Spain: March 1527, 16-31

Pages 119-136

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1877.

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March 1527, 16-31

16 March. 38. Secretary Perez to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. D. Hist.
Salazar, A. 40,
f. 265.
B. M. Add. 28,576,
f. 133
Wrote by duplicate on the 8th and 9th inst. all the news he had up to those dates. Since then (on the 11th) Cesaro Ferramosca and Secretary Seron arrived with the Viceroy's ultimatum. After a good deal of negotiation, in which those two officials were assisted by the General of San Francisco, the matter was concluded last night (15th Oct.), and the treaty signed, Ferramosca left this morning at dawn for Bourbon's camp, and Secretary Seron went to the Viceroy's at Naples. As he (Perez) is ignorant of the conditions of the treaty, and knows besides that Ferramosca has written by this messenger both to the Emperor and to the Regent Juan Bartholome de Gattinara, there is no need for him to make any remarks on the subject, save to say that the armistice is already known all over Rome; (cipher:) that the Romans in general are glad of it; only the French, English, and Venetians appear anything but pleased. As to the Imperialists at Rome, most regret that the armistice has been made at such a time, when through Bourbon's marching upon Florence better terms might have been obtained than those which, as the report goes, have been signed. (Common writing:) The Viceroy is shortly to come here. The Pope's Legate remains at the camp as security for his person.
Renzo da Ceri has returned from the Abruzzo, where they say he has taken several castles and fortified towns. The two sons of Count Montorio still hold their father prisoner in Aquila, and it is added that the Count is to be brought to Spoletto for greater security.
(Cipher:) The Ferrarese ambassador residing at this court complains bitterly of the armistice just concluded with the Pope, of which he maintains previous notice ought to have been given to the Duke, his master. He has lost Modena, which had been offered to him by the contrary party, and many other advantages besides. Cannot say how the Duke will take it, but has reason to believe that he will be anything but pleased at the arrangement, though no means shall be spared on the part of the Imperial minister to convince him that he can be no loser by the armistice.
Hears also from Secretary Seron that the Neapolitans were lately so intent upon war, and so well prepared for it, that they will be sorry to hear of the armistice having been signed.
(Common writing:) Mons. de Bourbon was on the 12th inst. one mile from Bologna. There was a scarcity of provisions at the place, but many more men were there than were actually wanted for the defence of the city. It was feared that a revolution of some sort would take place (que harian alguna mutacion). Whether it was Bourbon's intention to lay siege to the place, or go forwards, nobody here knows Certain it is that the Florentines are in terrible fear of being attacked, and have sent people to implore the Pope to make peace with the Emperor, and not be the cause of their utter destruction and ruin. They had contributed large sums towards the expenses of the present war, and could not bear the burden any longer. Should Bourbon attack them, they had no force to resist; their city would be sacked, &c;— Rome, 16th March 1527.
Spanish. Holograph partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet, pp. 3.
18 March. 39. Don Iñigo de Mendoça to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
Fasc. 224, No. 12.
(Cipher:) Said in his last that there was no probability of the Legate despatching a messenger to the Imperial Court. Was inclined to think so from the Cardinal's manner and words at their last interview. Has now reason to suppose that they (the King and Legate) have changed their mind, and will send an express.
Since then the Cardinal has again shown him (Mendoça) the powers brought by the ambassadors of the League; has examined them, and finds them correct enough. That of the King of France has a clause to this effect, viz., that the approval and consent of the Venetians is required, and also that this King is to be paid in full all the sums which the Emperor owes him; which conditions do not seem to him (Mendoça) of a nature to impair the said powers. The Cardinal promised to give him copies of them, and asked for those of the Emperor in return. Should this courier delay his departure the copies shall be made out and sent; though if a lawyer is to come from Flanders in the meantime, there is really no excuse for the delay (parecc escusada esta dilacion), as he may see the originals and give his opinion.
The Legate has again pressed him (Mendoça) to write home and say that never will the Emperor find so fit an opportunity as the present to treat for peace; nor any court either where more care is likely to be taken of his affairs. He (the Emperor) ought to trust in the King and in him (the Cardinal). Gave him to understand that as soon as the specification, of the engagements taken by the King of France should arrive from Spain he (the Cardinal) would find the means of increasing to two millions the ransom (rescate) to be paid [for the sons of France], on condition that the treaty of Madrid was slightly modified in some of its articles. With regard to the Duchy of Milan, if restored to the Duke (Francesco Sforza) an annual tribute of 100,000 ducats and upwards would be paid to the Emperor, (fn. n1) and 30,000 or 40,000 cr. annual pension (de renta y pension) to the Duke of Bourbon by way of compensation. If this arrangement did not suit the Emperor's views he could leave the affair to be decided by the King of England, as the opposite party was willing to do the same, he (the Cardinal) assuring His Imperial Majesty that in either case the utmost would be done for his service. The peace once made and ratified (added the Cardinal), the King, his master, would willingly give 200,000 cr. and upwards to enable the Imperial forces now in Italy to be employed at once against the Turk. Though he (Mendoça) replied as best suited the Emperor's interests, the Cardinal insisted upon his writing home an account of the interview, and saying that the Emperor had no better friend (servidor) than himself, as he had plainly shown last year, when the Italian League was made, and was now showing in his negotiations with the King of France for the Emperor's sake. His Majesty ought to be persuaded that no alliance (deudo) whatever, which might be made in England [with the royal family of France], would in anywise impair the connection and friendship existing of old between England and Spain. "I know for certain (he added) that my enemies have misinformed the Emperor respecting my acts and sentiments, but I can assure him that I profess greater friendship for him than for the King of France, as the one is natural and of old standing, whereas the other is quite new and unnatural. For all these reasons the Emperor ought to trust me implicitly in these negotiations."
This last remark giving him, as it were, an opportunity to bind the Cardinal more and more closely to the Imperial interests (fn. n2), Mendoça lost no time in replying that truly the Emperor had always considered him (the Cardinal) his best friend [in England], as he (Mendoça) had frequently had occasion to learn by experience and from his letters, but that respecting the friendship and affection which he (the Cardinal) professed for the Emperor certain doubts oppressed his (Mendoça's) mind, which he begged him to clear up. How was it that he had refused the pension which he (Mendoça) had lately offered him from the Emperor? That looked very much as if he shunned to accept the Emperor's token of friendship. The Legate then protested with great oaths (dixome con grandes juramentos), that if he had refused the proffered gift, it was merely in order to be wholly unfettered in these negotiations, and better able to work for the glory of God. He (the Cardinal) did not reject the Emperor's bounty; he only deferred to accept it till the peace for which he was working should be concluded. That object attained, he would do as the Emperor pleased, and gratefully receive whatever was offered to him. The truth of the matter is that since the arrival of the instructions the Cardinal is much more amiable and courteous than he was before, and is acting with greater friendliness towards the Emperor. He is keeping the French ambassadors waiting until the Emperor's answer comes [from Spain]. He (Mendoça) can only account for this change in the Cardinal's manner to him in two ways; either because the conditions brought by the French ambassadors do not entirely satisfy the King of England, or because they (the King and Cardinal) think that by professing just now greater friendship for him than for the King of France they may obtain his unconditional consent to the peace being concluded here, which is what they are aiming at.
Has also been informed by the Legate that the King of England has here a natural son, whom he much wishes to make King of Ireland, bestowing upon him other large estates besides; that the King holds this son in such affection that he would show the same honour and regard to anyone entering into an alliance with him as with the Princess, his daughter. The Legate much wishes that this alliance (fn. n3) might be secured by the Emperor for the daughter of Madame Eleonor, both being of suitable ages. (fn. n4) Replied that though he (Mendoça) was not thoroughly acquainted with the treaty of Madrid in all its details, yet he imagined that by one of its articles (fn. n5) the Emperor's niece had been promised in marriage to the Dauphin of France. Was, nevertheless, desired by the Legate to bring the subject before the Emperor, as he (the Legate) knew how devoted the King was to his son, and how much he took this alliance to heart. Suspects this to be in consequence of the proposal of the King of France for the hand of the daughter of England. Believes that though she may be promised to Francis for the present, if the Dauphin were to be freed from his engagements, they would prefer him for the Princess' husband, and that is the reason why the Cardinal has made him (Mendoça) the aforesaid overtures.
Begs for further instructions, especially as to whether he (Mendoça) is to agree at once to the settlement of peace here. This should be decided speedily, since everything turns upon this point. Matters are now in suspense, waiting for His Majesty's answer, and according to its tenour the King and Cardinal will declare in favour of one of the two parties; for although they have been lavish in their offers, and lately given signs of benevolence and friendship towards us, there can be no doubt that their promises and protestations have no other object than that of persuading His Majesty to trust in them, and place in their hands the conduct of these negotiations. This Legate is a man who goes with the times; no trust can be placed in his words or promises.
Having heard that the King frequently repudiates what the Legate says in his name, he (Mendoça) asked for an audience, that he might learn from the King's own mouth whether what the Cardinal had stated in his name was true or not. After (duly thanking him in the Emperor's name for the answer he had given to the French ambassadors on the subject of the proposed marriage alliance, as well as for his declaration that no new family ties with the royal house of France would impair the old friendship existing between England and Spain, Mendoça begged the King to declare himself on the overtures recently made by the Legate. His answer was that the ambassador might write home and inform the Emperor that all the Legate had said was perfectly true. He (Mendoça) was to assure the Emperor that if he (the King) should eventually marry his daughter to the Prince now seeking her hand, (fn. n6) this would in no way prejudice the Emperor. He added, "My answer to the French ambassadors has been that their King having been formally betrothed to the Emperor's sister (Eleonor) I could not decently, whilst these circumstances lasted, entertain a proposal for another union, as I am unwilling to separate man and wife, (fn. n7) more especially in the case of the Infanta. Leonor, to whom I am so closely allied." The King, therefore, waits for an answer [from Spain], and, as before stated, confidently expects that it will be favourable. His manner is so changed that in appearance he is more inclined than ever he was to the preservation and maintenance of the old alliance [with Spain]. Yet he (Mendoça) has reason to suspect that all this show of friendship is nothing more than an attempt to gain the Emperor's confidence. Notwithstanding the King's fair words and protestations, the truth is that these ambassadors of the King of France obtain frequent audiences and hold great conferences with the Legate (traen grandes tratos con el Legado), and that great preparations and assemblies (grandes aparejos y Cortes) are being made, as if for the reception [at this court] of some Prince, as he (Mendoça) has already had occasion to advise.
Should the Emperor agree to the settlement of peace in England through the mediation of the King and Cardinal— a thing in which on equal terms we may lose nothing and gain much, since we shall thereby secure this neighbour's friendship—in that case let the answer come as speedily as possible, as likewise another ambassador who may act in concert with him (Mendoça). Should, however, the negotiations now conducted in Spain present a more favourable aspect, and the Emperor make up his mind to have this peace concluded without England's mediation, in that case let this present courier (fn. n8) be detained with fair words and excuses until a final settlement be made.
The embassy (fn. n9) from the King of Bohemia (Ferdinand) had audience yesterday to ask for help against the Turks. They were told in the King's name that nothing could be done until this peace, which was the foundation of all other treaties, had been settled. Gave them what help he could on the Emperor's behalf. Does not think they will obtain any help.
Dr. [Fernando] de Victoria, the Queen's physician, will set out shortly for Spain. Knows him from experience to be well disposed to the Emperor. Will, therefore, before he departs, intrust him with certain messages (fn. n10) for him (the Emperor). Commends him to his notice as deserving of all confidence.
Has written very fully by this courier. The packet is addressed to Dr. Lee for greater security in passing through France.—London, 18th March.
Signed: "Don Iñigo de Mendoça."
Addressed: "To His Imperial and Catholic Majesty the Emperor and King of Spain."
Spanish. Original entirely in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet, pp. 6.
18 March.
M. Re Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 40,
f. 269.
B. M. Add. 28,576,
f. 135.
40. Secretary Perez to Lope de Soria, Imperial Ambassador in Genoa.
The truce was concluded two days ago [16th March] for eight months. (Cipher:) A door is left open for France and England until the 10th April, and for Venice until the 22nd inst.; if they do not then join they will be considered enemies to the Emperor. These gentlemen who have brought about the truce are of opinion that owing to the defenceless state of the kingdom of Naples, the slowness of Bourbon's march, and the total want of money and supplies everywhere, it has been beneficial to the Emperor, rather than otherwise. The Pope, they say, gives money for the pay of the Germans; but as I have had no hand in the negotiation, I cannot say whether the report is true or not.
(Common writing:) The Regent, Miçer Joan Bartolomé de Gattinara, sends his compliments and begs to be excused with Your Worship for not having written for so long a time. He leaves Rome to-day for Bourbon's camp, whence he promises to write to Your Worship. This morning, at daybreak, Secretary Seron left also for the Viceroy's camp. The latter is soon expected in Rome.
(Cipher:) The only sign of the convention being advantageous under present circumstances is that the truce is by no means palatable to the French, English, and Venetians.
(Common writing:) The enclosed letters for Secretary Soria I beg Your Worship to forward as soon as possible [to Spain], as well as that of the Regent (Joan Bartholomé de Gattinara), wherein he explains all that has passed here in the negotiation of this truce. It is important that His Imperial Majesty should be informed of it, although I have no doubt that Cesaro Ferramosca has already written by that way and by others.
Renzo da Ceri has come to Rome. They tell me that he is anything but pleased with the armistice, for had lie found an opportunity he would willingly have prosecuted his victories in Naples.
The sons of Count Montorio have so far gained in the present game, that they have committed their own father to prison, and got possession of Aquila. How long the city will remain in their power is more than I can tell, but I should think not many days.
Cesaro [Ferramosca] left this morning early for Bourbon's camp.—Rome, 18th March 1527.
Signed: "Perez."
Addressed: "A Don Lope de Soria."
Indorsed: "Copy of letter of Secretary Juan Perez to me [Lope de Soria]."
Spanish. Contemporary copy partly in cipher. Deciphering on the margins. pp. 2.
20 March. 41. Secretary Perez to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar,A. 40,
f. 275.
B. M. Add. 28,576,
f. 136.
Encloses duplicates of his letters of the 16th and 18th inst, which were forwarded to Soria by a courier of the Pope going to France; also a letter from the Regent, (fn. n11) Joan Bartholomé, to the Grand Chancellor (Mercurino di Gattinara), with a full account of the negotiations for, and particulars of, the truce.
The day after the signature the Pope sent an ambassador to Venice, and Langes (De Langeay), the King of France's chamberlain, went also thither for the purpose, as it is generally believed, of preventing the Signory from joining the convention. Opinion differs as to what the Venetians will do on this occasion. Some think that they will sign the convention from fear of the German lansquenets invading their territory; but the greater part suspect that they will not ratify, expecting help from France, &c.
(Cipher:) The Pope has excused himself with the Venetian ambassador (Contarini), by saying that what he had done was from sheer necessity, and because his army fell to pieces. His men had no food (no tenian que comer), and he could not provide them with money. His Legate at Bologna had written to say that if an armistice of some sort was not agreed upon, that city and its territory was irretrievably lost to the Church. The Florentines also had declared that the moment Bourbon appeared before their walls they would open the gates, and give him any war contribution he might demand, rather than expose the city to be sacked. He was very sorry, but could not do otherwise, even if he chose. He (Perez) has been told that upon the Venetian ambassador suggesting that the Signory would send money and provisions for his army, the Pope declined the offer and persisted in his idea. The Viceroy is expected here on the 25th, and there seems to be no doubt that the convention will be ratified.
As he (Perez) stated in his letter [of the 16th], the best sign that the agreement lately made is beneficial to the Emperor is that the contrary party abuse (dizen brauezas), and threaten all those who have had a hand in it, and that Alberto di Carpi, though on the point of death, denies his own King (reniega de su Rey), and shockingly vilifies him.
(Common writing:) It is reported that the Pope's Legate called upon the Viceroy the other day, and that, in consequence of a conference they held together, an order for the suspension of hostilities by sea and land has been sent to both armies.
To-morrow the Abbot of Farfa is to be set at liberty upon a security of 25,000 ducats that he will be faithful to the Pope.—Rome, 20th March 1527.
Postscriptum. The Pope's Legate refused at the last moment to go and see the Viceroy. Fancies the reason is that the Legate would not have it believed that he had gone to the camp for the express purpose of bringing him to Rome. Thus the Legate will return without seeing him.
Signed: "Perez."
Addressed: "Reverendo Domino Archidiacono de Belchit in curia Cesareæ Majestatis."
Spanish. Original partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet. pp. 4.
21 March.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
Fase. 227, No. 13.
42. Don Iñigo de Mendoça, Imperial Ambassador in England, to the Emperor.
(Cipher:) Has written both by sea and land of all events up to the 18th inst. The King and Legate still use fair words and make great offers; suspects, nevertheless, that they are now concerting measures with the French ambassadors in direct opposition to the promises that have been made.
It is openly stated by this King that the Emperor must not take offence at his marrying his daughter, the Princess, as he pleases, since he (the Emperor) married [in Spain] as seemed best to him. Fears that should this marriage with the King of France be arranged, other measures will soon follow, especially if King Henry sees that the negotiations for this peace are not placed in his hands. Believes that the courtesy lately shown him (Mendoça) is entirely in the hope that peace may be negotiated here, and that the King's answer to the French ambassadors, which he (Mendoça) was desired to communicate, was all pre-arranged with the King [of France]. Indeed, the understanding between the Legate and the French ambassadors becomes more and more intimate. Whatever may be said to the contrary, it is evident that the King and Legate look upon the interests of the King of France as their own. Would not, therefore, intrust them (the King and Legate) with any important matter, although, as the point must necessarily be discussed in the ambassadors' presence, there would, perhaps, be no harm in doing so. (fn. n12) At any rate has been informed by the Legate that the treaty of marriage with the King of France is suspended until the Emperor's answer arrives. Does not know whether this is true, but is sure that the Legate has quite gone over to the French. (fn. n13) —London, the 21st of March.
Signed: "Don Iñigo de Mendoça,"
Spanish. Original entirely in cipher. Contemporary deciphering, pp. 2.
March. 43. The Articles proposed by the Emperor for the Peace. with France [sent to Don Iñigo de Mendoça].
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
Fase. 224.
1st. Whatever may be done and agreed to between the parties to be understood without any innovation or detriment of the treaty of Madrid, unless it is clearly and expressly stated so in the treaty.
2nd. The withdrawal, for the present, of the claim on the Duchy of Burgundy to be without prejudice of the rights which the Emperor claims to have to the said Duchy, quoeumque jure vel titulo quœsito ante fœdus de Madrid. (fn. n14)
3rd. All the articles of the treaty of Madrid general as well as particular, of which no express mention is made, or change introduced respecting the King's offers to the Viceroy, to remain in their full force and vigour, and he fulfilled according to the letter of the said treaty.
4th. Every ether condition of the treaty, which the King of France promised to fulfil, such as the payment in cash of certain sums, the reimbursement of the indemnity owing to the King of England, the restitution of the Duchy to Bourbon (restitutionem ducatus Borbonensis), and other matters therein contained, to be fulfilled before the King's sons obtain their liberty, "quando ex preteritis omissionibus hec sola cautio sit adhibenda."
5th. The whole of the above stipulations to be ratified and confirmed by the General Estates and Parliament [of France], so that if not ratified by the General Estates, it may be by all the provincial ones, "in qualibet provincia separatim congregand." (fn. n15)
6th. That the Emperor be not obliged to send his sister Eleonor [to France] until the King has fulfilled all and every one of the above conditions, at the time that the hostages are about to be restored, and when, after paying one half of the stipulated sum, the King of France will have ratified and confirmed the present agreement. (fn. n16)
7th. That the King of England is to be guardian (conservator) of this new treaty, and give his letters patent in the fullest form, promising help and assistance to the obedient party, and resistance to either of them who may show reluctance or ill-will. (fn. n17)
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty of the Emperor and King, our Lord."
Latin. Original draft, .. 1.
22 March.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hofu. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
Fasc. 224, No. 17.
44. Don Iñigo de Mendoça, Imperial Ambassador in England, to the Emperor.
Hears (fn. n18) from the Legate that unless peace is concluded the King of France will certainly make war upon Flanders in person. This may have been said only by way of intimidation, and in order to hurry on the conclusion of peace here; but he (Mendoça) is nevertheless convinced that should the Emperor attempt to set out for Italy, both England and France will try to prevent his passage. That is the reason why, when he (Mendoça) is asked whether the Emperor intends visiting Italy, he always replies that no such intention exists, and that no preparations for such a journey are being made. Does all he can to maintain friendly relations with the King and Legate; but is convinced that if words are not soon followed up by deeds, they will openly declare for the King of France. Both think that they have already shown great consideration in having waited so long.— London, the 22nd of March 1527.
Signed: "Don Iñigo de Mendoça."
Postscriptum.—Since writing the above has heard that the reason why the King of England did not, in the first instance, give a favourable answer to the French ambassadors was that King Francis had promised to give up Boulogne this Easter and yet was continually putting it off. Cannot vouch for the truth of this intelligence, but evidently the Legate is dissatisfied with the conditions offered by the French ambassadors. Still believes that if the King of France does not come to terms with the Emperor he will do so with the King and Legate on whatever conditions they may impose.
Addressed: "To His Imperial and Catholic Majesty the Emperor and King, our Lord."
Spanish. Original entirely in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on the same sheet, pp. 8.
28 March. 45. The Abbot of Najera to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 40,
f. 275.
B. M. Add. 28,576,
f. 136.
On the 3rd inst. (fn. n19) I informed Your Majesty of what Mons. de Pelu and ., (the Abbot) had achieved with the Duke of Ferrara (Alfonso d' Este). Since then, on the 5th inst, the Duke has had an interview with Mons. de Bourbon, the Prince of Orange (Philibert de Chalon), the Marquis del Guasto, and Count of Agamonte (Egmont), at a place on his estate called Finale, 17 miles from Ferrara and 8 from Buon Porto, where the Imperial army happened to be quartered at the time. A council of generals was then held, at which it was resolved to march upon Florence, without stopping, by way of Sasso and Barbarino, the same route which the Viceroy of Naples, Don Ramon, (fn. n20) took when he invaded Tuscany. As there are six days' march through mountainous districts, and the roads are bad for the carriage of artillery; as, moreover, the Imperial troops were not expected to find provisions on their way, (common writing) the Duke of Ferrara consented, as I said in my former despatch, to lend 1,000 sacks of flour, and about 1,000 more of wheat, to be divided among the men, so that each soldier should carry his own rations. He has given us, besides, 15,000 lbs. of gunpowder, 5,000 more for firelocks (scopetas), 1,000 pounds of saltpetre to refine the gunpowder and make it fit for firelocks, (fn. n21) 300 balls for sacres, 30 horses for the field artillery, with corresponding accoutrements of 100 breast harnesses. (fn. n22) He offered, besides, to give anything that might be required, excepting only the sum of 50,000 ducats which Mons. de Bourbon asked him as a loan, and which he said he could not lend, as he had no money with him, though he kindly promised to go back to Ferrara and procure as much of that money as he could from the merchants of that city; and so he did, for on the 7th inst. the Duke returned to his capital, and soon after he wrote to say he had obtained 15,000 ducats. On the very same day I (the Abbot) went to Carpi by Mons de Bourbons command, and caused the two companies (banderas) of Spanish infantry, and the light horse of Joan Batista Castaldo, to evacuate that city, having first issued to them one month's pay, which the Duke [of Ferrara] himself had lent us for that purpose. This done, I gave the Duke possession of the said city of Carpi, to be held by him for Your Majesty until the marriage [of Don Hercole d' Este], as a sort of dowry for his future wife, Doña Margarita of Austria. (fn. n23) Three hundred men and 50 light horse of the Duke were left in charge of Carpi.
Next day, the 8th inst., the Imperial army marched to Buon Porto, and thence to Castel San Joan (San Giovanni), 10 miles from Bologna, and 25 from Ferrara, whither I (the Abbot) went that very day for the money which the Duke had promised. Two days after my arrival at Ferrara the Duke gave me the 15,000 ducats lent by the Ferrarese bankers, and they were immediately distributed among the Germans, as they absolutely refused to give any part of them to the Spaniards. Thinking that the former would be satisfied with this supply of money and consent to march, and that the Spaniards, having some provision [on the road], would have patience, an order was issued for the army to march next day; but about sunset the Spaniards also mutinied, and came to the general's quarters, vociferously asking for pay. That he might escape the first fury of the mutineers, Bourbon left his quarters secretly and repaired to those of George Frenespergh (Fruntspergh). Without any further disturbance the Spaniards went out of the camp (se salieron al campo), formed their squadrons, and held a consultation with the gunners as to the expediency of evacuating that district (. consultar al artilleria fuera de la tierra). The Germans also mutinied at the very same hour, and came to Bourbon's quarters, crying guelte! guelte! . but not finding him at home, sacked his apartments, took away his silver plate, broke stools, chairs, and benches, and committed many other lawless acts (cosas deshonestas), such as an infuriated soldiery is wont to commit on such occasions. After which they quitted the ground (se salieron de la tierra) and formed in line (hicieron su esquadron), holding a consultation with the artillery force attached to their division. Shortly after, however, both Spaniards and Germans returned to the ranks (esquadrones), though they went on till the hour of noon firing guns (disparando el artilleria), sending deputations to headquarters, and asking for money. At last Juan de Urbina, for whom the Spaniards have great respect, arranged with the Marquis del Guasto that on the payment of one crown per man they would all march on contentedly. George Frenesperghe, on the other hand, could not appease his Germans (tudescos) with less than half a month's pay. Perceiving which, the Marquis del Guasto set out immediately for Ferrara, and I (the Abbot) accompanied him. We then obtained from the Duke a further loan of 12,000 cr., out of which 3,000 were paid on account of Jeronimo Morono's ransom (talla). We returned to the camp on the 15th, and proceeded to divide tins money between the Spaniards and Germans in equal shares, and yet, on the 16th, they again rose in mutiny until the hour of noon, declaring that they would not move unless the Duke of Bourbon promised them more money on account when in sight of Florence, and would, moreover, pay them all arrears, amounting to 150,000 cr., on the 21st of April. The Duke refused to take an engagement which he knows he could not fulfil. Georgio Frenispergh was for a while within the lines of his Germans, earnestly requesting them to march on, as, he said, the opportunity would slip away, &c. Nothing he did or said, however, could persuade them to move, and the consequence was, that on his return to his lodgings, after his dinner, he was struck by a fit, and remained some time senseless, &c. We all thought he was dead, and had been poisoned. Should Frenesperghe (Frunspergh) die, or be obliged to remain behind at Ferrara, we shall not know how to deal with these Germans, he being the only man who has any influence over them. All the evils above enumerated come from our not having money to pay the troops. Hopes that His Majesty will provide some immediately without waiting for the army reaching Florence, for neither Sienna nor Lucca, our allies, can or will furnish anything but supplies of food, and that only in small quantities. Besides, it is quite certain that we shall take Florence, and get thereby a large sum of money as expected. That city has made great preparations for defence, and it might happen that the enemy flocked thither in such numbers as to make it impossible for us to reduce it, although it must be said that our men are determined to storm the city or perish in the attempt. Antonio de Leyva must be helped also, for if he cannot pay his men he will not be able to defend Lombardy.
Advices from Rome, of the 4th inst., state that Andrea Doria landed at Puzzuolo with 1,000 men, and took a village (burgo) on the coast; but upon Don Ugo coming from Naples with infantry and cavalry, be bad to abandon his conquest with the loss of 100 men, besides many who were drowned, two small pieces of ordnance, and three banners. One of Doria's captains, whom he held in great esteem, was killed on the occasion.
The Viceroy of Naples is still at Ciprano, increasing his army. That of the enemy in front of him diminishes for want of supplies. He has written to Bourbon exhorting him to advance, and promising to do the same on his side, disregarding any attempt that may ensue from Andrea Doria's landing on the coast.
Among the Germans of this army a rumour is afloat that upwards of 15,000 of their countrymen are coming down to Italy. Should they come, as is presumed, by the Fryguli (Friuli) and by order of the King of Bohemia (Ferdinand), much good may be expected from them, but if they come as volunteers (aventureros) they may do much harm and can do no good at all to our present undertaking.
The Marquis of Saluzzo and Count Gayaço are inside Bologna with all their forces, and are fortifying the place under the impression that the Imperial army will soon attack them. The Venetians who were engaged in the defence of Parma and Piacenza are now at Rezo (en el Rezo), ten miles from this place. It is said that their design is to watch our movements, and see what, route we shall take. Should our army go beyond Bologna without attacking it, they will most likely join the French in that city, and seize Parma and Piacenza altogether, lest the Pope should make an agreement with His Imperial Majesty, and deliver those two cities into our, hands as it is believed he will do.
Five days ago some of our light horse captured, close upon the gates of Bologna, an English gentleman (un gentilhombre yngles), who was going from Venice to Borne. He had with him letters from the Florentine ambassador, and from Prothonotary Casale to the ambassador of his King residing at Rome. Copies of the said letters are enclosed, except a few words in cipher, which could not be read. Your Majesty will see by them what kind of argument is used to persuade the Duke of Ferrara to abandon the Imperial cause, and how the Duke resists the temptation.
(Cipher:) In letters brought by Paulo de Rezo (Paolo d' Arezzo), the Pope's chamberlain, Mons. de Bourbon has received orders from home [not to proceed, and to suspend hostilities according to the agreement entered into with the Pope]. Yet if he [Bourbon] thinks it necessary to go on, and finds himself strong enough for the undertaking, he may do it, as that will give the Viceroy time to advance as far as Rome, that is in case he (the Viceroy) is sufficiently forward to be able to accomplish this, quando este fuese tan adelante que lo pudiesse fazer. The Duke of Bourbon, however, is to consider the matter well before he sets out on his expedition. Upon which the next day the Marquis del Guasto and myself (the Abbot) started for Ferrara to ask the Duke's advice on these matters, and also for a loan of at least 35 000 ducats, wherewith to pay these men, go on marching and thus secure the 300,000 promised by the Pope at the time that the Viceroy was on the point of invading the Papal territory with his army, besides the cities of Parma, Piacenza and Ostia offered as security for .the payment of that sum. The Duke's advice was that we should continue our march, but as regards the money we could not obtain any more from him.
(fn. n24)
We returned on the 23rd inst., having received news, whilst at Ferrara, of Cesaro's arrival at the Imperial camp. Having heard what the latter had to say, and read the draft of the treaty made with the Pope at Rome, which he had with him, Bourbon called a council of war, composed of the Prince of Orange (Philibert de Chalon), the Marquis del Gasto (Guasto), Don Hernando de Gonzaga, and the rest of the captains, Germans as well as Spaniards, and in the presence of Ferramosca himself and of me [the Abbot of Najera] proceeded to explain to them the matter of the truce, and how it was the Emperor's wish that they should all go back to Lombardy; that each captain was to address his company in that sense, and engage them to return home. The captains answered that Bourbon's orders should be executed; they would go to their men and tell them of the Emperor's determination. This was on the 25th. Next day, the 26th, the Spanish infantry in particular, the light horse, and the men-at-arms sent a message to the general in chief that they preferred marching on without money to going back; this they would not do, unless they were paid their arrears beforehand. In this mood have they persevered until this day,
The Germans, on the other hand, as they had Bourbon's most solemn promise to be paid on the 21st of April all their arrears, amounting to upwards of 130,000 ducats, sent word to say that they would go wherever the Duke wanted them. But since then the Spaniards, perceiving that the Duke's order is for them to go back [to Lombardy], have gained the Germans over to their opinion, and have so worked upon them, representing that their common interest lies in an advance upon the Roman territory, as otherwise they will never be paid, that they (the Germans) have yielded to their solicitations and declared that they will not go back If to this be added that there have been latterly heavy snow-storms and much rain, and that the men are in a state of mutiny, Your Imperial Majesty may easily imagine the precarious state in which the Emperor's generals and ministers find themselves. Indeed, had not Cesaro Ferramosca secretly left this camp, and taken refuge at the quarters of Hernando Gonzaga, who is with the men-at-arms two miles from this place, he would hardly have escaped the fury of the mutineers, who were looking out for him. He (Ferramosca) is still there, waiting for Bourbon's final answer, which has been, that he should very much like to observe the truce, in obedience to Your Majesty's commands, but that, seeing the determination of his men, he prefers going on to losing his army, and giving the men occasion for committing disorders, &c.
It is therefore decided that to-morrow (the 29th) we shall march seven miles to the bridge on the Reno, three miles from Bologna, on the road to Rome (strada Romera?) and that every day the men will continue their march more or less until they reach Florence or Rome.
The Marquis del Guasto and some other captains and servants of the Emperor, fearing lest by following the Duke's orders they should disobey the Imperial mandates respecting the observance of this truce, have decided not to move unless the Duke, as Your Majesty's lieutenant-general [in Italy], should give them the order in writing. The Duke has expressly given him verbal orders to that effect, but the Marquis has gone this very day to Ferrara. Should he there receive the order in writing, I have no doubt he will come back, and take his post with the army.
Ferramosca has gone to Ferrara to ask the Duke for a loan of 40,000 ducats, which, added to the 60,000 he expects to receive from the Pope, might be distributed to the Germans of this Imperial army; but I fancy the Duke will not give the money. Please God he may give me the 6,000, for which I intend to ask him to-morrow, to pay the pioneers, (gastadores) and other minor expenses of this Imperial army, for without it we can neither advance nor retreat.—[Castel] San Juan, 10 miles from Bologna, 28th March 1527.
Signed: "El Abad de Najera."
Addressed: "To the most Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty."
Spanish. Original partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet, pp. 14.
29 March. 46. Secretary Perez to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 40,
f. 275.
B. M. Add. 28,576,
f. 144.
Wrote on the 16th and 18th inst. by a Papal courier going through France. The duplicate went on the 20th by way of Genoa and the bearer was a courier going to Lyons. The triplicate went by the same route, addressed to Maffeo Tarsis. Since then the Viceroy has come to Rome, where a great reception was prepared for him. He is staying at the Palace, where much honour is done him. At times he (the Viceroy) goes to see the Pope; at others it is the Datary and Jacopo Salviatis, who come to him and converse. As he (Perez) knows for certain that the Viceroy does write frequently about this armistice and other matters connected with it, there is no need for him to say more concerning it, only that the Pope shows great satisfaction at the Viceroy's being with him at Rome. There can be no doubt that the negotiations proceed briskly, and that one of these days, perhaps before the departure of the present courier, the articles of the treaty will be published, &c.
Cesaro Ferramosca has not once written ever since he left Rome for Bourbon's camp. We only know that he arrived there, told that general what his instructions were, and apprised him of the armistice which had been signed. Bourbon answered that he accepted, and approved what had been done here, but yet his acts do not seem to bear this out. The Romans are loudly complaining of his continual shifting and changing, and of the march through their territory (que cada dia innovan cosas contra sus tierras). That is the reason why the Viceroy wrote to him the other day, by one of his most confidential servants, begging him at once to withdraw his men from the lands of the Church, &c. The Colonnese, on the other hand, fear that unless His Majesty takes care of their interests, they will be completely ruined in consequence of this armistice.—Rome, 29th of March 1527.
Addressed: "Cathce. Mati."
Spanish. Holograph, pp. 3.


  • n1. "Y en lo que toca al ducado que se daria a V[uest]ra Magestad, con que fucse restituido al Duque Francisco, una gruesa pension, señalando que seria mas de cient mill ducados, y que al Duque de Borbon le darian treynta o quarenta mill escudos de renta pension."
  • n2. "Al qual pareciendome que avia coyuntura, para ver si pudiers prenderle le respondi que en verdad V[uest]ra Magestad le tenia por su verdadero amigo," &c.
  • n3. "El Legado querria que tal prenda como aquella la tomasse V[uest]ra Magestad para la hija de Madama Leonor."
  • n4. Eleonor was the Emperor's eldest sister, being born on the 15th of November 1498. She was first married to Dom Manuel, King of Portugal, who died in 1521, and had a daughter by him called Doña Maria.
  • n5. The fifteenth of the Concordia or Treaty of Madrid
  • n6. "Teniendo por cierto que aunque uviesse de casar su hija con quien se la pidia que no avia de ser perjudicando al Emperador."
  • n7. "Que no querria quitar á nadi su marido, quanto mas á persona con quien tenia tanto deudo."
  • n8. Bluemantle, who arrived at Valladolid on the 7th of April. See a letter of Lee and Ghinucci to Wolsey, dat. the 17th, in Brewer, vol. iv., part ii., p. 1368.
  • n9. Count Salamanca, mentioned elsewhere, part i., pp. 116 and 935.
  • n10. "Le diré algunas cosas para que á V[uest]ra Magestad informe."
  • n11. This title of Regent (Regente) as given in Spain to the presidents of each of the boards composing the Councils of Aragon and Naples.
  • n12. "Y por esto no pondria yo en sus manos cosa que fuese de sustancia, per para que dclante de ellos se tratase no parece que avria inconvenient."
  • n13. "No sé si dice verdad, pero le creo muy resuelto con estos Franceses."
  • n14. The underlined words are added to the draft in Granvelle's handwriting.
  • n15. Added by Granvelle.
  • n16. This sixth article has likewise a line on the margin as if to call the attention of the ambassador to it.
  • n17. This draft or copy of the conditions proposed to the Emperor in 1527 has no date, but is placed among papers of the month of July. I have not hesitated to assign to it that of March, for various reasons. 1st, because there can be no doubt that it was made previous to the sack of Home and death of Bourbon (on the 6th of May), since one of its clauses (the 4th) stipulates that all honours and titles shall be restored to that duke; and, 2ndly, because, as it will be seen hereafter, Nicolas Perrenot de Granvelle, in a report of his, dated April 1527, alludes to the very emendations in his own handwriting, which I have underlined.
  • n18. The first part of this letter is only a repetition of Don Iñigo's despatches of the 11th and 18th.
  • n19. See above, No. 33.
  • n20. Don Ramon de Cardona, Viceroy of Naples (1509-12), and general of the Spanish army in Italy, under Ferdinand.
  • n21. "Para refinar la de cañon que sirve para escopeta."
  • n22. "E con una municion de cient collarcs."
  • n23. The Emperor's illegitimate daughter, born in 1521 of a Flemish lady, called Marguerite Vangest.
  • n24. This paragraph, owing to an omission of the deciphering clerk, has no sense except by the addition of the sentence placed between crotchets. It stands thus: "Por cartas que truxo Paulo de Rezo, recibió Mons de Borbon la orden, mas que no obstante todo esto si le pareciesse passar adelante con el exercito que lo ficiesse sintiendose fuerte para ello, por que el Vizrey se entretendria y vernia con su exeicito fasta Roma, quando este fuesse tan adelante que lo pudiesse fazer."