Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 1, 1525-1526. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1873.
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March 1525, 11-25
|11 March.||40. The Commissioners in London to the Emperor.|
|K. u. K. Haus-
Hof- u. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
Fasc. 224. No. 3.
|Considering the bad state of the Emperor's affairs in Italy, that the King of France would not raise the siege of Pavia, but had sent the Duke of Albany with a considerable force, in horse and foot, to invade the kingdom of Naples, imagining that in the long run the Imperial army would disband for want of money, provisions and so forth; perceiving that, in spite of the dangerous state of the Emperor's affairs, the King of England made no preparations or signs of attacking France, Madame determined to send an embassy to ascertain the said King's intentions, and see whether it would not be possible to invade France with a good army, thus compelling King Francis to evacuate Italy, and hasten to the defence of his own kingdom. Out of maternal love [for the Emperor] Madame sent her ambassadors to the King of England, with instructions to negotiate, which they have done ever since, talking over the matter with the King and Legate in the way and manner detailed in the said instructions, as described in their joint despatch [to Madame] of the 10th inst., whereof they now send a copy.|
|Since that time, however, news has come of the battle having been won, and the French King taken prisoner, whereby Madame's ambassadors have been thrown into such doubt and confusion that they really do not know what to say, or how to conduct their negotiations. Owing to this they have hit upon a plan and device to gain time and consult Madame. Should the Legate press them any further, or bring under discussion the intercourse of trade, the administration of justice [in maritime affairs], the business of coin and currency, and other similar matters, the ambassadors will simply temporize, using the most civil and courteous words possible, but not agreeing to any terms, nor taking any engagement, until they receive [from home] proper instructions to act.—London, Saturday the 11th of March 1525.|
|P.S.—That His Imperial Majesty may better estimate the causes which have influenced the King and Legate to take such a spite against Mons. de Praet, the ambassadors enclose copies of the letters written by him to the Emperor, to Madame, to Mons. de Hoochstraette, and Maistre Jehan Lallemand. (fn. n1)—Date ut supra.|
|French, Contemporary copy. p. 1.|
|14 March.||41. Archduke Ferdinand to his Brother, the Emperor. (fn. n2)|
|Arch. d. Royme de
Hist. III., f. 41.
|Congratulates him upon the victory at Pavia, the news of which have no doubt reached by his messenger, the bastard of Roeux, and by another one whom the Viceroy [of Naples] despatched in all haste. Very much regrets not having been present at the battle, but was prevented by the Duke of Wurtemberg, the Bohemians, and other Princes of the empire, with whom the French were known to be in connivance, as appears from the numerous letters seized at their camp before Pavia, and which have no doubt been transmitted to Spain. It is in consequence of the above practices that the Duke, at the head of a large body of Switzers, amounting to thirty-two banners, and of some Lutheran peasants, invaded the duchy some time ago, and took possession of two small towns and one castle. But, with God's help, and the assistance of the Suabian league, he hopes soon to be able to arrest his progress, as, besides the forces which the League is to place at his disposal he has already under him a force consisting of 6,000 foot and 1,000 horse.|
|With the advice of France, and for the better furtherance of his hostile plans, and also in order to oblige us to recall our Italian army, the Duke [of Wurtemberg] had written to the Bohemians to say that we and the Suabian league were prepared to attack them, this being the reason why at one time the said Bohemians thought of invading our dominions with 50 or 60 men. We have since despatched a messenger to them, to destroy the bad impressions produced by the Duke's letters, and assure them of our wish to maintain the league and confederation existing of old between them and our house of Austria. We wait for their answer.|
|The King of France was likewise in treaty with Count Christofle Frangebambz, (fn. n3) who, with his own retainers and the assistance of the Turks of Bosnia,—a province bordering upon Croatia,—was to invade Carniola, Stiria, and others of our dominions. The Turks, in consequence, made a raid, and penetrated into our territory, without, however, causing much damage, owing to the preparations we had made beforehand. An Italian gentleman, who was at the bottom of this intrigue, mid who seems to have been an agent of France, near the person of Count Frangebambz, was the other day taken prisoner by our Governor of Marran, in Friuli, and brought here (Innsbruch). It is from him that we have learned the secret dealings of the French in those parts.|
|This and other business of equal importance has prevented him from crossing over to Italy and being present at the battle. But since the King of France is a prisoner in the Emperor's hands, with the greater part of his nobles, his advice would be to seize the present opportunity, and at once invade his kingdom, so that neither he nor his successors may in future do harm. Has sent to M. de Bourbon to ask what his plans are, and whether he intends to enter France and make some good enterprise there with the assistance of the King of England; for if he does, as soon as he is disengaged from the Duke of Wurtemberg, which he hopes to be in a very short time, he shall not fail to invade France by the frontier of Burgundy.—Dysproug (Innsbruch), 14th of March 1525.|
|P.S.—Has to inform His Imperial Majesty that the Lutheran sect is so spreading throughout the Empire, not only in the towns, but among the peasants, that they are assembling by tons of thousands, proclaiming that they will not grant their natural lords more rights than those they are willing to acknowledge; that Divine Law and the word of the Scriptures do not tolerate their being subjected to other men; and, in short, that they wish to be free. The first sectarians came out from Alsace and from the county of Ferrette, but they have since spread and increased in such a ratio that their numbers are now estimated at 200,000 and upwards, and they have made a common purse [for the expenses of the war], and obtained the promise of some artillery from the Duke of Wurtemberg, that being the reason why some of the Archduke's own vassals, even in this county of Tirol, have lately become so unmanageable.|
|Addressed: "To the Emperor."|
|French. Copy. pp. 2½.|
|14 March.||42. Cardinal de Salviatis to the Emperor.|
|S. E. L. 1553,
|Congratulates him upon his victory over the French King.—Rome, 14 Nov. 1525.|
|Signed: "Jo. Cardinalis de Salviatis."|
|Addressed: "Sacræ Catholicæ Maiestati."|
|Indorsed: "To the King. 1525. Cardinal de Salviatis, 14 March."|
|Latin. Original, p. 1.|
|16 March.||43. The Commissioners in England to the Archduchess Margaret.|
|K. u. K. Haus-
Hof- u. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
Fasc. 223. No. 4.
|Have received Madame's letters of the 10th, 12th, and 13th instant, together with the account of the French King's losses [at Pavia] in killed and prisoners. Render hearty thanks to God for His favours to the Emperor.|
|Have sent by the Sieur de Carmonailles a memorandum answering all Madame's questions, as proposed in her letter of the 10th, concerning their arrival and reception at this court, the conduct of their mission, the affair of M. de Praet, &c., besides the impression here created by these great and glorious tidings from Italy.|
|Inform Madame that on Saturday last London was illuminated, and on the ensuing Sunday High Mass celebrated by the Legate in St. Paul's Cathedral, at which the King and Queen, a great number of nobles, the ambassadors of the Pope, the King of Scotland and themselves were present.|
|Had audience of the Legate to-day, when they expressed their gratification at the imposing manner in which Divine Service had been celebrated, four bishops and six abbots having officiated with the Legate.|
|Expressed surprise that the French ambassadors should be still here, their powers being over since the capture of their King. Reminded the Legate that, according to the treaties, he could not treat with the said ambassadors without the Emperor's consent.|
|The Legate replied that the ambassadors were aware of this, and that the King, his master, was about to dismiss them; their safe-conduct, moreover, was about to expire, and the King did not mean to renew it.|
|Told the Legate that they had heard of his being in daily communication with the Scotch ambassadors, and begged to know whether peace or truce was yet concluded with Scotland. To which the Legate replied that he was ready to state the whole truth. The embassy had two chief points: To ask the Princess in marriage for their young King; and to treat for peace between the two kingdoms, With regard to the first, they were told that the Princess was already promised to the Emperor, and that the Bang did not mean to give her away to any one else. Respecting the second point, involving also the wish that the French King and the kingdom of France should be included in the treaty of peace, the Scotch ambassadors were informed that the King could not agree to such a proposal, as it would involve a breach of the treaties between the Emperor and himself. The said ambassadors having no power to treat on any other terms, the Earl of Cassilis bad returned to Scotland to obtain different ones. No decision had yet been taken, owing to the great dissension prevailing among the nobles of that kingdom, some holding with France and some with England. The Legate hopes the Earl may now return within a week, and the Commissioners shall be duly informed of every step in the negotiation.|
|Complaints concerning certain legal and commercial matters.|
|Have heard from the Cardinal, as they had previously from the King, that an embassy is about to be sent to the Emperor, consisting of the Bishop of London, Mr. Richard Wingfield, Mr, Robert Wingfield, Captain of Calais Castle, and Mr. Fonwillem (Fitzwilliam?), Captain of Guisnes. That the King also contemplates writing to Madame [Margaret], and begging her to supply him with 3,000 or 4,000 horse to accompany his invading army, at his (the King's own expense. That is consideration for all past favours, and the amicable relations between the two countries, the King also expects that Madame will supply him with 3,000 foot, the Emperor having promised this once through M. de Praet. That the King intends to invade Normandy in person, and has ordered his captains to have three batteries of guns ready for transport there, and to forward besides all other preparations for war, as he (the King) does not mean this time to be diverted or prevented from invading France.|
|The Commissioners objected that it would be a very difficult matter to obtain the people's consent to such a plan, much less to convey troops from the Low Countries to Normandy, the distance being so great. Were told, in reply, that the project was feasible if Madame and her people were only willing to help. That the King had every confidence in her, and begged that her contingent of troops should be got ready and sent off at once, as the time and season for such enterprises was drawing near, &c.|
|In consequence of which, and that they may the better meet the Cardinal on his own ground when the subject again comes under discussion, the Commissioners beg Madame to send them positive directions how to act, under the assurance that whatever the Legate's overtures may be, they will not enter into any engagement without previous reference to the Emperor, as prescribed in Madame's letter of the 13th August; but they would prefer being immediately recalled, as it would be a great saving of time and money. Should she not wish them to treat further with the King and Cardinal, there is no need for them to remain in London. If on the contrary, they must have safe-conducts, fresh powers and ample instructions to continue the negotiations.|
|Beg Madame to appoint M. de Praet's successor immediately, the King and Legate being so set against him (De Praet) that there is no hope whatever of a reconciliation.|
|Enclose copies of the letters sent to the Emperor through M. du Reux.—London, the 16th of March 1525.|
|Signed: "Adolf de Bourgoigne," "J. Laurence," "Jehan de le Sauch."|
|French. Original. pp 4.|
|16 March.||44. The Duke of Najera (fn. n4) to the Emperor.|
|S. E. L. 13. f. 14.||Offers congratulations for the victory gained over the French at Pavia. God has placed his enemy in his hands. It is time that he (the Emperor) should put his hands on the infidels.—Amusco, 16 March 1525.|
|Signed: "El Duque de Najera."|
|Addressed: "To the most Sacred, Imperial, Catholic Majesty of the Emperor."|
|Indorsed: "Al Rey. 1525. Del Duque de Najera."|
|Spanish. Original, p. 1.|
|16 March.||45. Jo. Laurens to Philippe Hanneton.|
|Brit. Mus. Add.
28,574, f. 175.
|Congratulations on the victory of Pavia.|
|Respecting the Middelbourg (sic) business, (fn. n5) he sees little hope of success; first, because he (Laurens) does not dare speak to the Scottish ambassador in favour of the person they both know, and also from fear of awakening the suspicions of the English. Besides, he thinks that he (the Abbot) has no powers to treat about the intercourse of trade.|
|Begs for instructions as to what the Commissioners are to negotiate, or else to be recalled, as they are doing nothing in London.—London, 16th March 1526.|
|Addressed: "To Monsieur l'Audiencyer."|
|French. Original, p. 1.|
|24 March.||46. Adolf de Bourgogne, Laurens, and Le Sauch to Madame.|
|K. u. K. Haus-
Hof- u. Staats
Arch. Wien. Rep.
P. C. Fasc. 223.
|Have received Madame's three letters of the 16th, 19th, and 20th inst. that came by the courier now going to Spain, as well as by another who arrived after him. Waited that very morning on the Legate, and informed him how Madame, wishing to return a speedy answer to his overtures about the 3,000 horse and 3,000 foot, had summoned all her nobility and grand masters (tous les grands maistres et sieurs), to consult them and hear their opinion on the subject, as the matter required serious consideration, the Emperor being expected to defray the expenses of the armament, and the men having to go as far as Normandy, a distance of 60 or 80 leagues off [from Flanders]. The Legate's answer was, after much commending Madame for her zeal and devotion to the common cause, that tins was the time to make the invasion of France, before the enemy recovered breath, so that the Emperor and the King, his master, might severally retake what was their own, and the Emperor have besides Languedoc and Provence, so as to be able to communicate with his Italian dominions by land.|
|Have also presented to the Cardinal certain memorials and petitions, such as that of Mons. de Lannoy in favour of his Receptor Mons. de Rollencourt; that of Madame de Rœulx, and of various gentlemen of Artois and of the county of Guisnes, for the recovery of goods and prisoners made during the last war by certain English captains. The Cardinal asked them for a memorandum of the said prisoners and their names, as well as of the places where they now were, promising that he would speak to the captains of the King's army, and, if unjustly detained, would give orders for the immediate release of the prisoners.|
|After this, the Cardinal having alluded to certain law cases in which Englishmen were concerned, the Commissioners answered that, according to his wishes, they had already conversed with Mons. de Londres (Tunstall) thereupon, and given him complete satisfaction respecting the lawsuit (procès) of Jehan Cadel and other English subjects.|
|The Cardinal then came to the subject of the currency, intimating that Madame ought to have the value of English coin lowered in the Low Countries, whilst the price would be augmented in England, and that the valuation made by the Staple of Calais ought to be kept in all matters relating to trade. The Commissioners' answer was that on this last point no complaint had been made, and that before the last Christmas vacations certain decisions had been given in favour of one Thomas Semel (sic), an Englishman, whose property had been estimated according to the valuation of the said Staple, and that therefore they (the English), had no reason to complain. Besides which, as the King was now sending two ambassadors to Madame, the affair could be discussed there. To this last the Cardinal objected, saying that he was unwilling to commit such a charge to the English ambassadors, but intended to send soon two or three trusty personages to discuss the matter with them (the Commissioners). But on their remonstrating, and saying that they preferred treating with him, as he understood affairs much better, was more open to reason, and quicker in his resolutions than any other man at court, he (the Cardinal) did not insist. The Commissioners then went on to say how Madame had on different occasions assembled the States with a view to settle the currency [in the Low Countries], but that the deputies had never agreed, most of them being of opinion that any measure taken in time of war would be ineffectual; that if the price of gold was lowered all specie would go into Germany and other countries, and none would remain in the Low Countries but what was of very low standard, as experience had shown in the case of silver money.|
|The Cardinal replied that all causes of complaint (murmuration), must forthwith be removed, which could not be accomplished except by giving to the English coin an equal valuation in both countries. Upon which the Commissioners begged him to consider that if the price was lowered, gold would go out of their country. He (the Cardinal), who no doubt looked to the interests of the Emperor's subjects as keenly as he did to those of his master, the King, might perhaps propose means to remedy the above evil, which, in their opinion, was inevitable. This last observation remained without an answer on the Cardinal's part, except that if things remained as they were, all the angelots of England would pass into Flanders; he (the Cardinal) knew the way for all the gold in our country coming over to England, which was to give it a valuation in harmony with the currency. Their reply was that many people held their coin so tight that it would be difficult to get it out of their hands. (fn. n6)|
|The French ambassadors went away last Tuesday, under the guidance of the Treasurer of Calais. They (the Commissioners) have written to the Emperor by this messenger, informing him of that and other news up to the present date, but are greatly afraid that he, the courier, will not be able to cross over so soon for want of a vessel, for Mons. du Rœulx having freighted the only zabra that was in port, there is none now ready for sea, though one is every day expected [from Spain] with letters from the Emperor.—Londres, 24 March 1525.|
|Signed: "Adolf de Bourgogne," "Laurens," "Jehan de le Sauch."|
|Addressed: "A Madame."|
|French, Original. pp. 3.|
|25 March.||47. Louis de Praet, Imperial Ambassador in England, to the Emperor.|
|K. u. K. Haus-
Hof- u. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
Fasc. 223. No. 18.
|Wrote the other day by the bastard Du Roeux, mentioning the vile trick that had been played upon him by seizing his correspondence. By the same conveyance His Imperial Majesty must have received letters of Mons. de Beures and of the President of the Grand Council [Laurens], describing that occurrence, and relating the conversations which the King, and, singularly the Legate, have held with them respecting that same affair and other public matters. What has since happened His Imperial Majesty must have equally learned through the despatches of the said ambassadors, to which he (De Praet) entirely refers.|
|(Cipher:) To judge from the said Cardinal's words and expressions, there can be no doubt that his intentions and deeds,—had he an opportunity to manifest them,—would be the same that he (Praet) has announced in his late despatches, and His Majesty heard through his ambassadors and agents in Italy, as well as through the said Mons. de Bevres and President.|
|(Common writing:) The Emperor is beneficent and wise. At the present moment, with God's help, and the assistance of his good servants and subjects, he may be said to have in his own hands the monarchy of the world, provided this last victory over the French be well followed up. (Cipher:) His Imperial Majesty, indeed, cannot fail to overrule now those who wanted to keep him down. Whether he makes peace with his enemies or prosecutes war, the Emperor is always sure of having the best part. As long as the King and principal nobility of France remain prisoners in his hands, nobody will dare go against his will; for it is not to be presumed that so valuable a pledge as the French King and the Duke of Albany, if taken, is ever to be surrendered or given up to any [of his allies], whatever may be their solicitations or demands to that effect. His Majesty, therefore, has now ample means of making his own case good against any one of his allies and confederates who should attempt what is unjust or against his interests. (Common writing:) There can be no doubt that by such means Italy shall enjoy a long peace, during which His Imperial Majesty, the Duke of Milan and others of his servants and allies, will be able to accumulate money and make friends so as to defend themselves against any future aggression. For as long as the French King remains a prisoner in the Emperor's hands, which, in his (Praet's) opinion, ought to last a good long time, the kingdom of France will not be in a condition to pick up quarrels with its neighbours, but, on the contrary, will with great difficulty escape utter destruction. Of which event there is every probability if the lords on this side of the Channel (ces seigneurs de deça) will only work with goodwill and listen to advice, since they never had or will have a better opportunity to crush their enemy. Certainly, if in past times this King did service to His Imperial Majesty, he has now been fully and abundantly rewarded; for in less than four days he has been freed of the three greatest enemies he had in the world, the King of France, Richard de la Poulle (Pole), and the Duke of Albany, getting besides so grand an opportunity of recovering that to which he pretends to have a right.|
|In his (Praet's) opinion, His Imperial Majesty ought to help and assist this King in his undertaking for many a reason. (Cipher:) Should the English obtain some good footing in France, His Imperial Majesty will be greatly benefited by it, since his enemy will be weakened and thereby prevented from doing further mischief, which is the safest course to secure permanent peace. On the other hand, both French and English are sure to court the Emperor's alliance, from fear that he should favour one at the expense of the other. He (the Emperor) will be exempted from the payment of the indemnity, not a small matter, considering its amount; and last, not least, a fierce and perpetual war shall be kindled between the two nations, which will secure for the Emperor the esteem and respect of both Kings. (Common writing:) Such being the course of policy adopted, there can be no doubt that His Imperial Majesty shall thereby be enabled to have Mons. de Bourbon indemnified to his utmost content, that the whole of Languedocq, Bourgogne and the River Somme shall be recovered, the affairs of Italy comfortably settled, and France's pretensions to the kingdom of Naples effectually put out of the way.|
|(Cipher:) Should the Emperor dissemble a little longer with the Pope and Venetians, and go to Italy this very summer, or as early as he possibly can, the aforesaid object would be accomplished, for the rumour only of this last victory is sure to put down all contradiction in that quarter. The Emperor's Spanish subjects, good and loyal as they are, will offer no opposition to a journey of such paramount interest, but will vote all the money required for it. Indeed, if peace is to be made, nothing can help so much towards it as the Emperor's presence in Italy, not even the circumstance of King Francis being a prisoner in Spain. If, on the contrary, war is to be prosecuted, the Emperor will, have there a well-appointed army ready to meet the enemy, and invade France, with Italy at its back and Germany on one side to send such reinforcements as may be required. The Emperor, besides, will be in no need of money; will put order to the German dissensions; keep the Switzers in awe,—no small object to be attained in the event of war with France;—and ultimately gain such credit and reputation [in Europe] as no Prince ever enjoyed; thus conferring on Christianity at large the boon of a lasting peace.|
|With regard to late events [in England], he (Praet) has nothing to advise, not having seen either the King or the Legate ever since the seizure of his letters, besides which, Madame [of the Low Countries] as well as Mons. de Beures and President (Laurens), her resident ambassadors in this kingdom, cannot fail to have acquainted His Imperial Majesty with every occurrence worthy of report. (Cipher:) In his opinion affairs are conducted here in a very negligent and careless manner, and without the activity and zeal the present occasion demands. God, by His infinite mercy, has made the Emperor arbiter of peace and war, and placed him in the position he (Praet) always wished to see him, fully avenged of his natural enemy, secured against the attacks and devices of other Princes, and on the eve of attaining that summit of glory and honour which shall command general esteem and respect. So fine an opportunity, therefore, ought not to be lost.|
|On his own personal affairs, he (Praet) can only say that he is every day expecting letters from Madame, with the order of leaving [England] and going to Spain. She writes to say that, considering the Cardinal's ill-will and animosity to the ambassador, and in order to avoid further troubles and dangers, it would be advisable that he (Praet) should quit London at once, cross over to Flanders, and, taking advantage of the first fleet sailing from Zealand, land on the Spanish coast. As the distance between this capital and the nearest point of embarkation (Dover) is upwards of 80 leagues by land, and as by remaining here he (Praet) would be confined to his rooms, without either seeing or conversing with any living soul, Madame's advice seems good; for were things to turn out badly, the error now committed would be greater than the first, and have worse consequences. Therefore, unless he receives orders to the contrary, he (Praet) is determined to cross over to Zealand as soon as possible, there to wait for the fleet sailing to Spain; humbly begging His Imperial Majesty not to credit any injurious reports about his person and acts [that might be circulated by the English ambassadors at the Imperial court], until he (Praet) can personally make his excuses.—London, 25 Mars 1525.|
|Signed: "Loys de Praet."|
|P.S.—Recommends again the affair of Messire Anthoine Rinaldi, from whom the late Bishop of Badajoz (Bernardo de Mesa) and Treasurer Vargas borrowed large sums of money whilst in England. As both those individuals, since deceased, have left property enough to answer the claims of the said banker, it is but just that he should be repaid his advances, thus encouraging him to render similar services in future to the Imperial ambassadors in England.—Date ut supra.|
|Signed: "Loys de Praet."|
|Addressed: "To The Imperial and Catholic Majesty of the Emperor, &c."|
|Indorsed: "To the Emperor. From Sieur de Praet. 25 March."|
|French. Original partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on the same sheet. pp. 5.|
|25 March.||48. The Commissioners [in England] to the Emperor.|
|K. u. K. Haus-
Hof- u. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
|By the bastard Du Reulx, who passed through here coming from Pavia, and was present at the battle, the Commissioners have duly informed the Emperor of their mission [to England], the instructions received from Madame, and what has been done since their arrival. They have since held another conference with the Legate, as will be seen by the duplicate of their joint letter to Madame, here enclosed, which the said Du Reulx takes with him. Are waiting for instructions from Madame, who, for the sake of the Emperor's honour and prosperity, has summoned to her court the greater part of the nobles and grand masters in those parts, to have their advice, &c.|
|Madame has no doubt informed the Emperor of the King's intention to send certain ambassadors to her and to Spain. Cannot say what the object of their mission is, only that "Messieurs de Londres et de Wingfield" (fn. n7) will take their departure in five or six days, and that those (fn. n8) to Madame have left already.—London, 25 March 1525.|
|French. Copy. pp. 2.|
|25 March.||49. The Emperor to M. de Bourbon and to the Viceroy of Naples (Charles de Lannoy).|
|Arch. d. Royme
de Belg. Doc. Hist.
III., f. 47.
|You will see by the enclosed that we earnestly request the Queen Regent of France to send us the Prince of Orange (Philibert de Chalons). As she might be disinclined to comply with our wishes, you will let us know what answer she makes to M. du Rœulx, (fn. n9) whom we now send to her for that purpose. Should the said M. du Rœulx be unsuccessful in his mission, you are to speak about it to the King of France, and say how much we wish for the release of that Prince, and that we promise due account shall be taken and a compensation allowed. But in case of the Queen and King still persisting in their refusal, you are to tell them, in our name, that unless the Prince is better treated than he has been hitherto, the French noblemen now prisoners in our hands will be dealt with in a similar manner. (fn. n10)—Madrid, 25 March 1525.|
|French, Copy. pp. 1½.|