible, twice concluded a truce with France. Seeing, however, that France could not be induced to live in peace with the other princes of Christendom, and that she was preparing for a new invasion of Italy, King Ferdinand proposed a new league, in order to defend Italy and the Holy Church. That league was really concluded, and the French would have been prevented from conquering Milan, if all the allies had done their duty. The Pope, however, reconciled himself with the King of France, induced to do so by fear and not by friendship. A reconciliation of the King of France with the Swiss took place also.
When matters were in this state King Ferdinand resolved on two measures, in order to prevent the French from rendering themselves masters, first of Italy, and then of the whole world.
In the first place, he exhorted the members of the league to remain firm. He asked the Emperor to win over the Swiss to their cause, and to take the field in person in Italy. He ordered his Viceroy of Naples to make a junction between his army and the Swiss, and promised to pay 15,000 ducats a month to the Swiss. The result of his efforts was the conclusion of a new league.
The other measure which King Ferdinand decided upon was of no less importance. He concluded a new treaty of alliance with the King of England. This alliance rendered it impossible for the King of France to undertake anything against the kingdom of Naples or against any other state, even if it should be found impossible to persuade the Swiss to enter the new league for the defence of Italy. The Emperor, the King of England, and King Ferdinand, when united, were sufficiently strong to resist the King of France.
In order that the Spanish and Imperial armies in Italy should not remain idle, King Ferdinand ordered his viceroy to undertake an enterprise against the Gelves. (fn. 1)
Hieronymo de Vich wrote from Rome, on the 19th of December, that, according to what he could learn and according to what the Pope had sworn to him, only general affairs, such as the general peace of Christendom and the war with the Infidels, were spoken of at the meeting of his Holiness and the King of France at Bologna. The King of France refused to conclude a general peace with the other Christian princes. His Holiness, therefore, proposed to the King of France a general truce to last during five years. The King of France, however, replied that he would be rendering himself ridiculous if he were to conclude so long a truce, and then find that the enterprise against the Infidels would not be taken in hand. He declared himself ready to accept a truce for eighteen months, and, if the war with the Infidels should really be undertaken, he would extend it during all the time the war lasted, and for six months longer. The Pope hoped the King of France might be persuaded to conclude a truce for two years, and begged King Ferdinand to use his influence with the Emperor and the King of England, advising them to ratify the truce.
The Pope and the King of France wrote at the same time to King Ferdinand, confirming all that Vich had written about the meeting in Bologna.
Hieronymo de Vich wrote further in the same letter, that the bastard of Savoy had said to the Cardinal of Santa Maria in Porticu that the King of France wished to conquer Naples, and had told the Pope so when he saw him at Bologna. He pretended that Naples belonged by right to him, as the treaty between King Louis (XII.) and King Ferdinand had never been carried out.
The Bishop of Enna, (fn. 2) Spanish ambassador in England, wrote, on the 11th of December, that the King of England was fully aware of the danger which would result if the French remained masters in Italy. He (King Henry) sent, therefore, one of his servants to the Swiss, begging them not to reconcile themselves with the King of France, but, on the contrary, to march into Italy and drive the French out of the country. He offered them a certain sum of money. The English envoy to Switzerland and the Cardinal of Sion wrote to the King of England, saying that his message to the Swiss had arrived just in time to prevent them from entering into an alliance with the King of France. As soon as they were informed of the offers of the King of England they gave up, they said, the idea of becoming the allies of France. They werefully determined, they added, to form an army of 20,000 men, all picked soldiers and trustworthy officers, if the King of England would give them security for three months' pay. They would promise to march into Italy, and, if necessary, into Provence, and there to give battle to the French. Thus, the King of England and his confederates would have it not only in their power to wrest Milan from the French, but also to make war on French soil.
The Cardinal of Sion wrote to the King of England, stating that he (King Henry) must at once provide for the money to be paid to the Swiss. If the Swiss should decide, in their Diet, to make war upon the French, the money must be ready at hand. If that were not the case, the Swiss would lose their confidence in the King of England, as they have already lost all confidence in the other princes of Christendom. They would immediately make an alliance with the King of France, who is constantly soliciting their friendship, and assist him in carrying out all his plans, to the great prejudice of the other Christian princes. The Cardinal of Sion begged the King of England not to let this opportunity pass without taking advantage of it to lower the pride of the French, and to secure the peace of Christendom.
The King of England asked King Ferdinand to contribute towards the payment of the Swiss. The King of England said he was ready to conclude a treaty with the Swiss, and to bind himself to pay them, in his name and in the name of King Ferdinand, the sum of 180,000 crowns, being the amount of the pay for the three first months, if their expedition against the French should last as long. The King of England said he would make himself responsible to the Swiss for the whole amount, but he begged King Ferdinand to pay back to him 80,000 crowns within eight months ; so that England would thus contribute 100,000 crowns and Spain 80,000 crowns to this enterprise.
If the enterprise was executed in less time than three months, a deduction, pro rata, was to be made from the 80,000 crowns which King Ferdinand was to contribute ; and if the Swiss should not give battle to the French, King Ferdinand was to pay nothing at all ; for the King of England had expressly stipulated with the Swiss that if they did not actually fight the French, they were not to have a single maravedi.
The battle was to take place in Italy, or when the French were on the retreat from Italy.
The King of England said he was determined, as soon as the Swiss should give battle to the French, to attack France from the north, provided that King Ferdinand made an invasion from the south. The King of England thought that it did not matter whether the French or the Swiss remained victorious in the battle ; for even if the French were to beat the Swiss, it is clear that they would suffer heavy losses, and be weakened in consequence.
The Bishop of Elna begged King Ferdinand to send an answer soon to the proposals of the King of England.
Hieronymo de Vich wrote from Rome, on the 11th of January, saying that the King of France distrusts the Swiss, because he knows that they are disposed to accept the offers of the King of England. The King of France is aware that his army is not sufficiently strong to resist an attack by the Swiss, especially as the French are hated by the Milanese, whom they have treated badly. The King of France, therefore, has recalled his troops which have been hitherto garrisoned in the county of Brescia, for the purpose of assisting the Venetians against the Emperor. He has united them with his other army, not wishing that the Swiss should find the French troops in Italy divided. The King of France is leaving Italy, in order to avoid personal danger. He is going to Susa, accompanied by a body of troops, and from Susa he will continue his journey with post horses. He says that he is going to see his mother and his wife, and to procure money, and that he will soon return to Italy. The French are so weak in Italy that they cannot resist the Swiss, or any other power that attacks them there. The Pope regrets that he has been so courteous towards the King of France, and says he has been influenced by fear, and not by friendship.
All these letters from Rome and England arrived when King Ferdinand was prevented by his last mortal illness from answering them. He was a friend of peace, and always wished to conclude a durable alliance with France, on condition that the King of France should renounce his pretensions on Naples, and bind himself not to assist Jean d'Albret in Navarra. But, if such a peace could not be obtained, he was ready to provide for the security of his states and the states of his allies by forcible means, making war with France, in common with the King of England and with his other allies.
If the Prince, their Lord, (fn. 3) is willing to follow in the footsteps of his grandfather, and if he is sure that the King of France will renounce his pretensions on Naples, and not assist the King and Queen of Navarra, he may continue the peaceful negotiations of King Ferdinand with France. But he must not trust the fine words of the French, who are ever ready to make great promises, and to break them on the first opportunity. If, on the other hand, the Prince is not perfectly certain of obtaining a reliable peace with France on the aforesaid conditions, he would do well to profit by the favourable dispositions of the Emperor, the King of England, and the Swiss, and make war on France until she is humbled and forced to make such concessions as are necessary for the welfare and repose of Christendom.
The Prince ought to send orders to his Viceroy, and to tell him whether he is to return to Lombardy, and combine his army with that of the Emperor and the Swiss, or whether he is to march back to Naples.
Are of opinion that the expedition against the Gelves ought to be carried out, as King Ferdinand had ordered ; for if the whole army is to remain under arms until the war with France is decided upon, the kingdom of Naples will not have sufficient means to sustain it. If, on the other hand, one portion of the army is to be disbanded, that could also best be done after the expedition against the Gelves had been brought to a successful conclusion.—No date. (fn. 4) No signature.
Spanish. Draft. pp. 17.
8 March.
S. E. F. L. 496. f. 14.		 246. The Bishop Of Badajoz to the Cardinal Fray Francisco Ximenes De Cisneros, Governor Of Spain.
The Prince (fn. 5) has good parts, but he has been kept too much isolated from the world, and in particular, he knows too little of Spaniards. He does not understand a single word of Spanish. He obeys his councillors implicitly ; but, as he has entered the seventeenth year of his age, it would be well if he took part in the discussions of his Council.
Monsieur de Chièvres is the most influential person in the court of the Prince. He is prudent and gentle, but avaricious. The same may be said of the Chancellor of Burgundy. On the whole, love of money is the besetting sin of the Flemings. They buy and sell the government offices, and it is to be feared that they will introduce the same custom into Spain.
Some of the Spaniards who are in Flanders speak badly of the Inquisition, telling horrible things of it, and pretending that it ruins the country.
The Prince has already signed papers promising to certain persons bishoprics in Spain.
The Cardinal of Santa Croce is intriguing.
Monsieur de Chièvres is a Frenchman by birth, and keeps the Prince very much under subjection to the King of France. The Prince signs his letters to the King of France, "Your humble servant and vassal." As the Prince and the King of France are the two greatest monarchs of Christendom, it is desirable that they should live in peace with one another. Thinks it, however, impossible. The French have already intercepted the couriers who travel between Spain and Flanders, and have claimed the kingdom of Naples, or, at least, one-half of it. The Prince has not answered the French with as much firmness as could be wished, whilst the ambassador of the Emperor is treated as though he were a servant of the bedchamber of the Prince.
According to the treaties which the Prince has concluded with France, it seems that he is, "to some extent," obliged to give back Navarra. Thinks that it ought not to be done.
The Privy Council have, in their sitting of the 24th of February, decided that the Prince must soon go to Spain.
The Duke of Gueldres is much feared, as he is favoured by the French. He is very overbearing.
The Prince intends to send some person of authority, but not a formal ambassador, to Spain, to ask that the Infante and the Infanta Katharine should be sent to Flanders. Is of opinion that the Infante ought not to be sent out of Spain, and the Infanta much less.
Thinks the Prince ought to govern Spain as the procurator of the Queen, his mother, and he (the Cardinal) in the name of the Prince.
The Prince still signs "Principe," but he likes to be called king.
What he has done to keep Spain quiet is much esteemed in Flanders. He will be the real governor, whether the Prince be in Spain or not.
The difficulties arising from the enmity of the Duke and the Constable are not sufficiently appreciated in Flanders.
The King of France, as well as the Emperor, wishes to have an interview with the Prince before he goes to Spain. When King Philip met the King of France he behaved very meanly, and it is to be feared the Prince will do the same if the interview takes place.
The King of England has been truer to his engagements towards the house of Austria than any other prince.
The marriage of the Prince with the Princess Mary, it must be confessed, did not take place, but it may be questioned whether it was the fault of the King of England, or of the Prince and his advisers. However that may be, with the exception of the marriage, the King of England has generally fulfilled his obligations towards the Prince, and has behaved as a trusty friend. Suspects the French will not be good neighbours, and is, therefore, of opinion that the English alliance ought not to be neglected. The alliance which is at present in force is not sufficiently intimate and secure. It would be desirable to conclude another. An alliance with the English can be trusted most of all. The English love the house of Austria and abhor the French. The Prince cannot go through France from one of his dominions to another, and going by sea, he may occasionally be forced to enter into an English harbour. On such occasions the friendship of the King of England would be of the greatest value to him.
Maestro Mota, and other particulars concerning the court of the Prince.—Brussels, the 8th of March 1516.
Addressed : "To the most illustrious and most reverend Cardinal of Spain and Archbishop of Toledo, my Lord."
Spanish. Seems to be holograph. pp. 28.
7 April.
S. Cam. d. Cast. Lib. Gen. Vol. xxxvi. f. 33.		 247. Charles, King Of Spain, to the Licentiate Vargas, his Treasurer.
Fray Bernaldo de Mesa, Bishop of Enna, (fn. 6) who was the ambassador in England of King Ferdinand the Catholic, returns to his post. He is to pay him his daily salary, which is to be twice as much as he received during the lifetime of King Ferdinand.— Brussels, the 7th of April 1516.
Spanish. Register. p. ½.
7 April.
S. Cam. d. Cast. Lib. Gen. Vol. xxxvi. f. 33.		 248. Charles, King Of Spain, to the Licentiate Vargas, his Treasurer.
Orders him to pay Fray Bernaldo de Mesa, Bishop of Enna, (fn. 6) and ambassador in England, 100,000 maravedis a year, as ayuda de costa.—Brussels, the 7th of April 1516.
Spanish. Register. p. 1.
8 April.
S. Cam. d. Cast. Lib. Gen. Vol. xxxvi. f. 32.		 249. Charles, King Of Spain, to Fray Francisco Ximenez De Cisneros, Cardinal Of Toledo, &c.
Fray Bernaldo de Mesa, Bishop of Enna, (fn. 6) was the ambassador in England of King Ferdinand the Catholic. As he has served King Ferdinand so well, it has been decided that the said Bishop shall be retained as ambassador in the same place.
Orders him to make no difficulties if Bernaldo de Mesa wishes to have the revenues of his bishopric sent to England. —Brussels, the 8th of April 1516.
Spanish. Register. p. ½.
8 April.
S. Cam. d. Cast. Lib. Gen. Vol. xxxvi. f. 32.		 250. Charles, King Of Spain, to Hieronymo De Vich, his Ambassador in Rome.
Recommends to him the affairs of his ambassador in England. —Brussels, the 8th of April 1516.
Spanish. Register. p. 1.
1 May.
P. A. G. d. l'E. S. H. K. K. 349.		 251. French Pensions paid to English Subjects.
On the 1st May were paid, as half-yearly instalments of the pensions from the King of France :—
Livres Tournois.
To the Duke of Norfolk 875
To the Duke of Suffolk 875
To Thomas, Cardinal, Archbishop of York 1,400
To the Bishop of Winchester 525
To Charles Somerset, Earl of Worcester 1,700
To George, Earl of Shrewsbury 875
To Sir Thomas Lovel 175
To William Compton 350
To John Meautis, Notary and Secretary of the King of England 87
To Clarenceux King-at-Arms 87
French. Book of payments to the King of England and his servants. pp. 2.
1 Nov.
P. Ar. G. d. l'E.		 252. French Pensions paid to English Subjects.
On the 1st of November 1516 the following sums of money were paid to the following persons, as half-yearly instalments of their pensions from the King of France :—
[Here follow the same entries as in the preceding document.]
French. Book of accounts concerning the payment of pensions to the King of England and English subjects. pp. 2.
15 Nov.
S. E. L. 2016. Lib. de Berz. Vol. xxvi. f. 67.		 253. Treaty between the Emperor Elect Maximilian, Juana and Charles, Queen and King Of Spain, and Henry VIII., King Of England.
Commissioners—
1. On the part of England :
Thomas, Cardinal, Archbishop of York, Legate, (fn. 7) &c. ;
Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, Lord Treasurer ;
Thomas, Bishop of Durham, Lord Privy Seal.
2. On the part of the Emperor :
Matheus, Cardinal of Sion, Marquis of Viglena, and Prefect and Count of Valais ;
Joannes Bartholomeus Tizzone, Count of Dezzana ;
Joannes Hedyn.
3. On the part of the Queen and the King of Spain :
Bernard de Mesa, Bishop of Elna.
1. Peace and friendship between the contracting parties and their subjects are to continue for all time to come.
2. Each of the contracting parties binds himself to assist the other contracting parties, or any of them, in defending their dignities and their states. If one of the contracting parties is attacked by an enemy, he is to inform his other confederates of it in a letter signed by him. The allies, thus informed by the injured party, are bound to exhort the aggressor to desist from his aggression, and to give full satisfaction to the injured party. If their exhortation remains without effect, they are bound to declare war with and to invade the states of the aggressor, each of the allies paying his own expenses.
The contingent of the Emperor is to be 5,000 horse and 20,000 foot, well provided with arms and engines of war, &c.
The contingent of the King of England is to be 5,000 horse and 20,000 foot, well armed and provided with all that is necessary.
The contingent of the Queen and King of Spain is to be 5,000 horse and 20,000 foot, well provided with all that is necessary to carry on a vigorous war.
None of the contracting parties is at liberty to negotiate with the enemy, or to conclude a peace or truce without the knowledge and consent of all the allies.
If the common enemy possess harbours, towns, or other places on the coasts of the Spanish, English, or German seas, the Kings of England and of Spain bind themselves to attack him not only by land but also by sea. England and Spain are in such a case to attack the enemy by sea within one month after the beginning of hostilities on land. Each of them is to contribute a fleet, carrying 5,000 armed men on board. The war at sea is to be continued as long as the members of the league think fit. Ships lost or disabled must be supplied by other vessels or repaired.
3. None of the allies is at liberty to conclude treaties with other princes in prejudice of the alliance.
4. Each of the allies binds himself to do nothing that could prejudice any other member of the alliance, or to favour any person who undertakes to injure any of them.
5. All Christian princes are allowed to enter the league if they accept its conditions.
6. Former treaties are not abrogated by this league, except in so far as they are in open contradiction with it. As the allies hope that Pope Leo X. will become a member of their confederacy, they include him, and the Apostolic See, as the principal member and head and governor of it. It is expected from the Pope that he will fulfil all the duties of an ally in proportion to the resources of his dominions ; and, in addition, make use of his spiritual weapons, such as excommunication and interdict. His Holiness is to bind himself not to absolve any enemy of the league from the excommunications and interdict, except with the consent of all the allies. The time during which the Pope has a right to enter this league is six months from the date of the treaty.
7. The Swiss Confederacy is included in this treaty. A pension will be paid to the Swiss, the amount of which will be fixed in a separate treaty.
8. The treaty is to be ratified within two months, and the ratifications are to be exchanged.
9. All the confederates are bound to swear to this treaty.
The power of King Henry VIII. follows, dated London, the 20th of October 1516, 8th Henry VIII.
The power of Maximilian, Emperor elect, for the Cardinal of Sion, follows, dated Augsburg, the 25th of September 1516.
Another power of Maximilian, Emperor elect, for Bartholomeus Tizzone, follows, dated Landerl, the 20th of February 1516.
The power of Juana and Charles, Queen and King of Spain &c., for Bernard de Mesa, Bishop of Elna, follows, dated the 24th of June 1516.
London, the 29th of October 1516.
The ratification of King Henry follows, dated London, the 15th of November 1516.
Latin. Copy made in the Papal archives in Rome, at the command of King Philip II. of Spain. pp. 14.
15 Nov.
S. E. L. 2016. Libros de Berzosa. Vol. xxvi. f. 26.		 254. Treaty between Maximilian, Emperor Elect, Juana and Charles, King And Queen Of Spain, and Henry, King Of England.
This document is a short epitome of the preceding treaty.
Indorsed : "Summary of the alliance and league between the Emperor Maximilian, Charles, King of Spain, and the King of England, concluded in the year 1516."
Latin. Copy made in the Papal archives in Rome, at the command of King Philip II. of Spain. pp. 2.

Footnotes

  • 1. Small islands on the coast of Africa.
  • 2. Sic. Elna.
  • 3. Prince Charles, immediately after the death of his grandfather, King Ferdinand, assumed the title of King of Spain ; but the Spaniards did not immediately recognize him as such, because his mother, Juana, who was Queen of Castile in her own right, was still living.
  • 4. This draft seems to have been written soon after the death of King Ferdinand, which occurred on the 23rd of January 1516. It was evidently destined for Prince Charles. It is not clear whether it was written in the name of the Cardinal Cisneros, who was Governor of Castile, or by the whole Council of Castile.
  • 5. Charles.
  • 6. Elna.
  • 7. Sic.
PreviousTable of contentsNext