Spain: October 1528, 1-20 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1877.

'Spain: October 1528, 1-20', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529, (London, 1877) pp. 805-823. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol3/no2/pp805-823 [accessed 19 April 2024]

October 1528, 1-20



1 Oct.	563. Instructions to Miçer Miguel Mai, going as Ambassador to the Pope.
K. u. K. Haus- Hof-u. Staats. Arch. Wien. Rep. P. Fasc. C. 225.	Will embark for England (fn. n1) as soon as possible, and inform Don Iñigo de Mendoça, bishop elect of Burgos, of his arrival in London. Is to hold a conference with that ambassador before letting anyone know the nature of these instructions. After delivering his credentials to the said ambassador, he is to explain how, knowing him to be in bad health, and unable to attend to the delicate business now intrusted to his care, We, at his request, send him (Miçer Mai) to assist and help in whatever may be undertaken or done in behalf of our beloved aunt, Queen Katharine of England.
	With regard to this particular business Miçer Mai is to acquaint Don Iñigo with everything that has been done hitherto, as well as with the steps taken at Rome to prevent any measures detrimental to the interests and reputation of the said Queen. He will likewise take care to explain all the incidents of the case, and show to the above-mentioned ambassador (Don Iñigo), or any lawyers that the latter may recommend, the transcripts of the bull of dispensation and brief [granted by Pope Julius II.], and state at once that the original brief, posterior to and more explicit than the bull itself, is in our hands, and that for the present We are unwilling to part with it for fear it should be lost on the way. Of the bull of dispensation We only possess an attested transcript, but imagine that the original must be preserved at Rome. However this may be, We consider that the copies now sent, duly attested as they are, will be sufficient for our present purpose, which is to prove to the people of England that the dispensation of Pope Julius was granted in due form. In this manner, if anyone [in England] were to argue "de ereption ó sumesption" against the said document, he (Mai) and Don Iñigo will be fully prepared to answer any objections raised against its validity, as well as against that Pope's power to dispense. Miçer Mai, however, is not to communicate the above facts to anyone whomsoever, except to the said Don Iñigo, and the person or persons whom our ambassador in England, as well as the Queen, our aunt, may designate.
	After conferring with Don Iñigo on this subject, Miçer Mai will wait on the King and Cardinal [of England], together or separately, as it may be, and deliver the letters and credentials whereof he is the bearer. He is to explain how, hearing that Don Iñigo is in indifferent health, We send him to help in this and other business. He will also ask for permission to see the Queen, and, if granted, will deliver into her hands the letter he has for her, without, however, informing the King or Cardinal of the nature of his instructions, or letting them, or anyone else, know that he is acquainted with the business in question. But if on his arrival in London Miçer Mai should find that the affair had become so public and notorious [in England] that secrecy was no longer necessary, then, in that case, he may, after taking Don Iñgio's counsel thereupon, plead on behalf of the Queen in such terms as to show our utmost concern and sorrow at the treatment which one of our nearest relatives experiences in England.
	(fn. n2)
	After calling on the Queen, and delivering his credentials and our letters to her, Miçer Mai will, if the opportunity offers itself, console her in her affliction, and say that We send him to England for the express purpose of attending to her case and upholding her rights. (fn. n3)
	Spanish. Original draft in Gattinara'. hand.
1 Oct.	564. Lope de Soria to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar A. 43, f. 219.	Encloses duplicate of his despatch of the 28th inst. The confederates are still at Pavia, holding counsel together as to their future operations. Some are for marching at once on Milan ; others, for taking up positions at Viagrassa, whilst the French much prefer attacking Genoa. Some again recommend that Florence should be made at once the stronghold of the League, and defended against the designs both of Pope and Emperor. The cause of such hesitation is no other, in his (Soria's) opinion, than the scarcity of their forces, for besides the many hundreds lost in the taking of Pavia, some have since deserted with the spoil they made there, and others threaten not to move unless their arrears be paid beforehand.
	The Florentines refuse admitting Renzo da Ceri within their walls for fear he should be in intelligence with the Pope. They are fast increasing their defences. Perchance the old prophecy will now be fulfilled intimating that Florence shall be destroyed by Germans and Spaniards.
	Many of His Imperial Majesty's servants are of opinion that this is the time for making peace with the King of France, if he would only desist from his plans, and mix no longer in Italian affairs. Both he and the Emperor might then turn their arms against Venice, an enterprise as laudable and catholic as if it were directed against the Turk, for certainly the Signory is perhaps the real and only cause of these wars and troubles.
	The castle of Pavia surrendered on the 24th ulto. for want of gunpowder and ammunition. Leyva complains of the abandon in which he is, and that no one cares about him or supplies to his wants.
	The Prince of Orange is reported to be already on the road to Rome. The Pope was still at Orvieto with the intention of going to Civittà Castellana, which shows that he no longer fears the Prince, and has entered into some secret agreement with him. Sarra (Sciarra) and others of the Colonnese are close to Rome with considerable forces, doing all the harm they can to the estates of the Church and lands of the Orsini. This might perchance retard the return of His Holiness to his capital.
	Florentines, he hears, are now engaging all the fugitives from Naples who happen to pass through their territory, and sending besides troops to Renzo da Ceri that he may maintain himself at Spoletto, on the frontiers of the Abruzzo.
	Cannot tell yet whether Thomasso de' Fornariis will pay any portion of the last 200,000 ducats. He is still unwell at Genoa. Out of the former credit very little can remain in his hands, if it be true that he has paid in Naples 140,000. This last sum joined to the 33,000 cr. handed over to Brunswick, 8,000 to Leyva, 12,000 to Guasto and Ascanio Colonna for the payment of their ransom, make altogether 53,000 cr., equal to 57,000 ducats at the present rate of exchange.—La Mirandola, 1st October 1528.
	Signed: "Lope de Soria."
	Addressed: "To His most Sacred, &c."
	Indorsed: "To the King. 1528. Soria."
	Spanish. Original. pp. 3.
6 Oct.	565. The Duke of Bejar (fn. n4) to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 16, f. 365. B. M. 28,577, f. 397.	Congratulates him on his Neapolitan victory. Now is the time to subjugate (reducir) to the service of God the enemies of our Holy Catholic Faith.—Bejar, 6th October 1528.
	Spanish. Original. p. 1.
9 Oct.	566. The Emperor to Don Iñigo de Mendoza.
K. u. K. Haus- Hof-u. Staats. Arch. Wien. Rep. P.C. Fasc. 227.	The King, &c.—We have duly received by sea eleven of your despatches, the last of which bears the date of the 13th of August last. We thank you very much for the unfailing interest and care you take in our affairs, which is indeed such as We always expected from you.
	By the duplicate of the letters which We addressed to you by Chasteau, dated the 10th May and 5th July, you must have learned of the arrival at this our court, both of the messenger sent by our good aunt Margaret [of Savoy], as well as of the collector, Silvester Dario, who was despatched at the same time by the Cardinal of England. The latter has since presented to us a memorandum containing new overtures (medios) for peace, to which We have made the answer herein enclosed. Should the Cardinal first speak to you on the subject, you shall shape your answer entirely according to our views, as expressed in the said answer. If he should not, you will open the subject to him, and show him our answer to his overtures, as well as the memorandum drawn up by the Bishop of Pistoya (Pucci), of which we sent you a copy, that he may see and be convinced that the bishop was as fully empowered as Silvester Dario himself to treat of this peace, (fn. n5) as he came by the express order and mandate of the King of France. It seems to us advisable that a number of copies of our answer to the Cardinal should be circulated among the worthy inhabitants of that kingdom (los buenos Ingleses), because there is a paragraph in it alluding to the love We bear them, and likewise to the great desire We have of seeing the old alliances and friendship between England and Spain renovated and strengthened.
	With regard to this point, .... the renewal of our friendship, or at least of a truce and suspension of arms in our Spanish dominions as well as in those of the house of Burgundy, you are to follow entirely our instructions in date of the 28th of September 1527, forwarded to you by way of Her most Serene Highness the Lady Margaret, our aunt, to whom We then entrusted the present negotiation. You shall therefore adhere strictly to the said instructions, as well as to Madame's orders, except perhaps on one single point in which We wish to have a modification introduced; namely, our debt to the King of England. For if We are not mistaken in the instructions then forwarded to you, We offered to pay to the King of England all our liquidated debts at the same time that the sons of King Francis should be set at liberty. We were then at Palencia, and as there was some probability of peace being made between us, We did not then hesitate to choose that mode and time for acquitting our debt. But now that the prospects of peace are so very uncertain, We wish the payment to be made by instalments, and at the longest possible dates. You may stipulate in our name, if no further respite can be obtained, that the whole of our debt shall be paid in two years by equal sums; that is to say, 75,000 gold cr. of the Sun at the end of each year, since our presently liquidated debt to the King of England only amounts to 150,000. The same to be done respecting any other debt not yet liquidated in full. As to the sum of 60,000 cr. which also appears in the account, the King, as you well know, holds as security for it the fleur de lis of our grandfather Maximilian. If, moreover, the English King should ask you securities for the payment of that sum, you will grant in our name the best that can be obtained from merchants and bankers, and in case of a settlement being made, you will take care to let us know in time, that We may get ready the said guarantees.
	Respecting your return to this country, We can assure you that We desire it quite as much as yourself, whenever our affairs at that court admit of it; but, after reading the above, you will agree with us that your presence in London is now more wanted than ever. Yet, if after doing your duty in this negotiation, you should find that the Cardinal is not in favour of the proposed arrangement, you may complain in the hearing of influential and well-disposed Englishmen of your acquaintance of the unwillingness there seems to be in that country to settle pending matters, and renewing the old friendship and alliance between the two countries. This being done, you shall go to the King, and try to ascertain from him what his real intentions are, assuring him in general terms that We are ready to grant any reasonable and just demand that may be made upon us, within the limits, however, of the aforesaid instructions, and subject also to whatever alterations Her most Serene Highness the Lady Margaret of the Low Countries may introduce respecting the intercourse of trade, &c. You will also tell the King that his ambassadors in this country, ever since they took leave of us, are daily asking for permission to return to England, which it would be unreasonable for us to grant, unless you also were suffered to depart. This and other arguments which your prudence may suggest will offer you an opportunity—in case of your feeling unable to obtain the renewal of the English alliance, or at least of a good truce—to announce in public, and wherever there is most chance of its reaching the ears of the King, that you are ready to take leave of him and return to Spain. You shall come by way of France under a safe-conduct, which We have no doubt the King of England will procure for you; and once in our presence, We shall then, not before, allow the departure of the English ambassadors to France.
	With regard to the Queen of England, our good aunt, We have intelligence both from Rome and from that Court that Cardinal Campeggio has departed for England, and that he has mandate to act conjointly with the Cardinal of York in the divorce suit instituted by that King. Cardinal Campeggio may already be in England, and We ought therefore to lose no time. We consider that the most efficient way of assisting and protecting the Queen, our good aunt, is for us to prevent, by all possible means, the trial of her case coming on in England, and to oppose any mandates of the Pope to particular persons. To this end We have caused two different drafts (minutas) to be drawn up of certain protests and requisitions to be made in our name, wherein our reasons for asking that the case be tried elsewhere, and especially at Rome, are expressly detailed. To the said drafts are appended full and special powers drawn out in due form for you separately or conjointly, as the case may be, to make the said requisitions and protests against the two cardinals, or either of them, if one or both should persist in the course of proceeding which appears to have been adopted. For the better execution of this charge, and for the greater security of the affair, you may, if you think proper, enter in the presence of the said Papal delegates (comisarios), separately or conjointly, the aforesaid requisitions (sommaciones) and protests, and demand act of the same, taking with you, in case they refused, a notary to certify the whole transaction.
	That you may better understand our wishes in this affair, and act with your usual prudence and discretion, We enclose (fn. n6) a minute of the form and terms of the said deed, as well as a copy of the protest We have lodged before the Pope at Rome. You shall keep to the letter of the said requisitions (sommaciones) and protests, saying that you have no other instructions or mandate respecting this affair, and shall take all possible care that neither the Queen herself, nor anyone in her name, interferes directly or indirectly with this course, which We consider the best for her.
	We have sent an express messenger to our brother the King of Hungary, and to our brother-in-law the King of Portugal, requesting them to send people of their own to back and support the said requisitions and protests. We doubt not that they will do so, and also send ambassadors to Rome to join in the protest laid before the Holy Father. We have again ordered our ambassador in that Court, Miçer Mai, to see the aforesaid protest duly ratified and attested in his presence, and cause authentic copies of the whole transaction to be sent to you, that the Queen, our good aunt, may know how fully disposed We are to defend her rights, and do anything else that may henceforward appear just or expedient, so that she herself and the World at large may be convinced that We look upon her case as our own.
	We leave it to your prudence and discretion to decide whether it will be requisite to challenge the Cardinal as being the Queen's sworn and professed enemy. If so, We have caused two different powers to be made out, one containing the said challenge and the grounds on which the said enmity is founded, the other having no clause to that effect. The words of the former, which allude to the Cardinal's enmity, are placed between commas (estan verguladas), so that you can make use of one or the other of the two powers as you may think most suitable for our cause.
	If, however, you clearly saw that Cardinal Campeggio had no mandate from the Pope to take cognizance of the affair, it seems to us that it would be prudent to dissemble and not make use of the aforesaid protest, which might no longer be necessary. But you must take good care that by the said dissembling and reservation no injury is done to our good aunt, the Queen of England, and her rights, for it is our wish to help her in all possible ways.
	In short, should you find that there was no possibility of renewing the old friendship and alliance, or of making a truce, or in some other fit way remaining at peace with the English, and that you are thereby obliged to ask for leave and quit that kingdom, then in that case We command and order you to make the said protests, even if they are directed against the Cardinal of York separately and singly, since this cannot but be beneficial to the Queen's cause in the eyes of the English people. In view of such contingency, We now write to Cardinal Campeggio the enclosed letter, (fn. n7) which is also a credential in your favour. You shall try and persuade him to relinquish his present commission. You may give him the letter or not, as you think best for the success of the present negotiations, respecting which We have fully and resolutely declared our intentions to you. — Madrid, 9th October 1528.
	Spanish. Original draft. pp. 4.
10 Oct.	567. Count Burrello to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 43, f. 221.	Has not written for many months. Is now in Puglia in pursuit of the enemy, who, after his defeat at Montesoro and Manfredonia, took shelter in Barletta and Trani. Had great difficulty in reaching as far as Andria, where he now is, owing to the enemy being there in great force. Failed in his attempt on Quarata as he had no artillery, and the garrison of Trani hastened to its relief. Is waiting for instructions from the Prince, and in the meantime has quartered his troops in various places of this neighbourhood, losing no opportunity of injuring the confederates wherever they show themselves, and skirmishing with them to the very gates of Barletta and Trani. The other day at one of these skirmishes, Jo. Berno. (Gio. Bernardino?) San Severino, the son of the Duke of Somma, was taken prisoner.
	Barletta and Trani are held by the confederates; the former by the French, the latter by the Venetians. These last hold also Monopoli and Polinnano (Polignano). A message has been sent to Count de Joya, who has an estate close to Monopoli, to take the field and annoy the enemy as much as possible. For this purpose two companies of Spanish infantry have been placed under his orders. Instructions have also been sent to the Marquis of La Tripalda, at Otranto, to go to Monopoli with his artillery, as the city cannot offer much resistance, the garrison being scanty and in want of provisions. The Marquis has answered that as soon as Nardo—which he is actually besieging—falls into his power he will immediately start in that direction.
	As such nests as these must not remain in the enemy's hands for fear they should become rallying points for the French, he (Count Burrello) has applied to Naples for reinforcements in men and artillery. The Prince's answer has been that they are getting ready, and will be despatched in a couple of days.—Andria, 10th October 1528.
	Signed: "El Conde de Burrello."
	Addressed: "Sacratissimæ, Cesareæ, et Catholicæ Majestati."
	Indorsed: "XVII. To His Majesty. From Count de Burrello. 10th October 1528."
	Spanish. Original pp. 2.
10 Oct.	568. Prothonotary Caracciolo to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 43, f. 225.	Wrote last on the 14th and 18th ulto., but fears that both those despatches and the duplicates of others fell into the hands of the enemy. Pavia was taken by storm, and the Imperialists, who took refuge in the castle, were obliged to capitulate some days after. Hearing that the "Castelletto" of Genoa was closely invested by our people, St. Pol thought of going thither with part of his forces. No news has yet arrived from that locality, (cipher:) but it is to be presumed that nothing of importance has been achieved, for otherwise the confederates would not have failed to boast, whereas nothing is said about it.
	Letters have been intercepted from ambassadors and other people in France, advising the Signory and Francesco Sforza to hold out as long as possible in Lombardy, so that by next spring they may again take the offensive. If so, His Imperial Majesty must immediately provide funds for this Imperial army, or else Antonio de Leyva, who is still in delicate health, will be unable to stand their attack, as both his Germans and Spaniards are in a state of mutiny and refuse serving. Churches and monasteries, as well as the houses of private individuals, are daily visited by bands of undisciplined soldiers, who plunder right and left. (fn. n8) —Milan, 13th October 1528.
	Signed: "Il Prothonotario Caraccioio."
	Addressed: "To His most Sacred, &c."
	Indorsed: "To the King. 1528. Caracciolo. Milan."
	Italian. Original mostly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering between the lines, and separately at fol. 227. pp. 3.
19 Oct.	569. The Same to the Same.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 43, f. 231.	Encloses duplicate of his despatch, of the 10th. Cannot help alluding again to the danger in which they all are. The Germans are more than ever in a state of mutiny. Out of those who came last, only about 1,000 remain ; and as to the old ones they obstinately refuse coming to terms, and insist upon being paid the whole of their arrears, amounting to several thousands. Already Leyva has been obliged to retire to the castle with his Spaniards. The Germans threaten to sack this city, and either going home or passing over to the enemy, as they say they are continually being deceived, and that since Captain Ribadeneyra's departure with their humble petition to the Emperor no tidings have come from Spain. Though every expedient has been tried to appease their discontent, none has been found yet, and now, at two o'clock of night, all the Emperor's subjects are dreading what will come to pass to-morrow.
	Giuliano della Spezzia, however, has undertaken, with great personal danger, to go to Genoa and see whether he will be able to obtain there 20,000 cr., with which, and what little more may be obtained here, these Germans may be appeased, though they are so unruly and unsatiable that there is very little chance of their ever doing their duty.
	His Imperial Majesty must not rely too much on his Neapolitan army. It is very problematic that it can come to Lombardy in time.—Milan, 19th October 1528.
	Signed: "Il Prothonotario Caracciolo."
	Addressed: "To His most Sacred, Imperial, Catholic, &c."
	Indorsed: "To the King. 1528. Caracciolo. Milan. 19th October."
	Italian. Original mostly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet, pp. 3.
10 Oct. M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. C. 71, f.	570. Martin de Salinas, Austrian Ambassador in Spain, to the King of Bohemia and Hungary.
	Would have written before had there been an opportunity, but no courier has left all this time, and His Imperial Majesty is keeping back Pedro de Ascoytia until the answer of the King of France arrives. His Highness' letters of the 20th of April, 12th, 25th, and 28th of May, 4th, 8th, and 19th of June, and 7th of July, have been duly received. The former, dated Prague, on Resurrection Day, came rather late, as it was already known at this court that His Highness had sent an army [to Italy], and provided the first funds by pawning the Crown jewels. No sooner, moreover, did the Emperor receive this intelligence than he procured and actually sent bills of exchange for 30,000 ducats.
	By the said letter of the 20th, he (Salinas) was commanded to wait on the Emperor, and state to him that certain members of the German Diet were of opinion that a great effort should now be made, and some sort of resolution (apuntamiento) taken by the Assembly for the purpose of putting an end to the war. The Emperor seemed to approve of the plan, but recommended the greatest secrecy for fear the enemy should think he had anything to do with it.
	That of the 15th of May, announcing the arrival of Louis de Taxis and of Letur (La Tour), as well as the dissolution of the Diet convoked for Ratisbona (Regensburg), was likewise considerably delayed. That measure His Highness seems to think originated entirely with the Emperor. He (Salinas) can bear testimony that His Imperial Majesty had no hand in it; nothing indeed could be so far from his mind as to give orders which should be unpleasant to his brother. The fault lies entirely with the Provost (Preposito) of Balcrique (Valtkirch), whose instructions were not to proceed in the matter until he had delivered his charges. His Imperial Majesty is exceedingly sorry for what has happened, and cannot conceive what motives the said Provost [of Valtkirch] can have had for tarrying so long on his journey, and acting against his express commands, thus giving rise to the scandalous rumours circulated by our enemies.
	Lutherans—King of Denmark, &c.
	The Emperor was sorry to hear of the King (Christiern III.) having given shelter to the wife and sister of his own brother-in-law. He considers this a blameable act, though very consistent with the general character of that monarch.
	Of the levies made by the Landgrave of Ascia (Hesse) and Duke of Jassa (Hesse), and the object for which they were intended, he (Salinas) failed not to inform the Emperor, as he was instructed to do by letter of the 28th May. His Highness seemed to think at the time that those levies were made at the instigation of France. Now he tells us that the League is broken, the men dismissed, and the originator of the whole intrigue found out. The parties, moreover, had come to an agreement with the Archbishop of Maguncia (Mainz) and other prelates. He (Salinas) has acquainted the Emperor with all the particulars of the affair.
	The letter of the 4th June related to the threatened invasion of the Turk, as reported by a Franciscan friar; also to the letters which the Signory of Venice had written to the Infidel, promising so to manage matters that by Michaelmas next he (the Emperor) should be dead. His Imperial Majesty thinks the Venetians quite capable of anything, but he trusts in God, and takes good care of himself. Advises His Highness to do the same. When he (Salinas) told him of the embassies sent by the Vayvod, the Venetians, and the French for a similar purpose, he (the Emperor) remarked that God could not fail to punish his enemies for their misdeeds, and that the late discomfiture of the French at Naples was no doubt a sure prognostic of the Divine vengeance. Told him also of the last earthquake at Constantinople; wishes to God it had been so general and destructive as to free us at once of so formidable an enemy.
	Monforte arrived at Court before His Highness' letter [of the 19th June] came to hand. He is about to go back again with despatches.
	His Highness very justly appreciates the Flemings and their conduct under present circumstances. Indeed what idea can be formed of people who conclude an eight months' truce with the French, just at the time when their King Francis has challenged the Emperor to single combat, thus allowing our enemies to withdraw their garrisons from the frontiers, and send them to Naples under Mons. de St. Pol?
	Respecting the Duke of Ferrara (Alfonso d'Este) and his wavering policy, the Emperor has nothing to observe. He knows him of old, and nothing that he does can surprise him. Perhaps our late success at Naples may be the cause of his changing his mind
	With regard to the Pope, fresh instructions have been given to Monforte as to the manner in which the negotiations are to be conducted, for since the Emperor's last letter [to His Holiness] things have materially changed both in Germany and in Italy.
	His Highness' last letter of the 7th July refers to the German Princes in general, and to the means he (the King) has employed to make them put down their arms. The Landgrave, it is added, for fear of His Highness interfering in the suit pending between Count Nasaot (Nassau) and himself, seems desirous of embracing the Emperor's cause. But as the justice of the Count's cause is so notorious, and he has already gained three sentences in his favour, His Imperial Majesty's wish is that he should be protected in his rights against the machinations of his adversary (the Landgrave), who is moving heaven and earth to gain his point.
	The Emperor was glad to hear of the taking of the Castle of Tranchin (Trenschin), and other successes against the Vayvod. Has not sent Pedro de Ascoytia until now, because he was desirous of acquainting His Highness with the result of the personal challenge sent him by the King of France. Borgoña has just returned [to that country] with the enclosed answer. (fn. n9) It would appear that on his arrival at Fuentarrabia, that herald applied to the governor of Bayonne for a safe-conduct, which was refused unless he first declared what was the substance of the Emperor's message. This Borgoña would not do, but was at last allowed to proceed on his errand. It is reported that the real cause of the delay was no other than the bad health of King Francis, who was then taking the "lignum vitæ" tree (fn. n10). Pedro de Ascoytia now takes [to Spain] the details of the whole affair, as well as copies of all the papers written on the occasion. The Emperor would be glad that His Highness should himself espouse this cause as his own, and induce the Princes of the Empire to do the same. (fn. n11)
	Some bankers of this place have shown him (Salinas) letters advising drafts to the amount of 16,275 ducats, payable here at short dates. In that sum are included the 10,000 florins owing to the Duke of Jassa (Hesse), and other sums spent in the recruiting, &c. of the auxiliary bands lately sent to Italy. He (Salinas) will do his utmost to have the bills cashed by the Emperor's treasury, but fears there will be some difficulty unless full account be sent of the money laid out, when and for what purpose, similar in all to those forwarded on other occasions.
	Rocandorf (fn. n12) has lately sent a servant of his with instructions of what he had to negotiate at this court. Among other things, he was to show him (Salinas) notes and papers to prove that certain parties in Flanders were trying to sow dissension between His Highness and the Emperor by stating that the Germans whom Monforte was sent to recruit might easily have gone [into Italy] had His Highness chosen. Knows very well that not even the Devil himself, if he attempted it, could sow dissension in the hearts of two such loving brothers : and yet His Highness ought to be on his guard against any mischief of this sort.
	A natural son (fn. n13) of the late Emperor Maximilian, who resides in those parts, has lately written to His Imperial Majesty, complaining that he is treated no better than if he were a mere scullion (moço de cocina). Deems it necessary to mention the fact, not that the writer's letter has been in any way noticed, but in order to put His Highness on his guard respecting the said person's complaints. He might be promoted to a better office or else punished, as he deserves, for his insolence. On the whole Pedro de Ascoytia, who knows him well, will say that he is not likely to be better treated here than he is there [at Prague].
	In order to procure money for his present wants the Emperor was in treaty with the King of Portugal for a large sum of money in exchange for a permission to trade with the Spice Islands. The negotiation, however, has been abandoned owing to the Portuguese not choosing to pay the price asked for the concession. His Highness will not be sorry to hear of it. The Emperor had already a strong fleet ready to sail for those seas ; it may be now employed in another direction. Twelve more galleys are now ready to join those of Andrea Doria, unless the Emperor changes his present purpose, and crosses over to Italy himself, as most people here wish him to do.
	The news of Naples and what has been accomplished there by sea and land His Highness will see in the enclosed letter of the Emperor. (fn. n14)
	The recommendation in favour of Count Palatine Frederic came too late, as His Imperial Majesty had already appointed the Prince of Orange to be Viceroy of Naples. The payment of his pensions must also be postponed until a more favourable opportunity.
	A Jew has been allowed to preach in Portugal in favour of the religion of Moses, and against our Christian faith. He has also written letters to this kingdom [of Spain], in consequence of which many of his comrades desert their homes and fly to that country. The Emperor has written twice to the King on this subject, and the Inquisition is now proceeding against the guilty parties. Cannot tell how the affair will end, but fears that God will in the end chastise the King who tolerates such evil in his estates.
	The Constable of Castille died about 10 days ago; a serious loss for His Imperial Majesty, since not one councillor and statesman, or very few remain capable of taking charge of the government of these kingdoms during the Emperor's absence.
	Mons. de Laccio (La Chaulx) is writing in favour of a son of his for the archbishopric of Visançon (Besançon), and the Emperor would be glad if his petition were granted.
	On the receipt of the last favourable news from Naples, the Archbishop of Toledo (Fonseca) and the Count of Miranda (D. Francisco de Zuñiga y Avellaneda) were elected to the Council of State.—Madrid, 10th October 1528.
	Addressed: "To the King."
	Spanish. Original draft pp. 9.
Oct. 13–16.	570. Don Iñigo de Mendoza to the Emperor.
K. K. Haus-Hof- Arch. Wien. Rep. Fasc.	(Cipher:) After my letter of the 30th of September, Cardinal Campeggio arrived in London. Although great preparations had been made for his reception, he would not make his entrance in public, but remained in one of the suburbs, and on the ensuing morning went privately by the river-side to the house which had been prepared for him. He is not in good health, as he is suffering from gout, and so fatigued by his journey that since his arrival he has not quitted his bed. The Cardinal [of York] has visited him, but the King has not, and it is not yet known what his powers are. Some of his own household give out that his mission relates chiefly to the settlement of a general peace, but the truth is that he comes at this King's bidding for this matter of the divorce, the Queen's enemies confidently asserting that his charge is to declare the marriage null and void. On the other hand the Queen's friends cannot persuade themselves that he (Campeggio) has a mandate from the Pope to decide and give sentence on her case, but think that he only comes to institute a judicial inquiry, and then, with the result of the same, return to Rome. We shall shortly hear what he intends doing. Hitherto, neither the Queen nor those who are in her favour have been able to ascertain what he [the new Legate] comes about. As soon as anything is known Your Imperial Majesty will be duly informed.
	I have been told that the reason Cardinal Campeggio alleges for refusing to make a public entrance into this city is, that so long as the Church [in England] is not reinstated in all she has lost, it seems to him as if her cardinals should give no signs of joy or satisfaction. For this reason also he wears a very long and untrimmed beard in sign of mourning.
	Perceiving that the lawyer (letrado) whom Your Majesty promised to send was not forthcoming, I wrote to the Queen inquiring whether it was her wish that Madame should at once send from Flanders one well versed in canon law, who might counsel and assist in her case. Her answer was that there were plenty here [in London] determined to defend her cause, and she imagined that if a foreigner were to be called in English lawyers would not work well together. Besides she had reasons to believe that the House of Parliament would not grant permission for foreigners to interfere.
	Owing to the above reasons I have not written to Flanders, and the canonist shall not be sent for, unless the Queen changes her mind. But I cannot help thinking that the lawyer who is to come from Spain might do much service on this occasion, for when these people see that he comes as ambassador and to reside [in London] they will not suspect that he is sent purposely to advise the Queen on her case, especially if he is sent to replace me in this embassy. My opinion is, therefore, that if not yet departed the lawyer should be despatched forthwith, as he will arrive very opportunely for the exercise of his functions.
	Should this new Legate (Campeggio) proceed with this divorce case as with any ordinary process, I believe the Queen intends to allege in her defence that she was a virgin when she married the present King, and that Prince Arthur had no access to her. This in my humble opinion ought by no means to be brought forward as an argument except in case the dispensation brief was proved to be defective (viciosa), as otherwise there is no necessity whatever for such an allegation; first, because virginity is a thing not easily proved, except by oath of the party herself; and, secondly, because the brief provides for that and other difficulties (en la dispensa está todo salvado). I am very much afraid that these lawyers whom the Queen trusts and consults are deceiving her, because, to tell Your Majesty the truth, wherever there is question of self-interest (donde ay interesse) these English people have little good faith, and less conscience. That is why I am so anxious that the promised lawyer should come from Spain; one who has made special study of canon law (que fuese mero canonista), and who is also a good Latin scholar (. hombre que fuese de buena lengva latino).
	The Queen wrote to me some days ago that the copy of the dispensation brief, which is to come from Spain, ought to be properly attested by a notary, so as to be available before a court of law. She has not written further on the subject, but my opinion is that it ought to be procured at Rome, and be sent to us as the Queen wishes and suggests, sufficiently authenticated and attested.
	I have been told that the ambassadors (fn. n15) sent to Rome by this King to ask for the new Legate (Campeggio), on the Pope representing to them the gravity of the case, and the scandal that might follow, were the King's petition to be granted, answered deliberately that the Queen herself consented to the divorce, and that Your Majesty, who is so closely related to her, would not oppose it; that Parliament (el Reyno) was unanimous on the subject, and would see it with pleasure, and that there would be therefore no matter for scandal. The Pope replied that he knew nothing as to the light in which the Queen and Parliament looked upon this divorce, but as far as Your Majesty was concerned, he had heard, and believed, that it was quite the reverse. Cardinal Campeggio would come, and do all that was just and proper for the good of the Christian world. Your Majesty may hereby judge how desperate the case of these people must be, when they resort to such subterfuges and false representations to gain their purpose.
	It would be very desirable for this particular business of the Queen that the Kings of Hungary and Portugal should send their ambassadors to the Pope at the same time as Your Majesty, to beg and entreat that in this divorce case the trial should be heard and sentence passed nowhere but at Rome. It would also be beneficial rather than otherwise to the Queen's cause if the two said Kings of Hungary and Portugal would send their agents here [to London] to try and bring this King to reason, if possible. At any rate, if unsuccessful in their application, the ambassadors might let these people know that Your Majesty, as well as his brothers of Hungary and Portugal, would be extremely hurt by the refusal. If no other advantage were gained by this step than showing to the English that Your Majesty and the Queen's relatives take up this cause as their own, much might be gained for the cause itself, as well as for other contingencies.
	About the affairs of Gheldres Your Majesty has no doubt received information through the Lord High Steward. Last week I was told that there was some hope of the Duke's (Charles d'Egmont) coming to terms, and that a truce of 15 days had been signed between the belligerents. I fear that no reliance is to be placed in him, and that whatever agreement is now made will be very costly and of short duration. I suppose that the persons deputed to treat -with the Duke are well aware of his fickleness, and that in treating with him they will take this into consideration and keep on the safe side, so as not to incur blame hereafter. I say this because I have reason to believe that all the Duke's overtures have solely for object to gain time on account of the damage his subjects of Gheldres are sustaining [from the Imperial arms], and from his hoping by that means to excite the jealousy of the French King and get better terms from him.
	At Naples, as Your Majesty must already have been informed, things are, thanks to God, in a very prosperous state. Lombardy, however, must be well looked to, lest the enemy should strengthen himself there and again invade the kingdom. It is rumoured here that the subjects of France and Venice have thrown their last stake (ponen el resto) in order to serve their respective masters, and see if they can resume the offensive in Italy. It would be desirable that Your Majesty's subjects should also renew their efforts at this present juncture, for success [in Italy] would powerfully contribute to the defence of other Imperial possessions.—London, 13th October 1528.
	(Common writing:) As I was writing the above, I received from the Count of Gavre [Jean d'Egmont] the copy of a letter which Madame [of the Low Countries] addressed to him at Gravelingas (Gravelines), where he was residing at the time. It would appear from its contents that [Charles] the Duke of Gheldres has actually left the French King's service and come over to Your Majesty. As the copy of the Count's letter to me is here enclosed, (fn. n16) and I know that Madame has already forwarded, or is about to forward, [to Spain] the particulars of the agreement entered into with the Duke, I need not give any more details.
	Your Majesty will see by the duplicate of my letter [of the 13th], sent by express to certain merchant vessels at the Dunes (Downs), that a courier despatched by the English ambassadors [in Spain] had just arrived in London. I hope my letter reached in time. I have since ascertained that the courier did not come from Spain, but from the Court of France, where—I cannot say by which way or through whose means—certain letters of the said English ambassadors, sent more than a month ago by sea, had been received, the very same that the courier has now brought.
	In Scotland, I am told, there has been dissension between the King's mother and the Count of Anguche (Earl of Angus), her husband, who held the government of the country in his hands. They say that most of the Scottish nobility have taken the Queen's part, and expelled Angus from Scotland. He is now at Varuich (Warwick) on the frontiers of that kingdom on the English side, and there is now [in London] a brother of the Earl negotiating his restoration to power as before.
	The new Legate (Campeggio) has had so many visits since his arrival from the Cardinal of York (Wolsey), and held so many conferences with him, that I have been unable to see him, though I have called at various times. To-morrow, God willing, I shall make a new attempt, (cipher:) and if I can draw him out and ascertain what his present commission is respecting the divorce case, I shall not fail to apprise Your Majesty as soon as possible.—London, 16th October 1528.
	Signed: "Don Yñygo de Mendoça."
	Spanish. Original mostly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet. pp. 5.
19 Oct.	571. Queen Katharine to the Emperor and Empress.
K. u. K. Haus- Hof-u. Staats Arch. Wien. Rep. P. C. Fasc. 224, No. 13.	Most high and most powerful Lord and Lady,—God knows the Pain I suffer in so frequently distressing Your Highnesses with the recital of my continual troubles; but when I bear in mind that your virtue is such that you are always inclined to have pity on those who suffer, I cannot forbear applying for assistance and help in my present tribulation.
	Since the letter which I addressed to Your Highness by Francysco Felype, (fn. n17) on my present position, it has come to pass that the King of England, my Lord, and the whole of his Privy Council have resolved that on the 15th of November next all the lawyers of this kingdom shall meet together and discuss whether I am, or am not, his lawful wife. Each of these lawyers is to give his own opinion in writing as his conscience and learning may dictate, and the opinions thus given are then to be forwarded to His Holiness at Rome, that he may decide upon them and pass sentence. If, therefore, Your Highness would confer so great a favour on me, since it is doing God's service, as to win over the Pope to our side (con tiempo ganar at Papa), I should be grateful for ever; for were this present Pope to undo what his predecessors have done, it must inevitably weigh on his honour and conscience, and lead ultimately to the discredit of the Apostolic See, which should stand firmly on its one foundation, Christ (. de estar fyrme sobre la pyedra que es Cristo). Were it to waver just now in this particular case, many might think that we were not in the right; and since Your Highness has entire justice on his side, I beg and entreat, as earnestly as I can, that some demonstration be made here and at Rome on my behalf. However undeserving, yet I humbly implore Your Highness' favour on this occasion, for besides being a great charity (gran lymosna) bestowed on one so closely allied to Your Highness by the ties of blood, this would also be a pious example to posterity and those who, after Your Highness shall have been called to God, may inherit his estates, &c.—Granuche (Greenwich), this the 19th of October.
	Signed: "Your good aunt Katharina."
	Addressed: "To the most high and most powerful Lord, the Emperor, our nephew."
	Indorsed: "The Queen of England to the Emperor and Empress."
	Spanish. Holograph. pp. 2.
19 Oct.	572. Lope Hurtado to the Emperor.
S. E. Port. L. 368, f. 11. B. M. Add. 28,577, f. 298.	One of the caravels that went under Sebastian Cavocto (Caboto), piloto mayor of His Majesty, has arrived at this port. On board of her is an accountant and treasurer (contador y tesorero) of the said fleet, whom Sebastian now sends with the news of the wonderful discoveries made by him and his people. Indeed, if what the messenger states be true, His Imperial Majesty will no longer want either cinnamon or pepper, for he will have more gold and silver than he requires.—Lisbon, 19th October 1528.
	Signed: "Lope Hurtado."
	Spanish. Original. pp. 2.
20 Oct.	573. Prothonotary Caracciolo to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 43, f. 237.	(Cipher:) Retained until this very morning the deputies of the old companies of German infantry as they had expressed a wish to meet the aldermen of this city. At the appointed hour they were received in audience, he (Caracciolo) being present at the conference. One of them said that the Emperor owed them several months' pay. Many a time they had applied for it, but had been dismissed with promises which had never been fulfilled. Lately, at Lodi, they had been told that, immediately upon their return to Milan, they would be paid one half of their arrears. When the illustrious Mons. de Bourbon started on his Roman expedition this city of Milan was given to them in pledge ; they now insisted upon being paid, and if not they would sack the place. A long consultation was held and an answer promised for to-morrow. As this, however, cannot be satisfactory, both Leyva and he (Caracciolo) are dreading the consequences.—Milan, 20th August 1528.
	Signed: "Il Prothonotario Caracciolo."
	Addressed: "To His most Sacred, &c."
	Indorsed: "To the King. 1528. Milan. Caracciolo. 20th October."
	Italian. Original almost entirely in cipher. Contemporary deciphering between the lines, pp. 4.