Spain: April 1529, 1-15 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1877.

'Spain: April 1529, 1-15', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529, (London, 1877) pp. 965-980. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol3/no2/pp965-980 [accessed 19 April 2024]

April 1529, 1-15



3 April.	660. The Same to the Same.
L. 848, f. 12. B. M. Add. 28,578, f. 117.	Wrote last during the Holy Week by a courier of the Prince [of Orange], who happened to stop at Civittà Vecchia. Will now be brief, as the bearer of this despatch, the Abbot of Nero, a nephew of Miçer Andrea Doria, is on the point of leaving for Spain. The said Abbot told him last Good Friday that his uncle, Andrea, was shortly to sail for Barcelona to bring the Emperor to Italy. This piece of information has sadly distressed many of the Romans, though he (Mai) has somewhat calmed them by saying that they will be duly and officially informed of his arrival.
	He (Mai) has no reason to be dissatisfied with the Pope; the negotiations advance, and one or two more "consultas" with the Prince will do the business.
	The Bishop of Venosa, master of the Pope's household (maestro di casa), has been appointed Nuncio in Spain. He is to start in five or six days, and will be the bearer of letters from him (Mai).
	The English have again applied to the Pope about the divorce of their King. Is prepared in union with the cardinals to present a petition (requesta) to the Pope, according to the instructions received from Court.
	Announced in a former despatch the restitution of Civittà Vecchia. Don Alonso de Cordoba, the governor, offered such resistance that the Prince had him arrested, and sent word to the Pope to name the sort of punishment that was to be inflicted upon him, which act of courtesy and justice was very agreeable to His Holiness particularly, and to all in general.
	It was expected that the news of the taking of Monopoli would be received soon. The Prince was about to quit Naples with his army. He only waited for the Pope's resolution, which was to be communicated to him immediately.
	Suspicions are entertained about Perugia, whose lord, Malatesta, they say, has at last joined the French at the instigation of the Duke of Urbino. The latter, they say, is collecting troops for the purpose of arresting, if he can, the progress of the Imperialists.—Rome, 3rd April 1529.
	Signed: "Mai"
	Spanish. Original, pp. 2.
3 April.	661. The Same to the Same.
S. E. L. 848, f. 34. B. M. Add. 28,578, f. 155.	Though the Pope has had a relapse during this Holy Week, and he (Mai) could not as he expected, wait upon him, yet on Thursday last he had a most satisfactory interview with him, notwithstanding that the ambassadors of France and England had also audience on that day. Everything goes on well, and so he trusts that, after one or two consultations with the Prince of Orange, the treaty will be definitively concluded, which is more than could have been expected under present circumstances.
	This despatch is written hastily, on the spur of the moment (á la ventura). Will write again in five or six days by the Papal Nuncio going to Spain, who is no other than the Bishop of Venosa, "mastro di casa" of His Holiness, and reported to be very well inclined towards the Imperial service.
	The Crusade, &c.
	The English ambassadors have renewed their application about the divorce, asking that the case be tried in England, by the Eboracensis (Wolsey, Archbishop of York) and Campeggio; and as they are now half undeceived (medio desengañaclos) they threaten to take up with Luther and his sect. After stating all he had to say on the subject, and that the English ambassadors might see that he considered the whole thing as a hoax (burla), he (Mai) observed in their very presence that, should the King of England turn Lutheran, we ought to restore to its legitimate owner the [authorship of the book on which he (the King) founds his title of "Defender of the Faith." (fn. n1)
	Next week he (Mai) intends placing in the Popes hands a petition (requesta) in conformity with the orders received from the Emperor, and is confident that His Holiness will be quite glad of it. All his (Mai's) attention is now centred in laying fresh snares (nuevas asechanzas) for the English ambassadors, and he flatters himself that he has already devised some capital ones. Four or five days ago they held a consultation with some lawyers (letrados) here, but, thank God, they have not hitherto fixed upon any plan of attack he has not been able to defeat. He will be vigilant, and ask the opinion of the Imperial lawyers when required.—Rome, 3rd April 1529.
	Signed: "Mai."
	Addressed: "To His Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty."
3 April.	662. Act of the Exhibition of the Dispensation Brief to the English Ambassadors.
Rep P. C. 225, No 1.	On Saturday, the 3rd of April 1529, in the presence of Don Garcia de Loaysa, Bishop of Osma, and of William Vandeness, Bishop of Elna, and of the undersigned notaries and witnesses, the following document was read, being an answer to the request made by the ambassadors of the King of England, ...., the most Reverend Bishop of Worcester (Hieronimo Vigorniense Episcopo) and Edward Lee (Edoardo Leo), Doctor in Theology, to be permitted to inspect and read the original brief of dispensation for the marriage of the King, their master, and of the Emperor's aunt. Upon which Nicolas Perrenot, Sieur de Granvelle, (fn. n2) proceeded to explain how the Emperor had done everything in his power to maintain the friendship and good relations between himself and his good kinsman, the King of England. "Et licet predictus Serenissimus Rex præter probabilem occasionem ab ea divertisset, semper adeo illius honoris et conscientiæ studiosa manebat praefata Caesarea Maiestas, ut not posset non mirum in modum dolere nunc per ipsum Serenissimum Regem scrupulosè hæsitari de validitate et efficacia matrimonii inter se et prædictam Serenissimam Reginam Angliæ eius coniugem ritè et rectè contracti, celebrati, et tot lustris et annis obseruati, suscepta legitima prole, accedenteque summa auctoritate Ecclesiæ et Sanctæ sedis Apostolicæ, quippe nemo esset qui nesciret diuinas pariter et humanas leges hoc discrimen vetare, rationi et honestati repugnare, et conscientiæ Regis aduersari, et Reginæ inmerenti, affinibusque et consanguineis injuriosum esse, necnon communi eorum filiæ naturali et legitimæ prejudiciabile, Regno denique et populo Angliæ periculosum."
	The said Bishop of Worcester, and Doctor Edward Lee, ambassadors of the King of England, having lately, at Calatayud, expressed a wish to see the original brief of dispensation, His Majesty the Emperor gave orders that it should be exhibited to them publicly and in the presence of notaries appointed for the purpose, "prædictum breve intus et incuti inspiciendum, sanum quidem, ut asserebat, idem, proponens integrum, non vitiatum neque cancellatum, omnique vicio ac suspicione carens, extraque omnem calumniam, offerens ut de eodem sumeretur transumptum in forma solemni et auctentica coram prædictis Reverendissimis Dominis Oxomense et Elnensi dignitate fulgentibus, seu quibuscumque aliis personis publicis, deferendum ipsoRegi, seu quod prædictum breve originale, seu ad ipsorum Regis vel Reginæ, vel alterius cujusvis eorum nomine, instructionem, petitionem, uel requisitionem deferretur in Angliam." The said Nicolas Perrenot said that this could not be done, owing to the perils of war; nor was it necessary, for if the King of England, by way of justice, ever required it in support of his case, an attested copy might be sent to him or procured from Rome. Saying which, the aforesaid Sieur de Granvelle took the original brief in his hands, opened it, and gave it to the English ambassadors to inspect and read, and have a transcript made, if they pleased. This, however, the ambassadors refused, on the plea that, the case having been submitted to the Pope, they did not consider themselves sufficiently empowered to interfere. Upon which the said Nicolas Perrenot requested the Bishop of Osma (Garcia de Loaysa) and the Bishop of Elna (Vandenesse) publicly to read the said document, which was done in the presence of Henry Count of Nassau and Marquis of Cenete, the Emperor's Lord Chamberlain, of Laurence of Gorrevod, Count of Pont de Vaux (Pontis Vallium), grand master of the Imperial household, of Charles Poupet, Sieur de Lachaulx, cubicula prœfecto, of Louis de Flandre, Sieur de Praet, and of the aforesaid Sieur de Granvelle.
	Latin. Contemporary copy. pp. 3.
3 April.	663. Martin de Salinas to Archduke Ferdinand.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. C. 171, f. 208.	On the 6th ulto., Clabijo and Mercado arrived at Toledo with despatches and instructions for Don Antonio de Mendoça, Gabriel Sanchez, Don Pedro de Cordoba, and himself (Salinas). As the two former had already left for the port, he (Salinas) agreed with Don Pedro to call together on the Emperor, communicate the substance of the despatches, and beg for a speedy answer. This, however, could not be obtained, the Emperor being on the point of leaving for Barcelona, and the points consulted being highly important, and requiring the mature deliberation of the Council [of State]. Montfort will inform His Highness of what the Emperor's wishes are on that matter [of the Duchy], as he is now going [to Flanders] with instructions and orders very contrary indeed to His Highness' aspirations and wishes in that respect. His Highness, however, may be sure that the Emperor's intentions are good, and that he would have done all in his power to forward His Highness' views in that way, but for these late Italian wars. Should the Cortes not grant the subsidy the Emperor is asking for, he will be obliged to alienate some of his own patrimonial estates if he is to crush his enemies, and provide afterwards for the Turkish war. His journey to Italy is intended for no other purpose.
	The letters which His Highness sent for the Councillors of State severally were duly delivered, except those for the Dukes of Alba and Bejar, (fn. n3) who are gone to reside on their respective estates, owing to their want of means to keep up their rank at court.
	Don Pedro de Cordoba has received the promised despatch for Portugal After communicating the substance of it to the Emperor, he left for that country with his credentials in due form.
	Respecting the Diet, it is now more than six months ago that Pedro de Ascoytia took the Emperor's order for its convocation. Gabriel Sanchez went next and took a duplicate of it; but both messengers were so long delayed by contrary winds at sea, that it is no wonder the said orders have not been received.
	The above is an answer to His Highness' letter of the 8th December. As to the horses, they could be procured as easily as His Highness thought at first, owing to the ordinance (pragmatica) lately published that no body shall ride on mules unless he keeps likewise a war-horse. Owing to this, and to the shortness of the notice, which came before the Emperor's departure [for Barcelona], when the Emperor commissioned him (Salinas) to purchase on his account all he could find, he now sends four out of his own; they are the best of his stables, especially the roan (overo). Clabijo took them with 300 ducats for his travelling expenses.
	With regard to Secretary Castillejo, the Emperor was pleased to remunerate his services with a pension on the bishopric of Avila.
	Rocandorff (fn. n4) has permission to serve His Highness.
	Rosinboz has arrived with certain overtures of peace made by the French to Madame, but they cannot be very desirous of it, for the messenger who brought the proposals travelled through France and Castille in a cart. Another Frenchman has come from the Duke of Savoy with proposals of peace, but in his (Salinas') opinion he is more of a spy than a negotiator of peace.
	The Emperor left for Barcelona with the firm determination to cross over to Italy. Before his departure he made his will.
	His Highness' letter to the Empress (Isabella) was duly delivered by him (Salinas) and Cordoba. She answered that the Emperor, her husband, had the affairs of His Highness in particular, and of all Germany, so much at heart, that she could not do less than attend to them with all solicitude.— çaragoça, 3rd April 1529.
	Spanish. Original draft, pp. 6.
— April.	664. Miçer Mai's Report of Proceedings at Rome.
S. E. L. 848, f. 8. B. M. Add. 28,578, f. 197.	(Cipher:)Did at the very opening of the negotiations experience great difficulties. Was told that the Pope would never consent to treat, as he wished to be neutral, and considered it sufficient to have said so on more than one occasion. It was his intention to remain such until the general peace. Muxetula had not asked for more; and besides, Count Baldassar [Castiglione] had written from Spain to say that the Emperor's only wish was that he [the Pope] should remain perfectly neutral. To press him harder on this point would be tantamount to risking the issue of the negotiation. He was in bad health, and we might drive him to despair and cause his death. All cardinals, friends or enemies, agreed in this statement, assuring him (Mai) that they had undeceived Muxetula as to the Pope's sentiments, and that if he (Mai) and Burgo insisted, everything might be lost. It was not for the Imperial ambassador (they added) to show too much zeal in this particular, so as to endanger the issue of negotiations, which had commenced so well. His (Mai's) duty was not to press further matters which were disagreeable to His Holiness, but to content himself, as the Emperor had done, with the Pope's neutrality.
	These very words, or the like of them, did Prothonotary Gambara say to Miçer Andrea del Burgo at Bologna, when he was coming to Rome. He, himself, has often been addressed in the same style by the Pope, by the Capuan (Schomberg), and even by Santacroce. Nevertheless, regardless of their entreaties, he (Mai) persists in his determination, as he deems it necessary to go on with the negotiation, were it only to discountenance and thwart the League, whose ambassadors are intriguing now more than ever.
	Will proceed to detail the various points of the negotiation, which are as follows:—
	I. The Pope's friendship.
	II. The defensive League.
	III. The redemption of the "censo" of 7,000 ducats to be paid annually for the investiture of Naples.
	IV. The 24 churches in the above kingdom.
	V. The marriage.
	Respecting this last point, the cardinals deputed to negotiate with me were the first to mention it, for I had purposely omitted it in my memorials, whilst they had carefully inserted it in theirs. They remarked at the beginning that it was perhaps inopportune to treat on the subject, for the Duchess [of Camerino], the Pope's niece, had her dower in France. My answer was that in procuring an alliance with the Medici the Emperor had not a dower or a fortune in view, but merely the desire to confer honour and riches on their family. As to her estates being in France or elsewhere, that was quite indifferent to us Imperialists, for in the event of her marrying in conformity with the Emperor's wishes, we should know how to claim her dower wherever it might be. This matter, therefore, remained entirely at their choice. They knew the Emperor's good intentions, and that was quite sufficient. (fn. n5)
	This answer of mine was conveyed to the Pope by Salviati. I, myself, had occasion some days afterwards to mention the fact in His Holiness' presence, and he told me, "What you say persuades me that sooner or later this affair must come to be discussed, and, therefore, let us lay it aside for the present."
	With regard to the other marriage, that of the Duke Alessandro [de' Medici], I informed them that Your Imperial Majesty had first thought of Hippolito [de' Medici], now a cardinal. This answer of mine being conveyed to the Pope, he replied, "It is quite the same thing." The Capuan, moreover, observed that the Duke [of Civitta di Penna] was a more important personage, and that he sought the hand of the eldest of the nieces, not so much for the sake of greater honour as of posterity, as that was what he most desired and wanted. This application of the Duke Alessandro I could not reject at once, but I made the Capuan observe that at the moment of my departure from Spain the young lady had been promised to F. (Farnese?), and that was the reason why Your Imperial Majesty had not mentioned her in the articles. The Pope was satisfied with my answer, and thus the affair stands at present. I believe that the future Nuncio will receive instructions thereupon.
	VI. England.—When I first came to Rome Muxetula told me that the Pope was willing to adjourn the divorce case [to Rome] at his first signature, and, moreover, that the English ambassadors gave out that Your Imperial Majesty did not care a straw about it. I, therefore, petitioned the Pope in a lengthy memorial to impose silence on the King of England, and have the cause summoned to his court. I did more; as some doubts were entertained here as to whether the Queen would consent or not to such a [measure, and as there was no solicitor or proctor of hers in Rome, an application was made, and letters came, in which she informed the Pope of her wishes, and described the strait in which she was placed, and the Bishop of Burgos (Don Iñigo de Mendoza) wrote that she (the Queen) had actually been forced to write a letter to Spain, asking Your Imperial Majesty for the brief of dispensation. All this was related by me to the Pope, and immediately after the most Reverend Cardinal Santacroce, who was present at the audience, delivered into his hands the Queen's holograph letter. After which, perceiving that the cardinals, owing to the intrigues of the confederates, were getting cold in this affair, and, moreover, that Jacopo Salviati had hinted to me two or three times consecutively that, in order to save herself further trouble, the Queen had better retire to a convent, (fn. n6) and that the fear only of her life, that is to say, of her being poisoned, ought to be sufficient to deter me from pushing the matter any further, I could no longer refrain, but begged Cardinal Santacroce again to bring; the affair before the Pope, and directed Burgo to have a letter from the King of Hungary to him deciphered, in which he was made to insinuate that the Lutherans of Germany were anxiously waiting for the result of this affair. In short, I was so urgent that the Pope allowed the protest to be drawn up and presented in the College of Cardinals. (fn. n7)
	After this, learning that the English ambassadors were daily soliciting the Pope, I inquired from a friend on the 7th of April what could be the object of their continual solicitations. Was told that they asked that the brief of dispensation should be declared false, "propter verisimilitudinem," inasmuch as the brief and the bull had one and the same date. It was evident (they said) that when the Emperor or his ministers saw in Spain what was wanting in the bull itself they set about fabricating the brief, wherein everything that could he favourable to the Queen in the present demand was dexterously inserted. A brief, they went on to say, is soon written; a common silversmith and engraver can easily forge a seal; besides which, a document of that class has not as many signatures as a regular bull. They also alleged that the leaf wherein the said brief ought to have been entered was evidently missing in the register book, whilst there were many entries in the book on the same day and month, besides others of older or more recent dates. Lastly, they said, that had there been such an agreement between the parties, duplicates of the deeds and instruments relating to the marriage would have been sent to England as well as to Spain, and yet were only to be found in the latter country; and they concluded by saying that, all probabilities being in favour of their statement, the Pope was bound to declare the brief a forgery, and allow the divorce case to be tried in England, as it was notorious that the Emperor did not care one way or the other about it (no curaba desto)
	When I heard the English ambassador express himself in this manner I was on the point of making an angry answer, but the respect due to His Holiness made me refrain. I said, however, that I was really ashamed that men in his service should hold him in so small esteem as to entertain him with similar tales, (fn. n8) and that they should presume to spread and authorise in his presence, at Rome, and indeed all over the world, the absurd inventions circulated in England (las locuras que fantasean en su reyno). My impression was that the courtesy (facilidad) with which His Holiness treated ambassadors had encouraged them to such follies and lies. His Holiness would perhaps pardon me if I said that the French and English ambassadors were better treated at his court than we the Imperialists, for I had observed that whilst he barely treated us with common courtesy (vulgarmente) he received the others most graciously (á la evangelica). The Pope having asked what I meant by these words, I told him that there was a common Baying in Spain that honest men were on the decrease, (fn. n9) and that such was evidently the case here also; for, seeing us so mild and so obedient, he took from us all he could; whereas the more insolent and overbearing the others were, the better he was pleased, and the more he attended to their pleasure and comfort, as with the prodigal son in the Gospel.
	As to their arguments in proof of the invalidity of the brief, I said that it was no new thing to write out a bull, or a warrant of some king, and then find that there was something wanting in it. In such cases, rather than have the bull or warrant amended and re-written, it was customary to draw out a brief or private letter. (fn. n10) I myself had seen a thousand of such letters at the Court and Council of the Emperor, and I knew it to be the practice of all European courts. To this assertion the Pope assented, and said that the same thing was done at Rome. To their objection that the entry in the register book could not be found, my answer was that His Holiness was well aware, and could if necessary testify, that briefs were not generally registered, either formerly or at the present day; which assertion of mine the Pope also corroborated with his testimony. Besides, I added, who can tell me that the English ambassadors, seeing the interest .their master takes in the disappearance of the said instrument, have not had it stolen and made away with?
	To their allegation that similar deeds and papers should exist in England as well as in Spain, I at once assented; but said, who tells us that they are not there, but that the English do not choose to look for them? Besides, the other day, in turning over some papers I found a brief of that Pope, addressed to the King of England, wherein he tells him, in answer to a complaint of his, chat the papers (escripturas) had been sent to Spain because Queen Isabella was ill at the time, and wished to see the brief of dispensation before she died. That is the reason, and no other, why Pope Julius sent the deeds to Spain, both parties having promised him to keep the matter secret. This circumstance might have prevented the registering of the brief, or at least might have led to the entry of it on the books being made so cautiously that it could not be found, as is often the case with many things so carefully hidden in the bowels of the earth that they never again come to the surface.
	With regard to their gratuitous supposition that Your Imperial Majesty cared not about the cause, I only remarked that His Holiness might infer by that how deceitful and malicious the statement of the English ambassadors was. Not only his own Nuncio in Spain (Baldassar Castiglione), but also Cardinal Santacroce, II Muxetula, and myself could bear testimony that the Emperor has nothing so much at heart as the honour and reputation of his beloved aunt, the Queen of England, as his formal answer to the challenges of the two Kings at Burgos sufficiently proved. His Holiness, therefore, might judge from the English lies in this particular what credit could be given to their other statements.
	The Pope on this occasion went so far as to say that the English ambassadors in their address had certainly alluded to the matter of poison by saying, "Were not the King, our master, as good as he is, he would have looked for other means of attaining his object, and certainly faithful servants would not have been wanting to do his pleasure in an affair of this sort. (fn. n11) My answer was that the Queen had been encouraged to run that risk rather than be a bad wife, and prejudice her daughter's interests, and that Your Imperial Majesty approved highly of such conduct, because should poison be administered to her, Your Majesty would take his revenge. Again did I tell the Pope that I was really ashamed at such matters being mentioned in his presence, and astonished at the impudence of the ambassadors; to which the Pope replied, "I must observe, however, that the ambassador did not enter into further particulars." "That is quite enough," said I. Then he added, "Draw out your protest, and I will take care that the case be tried here, at Rome. Even if the Emperor and all the rest of them should agree to the divorce taking place, I will never authorise it." I thanked him for his good purposes, and said," Your Holiness is more bound to God than to the Emperor and the rest of the world"
	After this came letters from Don Iñigo, advising that the affair was taking a very bad turn in England, and would be irretrievably lost if the adjournment of the case to Rome was not immediately decided on. A very touching letter (fn. n12) from the Queen to the Pope came also, which I duly delivered into his hands. He read it through very attentively, and seemed touched by it, so much so that he made very fine promises at the time (. diome buenas palabras).
	I learned, moreover from another source that one day he sent for Simoneta to plead with the English ambassadors in favour of the validity of the brief, and that among other things they said, "Your Holiness promised us to do all he could in this affair, and therefore the brief may at once be pronounced false, without summoning the other party to defend it, (fn. n13) for we hold it to be such, after taking the opinion of several learned lawyers. Should Your Holiness not do this the promise made to us will be broken." These words were repeated to me by the Pope himself, alleging that he had never made such promise to the ambassadors, only that when Campeggio went to London he made certain general offers to the King, such as are customary between friendly powers, saying that his affairs would receive due attention, and that he would do what he could, &c.
	However this may be, as I have my spies set on the English ambassadors, I have since ascertained that they are not all satisfied with the Pope's excuse, and complain that he will not grant the divorce, nor declare the brief to be a forgery, adding that their King never thought of it, and that it was the Pope himself who set him on, offering to do everything in his power to promote his wishes, that being the reason for their complaining so bitterly of him.
	As Your Imperial Majesty will see by another of my despatches, the protest (fn. n14) was duly entered. What happened on the occasion will be related elsewhere in full detail.
	VII. Crusade.—In this negotiation Salviati completely unfolded himself, clearly stating that the Pope wanted a fee. Your Imperial Majesty, he said, had promised to Cardinal Santacroce to give the Pope 30,000 ducats, and he could not therefore do less now than pay a good sum of money out of the proceeds of the Crusade, now so graciously granted for his benefit, and that of the King of Hungary, his brother. I remonstrated strongly, and said that no fee had ever been given, except in the times of Popes Julius II. and Leo X., when 15,000 and 30,000 ducats had been apportioned ; but though I sent various messages to that effect through the Archbishop of Capua (Schomberg) and Miçer Andrea del Burgo, they were of no avail, for the Pope's deputies insisted on their demand, and I was obliged to wait upon him, and say that I was expressly forbidden by my instructions to touch on this point, but that, if His Holiness insisted, I would willingly consult the Prince [of Orange], Cardinal [Santacroce], and Miçer Andrea del Burgo about it. My private opinion was that he (the Pope) could not decently claim such a gratuity, considering the concessions which Your Imperial Majesty has already made, and was likely still to make, and, above all, the want of funds in my hands to pay so large a sum. If His Holiness, indeed, still insisted upon the payment of what he considered his due, the following means could, in my opinion, be adopted to satisfy his demands in this respect, namely, the sum might be deducted from what the cardinals are bound to pay us on the surrender of the fortresses, or else a thoroughly gratuitous grant of the Crusade should be made, in which case I could promise in Your Imperial Majesty's name that sufficient compensation should be allowed. Upon which the Pope observed that both his predecessors, Julius II. and Leo X. had had their share in the concession, and that the latter had actually bestowed 3,000 ducats as gratuity on the Imperial minister who conducted the negotiation. I retorted, "Most Holy Father, if that be the case, I myself will take no fee at all, and therefore we had better leave matters as they stand."
	Upon the whole this negotiation has caused me considerable trouble and anxiety, for one day my spies came and told me that the French ambassadors had protested to the Pope that this grant of a Crusade, under present circumstances, was tantamount to furnishing funds and arms against their King and the League, which he himself had fostered and encouraged, which arguments and others brought forward by the leaguers so influenced the Pope that he was many days without taking any resolution for or against our petition, until, at last, I obtained the grant for two years. The draft was shown to Doctor Maldonado, who found it correct. The Nuncio will take it when he goes to Barcelona.
	VIII. Absolutions.
	IX. Indulto Quadragesimal (Permissions during Lent).
	X. Quarta, or one half of the ecclesiastical revenues every four years.
	XI. Restitution of the lands of the Church.
	On this last point I must observe, that when I first told the Pope, in the Prince's name, that whatever towns and territories were in the hands of the confederates should be restored to him, he answered coldly, "I care not for that; if a peace be concluded I am sure of getting back what belongs to me. Otherwise, I am so averse from war, and so poor just now, that I cannot make it merely for the sake of recovering the patrimony of the Church." I then begged him to entertain the propositions once made by Muxetula, and which he (the Pope) declared acceptable at the time. He answered me: "there was not, that I am aware, any stipulation on that score; it was all a device (traza) of the Capuan (Schomberg). It was never my intention to agree to it." I replied, "Will Your Highness then be pleased to stipulate that immediately after the return of Ravenna, Cervia, and other towns by the confederates, the fortresses shall be restored to Your Holiness on the payment of an adequate sum for each?" "Yes," he said, "I will." But I warned him that in so doing Your Imperial Majesty did not intend fully to re-establish him in his right of possession as he had formerly been, but to confer some sort of new investiture from the Sacred Roman Empire. His Holiness also agreed to this. The same was then offered about Florence, but when we came to the point he begged that this part of the negotiation should be transferred to Cardinal Cortona (Silvio Passerino), which was done, as it appears that he (the Pope) does not trust Salviati at all.
	This part of our negotiation, however, could not be so secretly conducted but that the latter cardinal got scent of it, when I found that, as much on this account, as on account of his ambition and greediness, which are considerable, from that moment he tried to curtail my audiences. On Easter-day the Prior of Rome, his son, came to me and said that the Pope was seriously ill, and that his physicians forbade him to transact business of any kind. He would send me the Archbishop of Capua, or Jacopo Salviati, or the two, or whomsoever I pleased, to negotiate pending matters. I knew what Cardinal Salviati was aiming at by this move, and therefore dissembled, remarking that if His Holiness could not possibly attend to my business I was content to discuss it with him, which answer so flattered him (Salviati), that in the meantime Burgo, at my direction, solicited and obtained an audience from the Pope for three days later, after his dinner.
	At this audience, which I attended, and at which Jacopo Salviati was likewise present, the matter of the towns and lands once belonging to the Pope, and now possessed by the confederates, was seriously taken into consideration; Salviati proposing that we should engage ourselves to the restitution within a fixed period of time, whilst I opposed it, saying that since His Holiness had declared that he was in no hurry for it, and would not pay the money until after the fortresses were restituted, it was most unreasonable on their part to demand that we should fix the time for it beforehand. This, I said, ought to be left entirely to us, for although it was evident that we could not make an agreement with the confederates without the intervention of His Holiness, it was still very important for us to have it carried out as soon as possible, for the purpose of weakening our enemies, as well as of touching the money payable on the restitution of the pledged fortresses.
	These arguments of mine met with the Pope's approbation, and accordingly, 10 days after, Salviati sent a message asking me to fix the date of 18 months, and take the engagement at once. This I again refused to do, and called again on His Holiness, repeating in Salviati's presence the very same arguments employed on former occasions, and adding that what they wanted me to do would result simply to the advantage of the confederates. The truth of the matter is that Cardinal Salviati is doing all this for the sake of Florence only.
	After a good deal of discussion it was finally settled that, four months after the restitution [by the Venetians] of Ravenna and Cervia, 40,000 cr. or 50,000 should be paid by the Pope within six calendar months, namely, 25,000 for Modena, and 25,000 more for Reggio and Rubiera; provided, however, the restitution was effected through the immediate agency of His Imperial Majesty and the power of his arms.—Rome, [ ——— April,] 1529. (fn. n15)
	Spanish. Original almost entirely in cipher. Contemporary deciphering. pp. 32.
13 April.	665. Count Burrello to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 4, f. 83.	Writes in favour and commendation of Captain Alvaro de Grado, who acted as field-master of the Spanish infantry in Calabria, when the French were defeated and expelled from that province.—Andria, 13th April 1529.
	Signed: "El Conde de Burrello."
	Addressed: "To His most Sacred, &c."
	Indorsed; "13th April. From Count Burrello."
	Spanish. Original, .. 1.
13 April.	666. The Same to the Same.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 4, f. 81.	In commendation of the Italian captains and gentlemen who served under him in the Calabrese war, namely, the "Conservador" of Sicily, who held on this occasion the charge of colonel of infantry, without receiving any pay; Don Francisco Ventimiglia, son of the Marquis of Irache; Don Carlos Tagliavia, son of the Count of Castel Vetrano; Don Pedro da Bologna, brother of the illustrious Don Jo. Jacobo da Bologna, Regent of the Council, and Julian de Corvera, captains of horse; Cipion Espadafuera (Scipione Spatafora), field-master; all of whom, though they had a salary assigned to them, have not been remunerated in proportion to their services. —Andria, 13th April 1528.
	Signed: "El Conde de Burrello." (fn. n16)
	Addressed: "To His most Sacred Majesty of the Emperor."
	Spanish. Original, pp. 2.
15 (?) April.	667. The Petition of the Imperial Ambassadors respecting the Divorce Case.
K. u. K. Haus- Hof-u. Staats Arch. Wien. Rep. C. Fasc. 225, No. 22.	Michael Maius and Andreas de Burgo, councillors and ambassadors of His Imperial Majesty and of the King of Hungary respectively, procurators and solicitors of Her most Serene Highness the Queen of England, separately and conjointly petition Your Holiness to decree:
	1st. "Crescente necessitate" to confirm and revalidate the brief once issued by Your Holiness at Bologna, enjoining that nothing should be attempted against Ecclesiastical interdicts in matrimonial cases, under the pains specified in the said brief, and even greater, if necessary, inasmuch as danger and contumacy are daily increasing.
	2nd. That by means of the said brief, or of a new one, if necessary, it be enjoined to His most Serene Highness the King of England, to dismiss the adulterous woman, or the one suspected to be such, this step being considered the best antidote to impending dangers.
	3rd. That by the said brief, powers be granted to Your Holiness' Nuncio in England, or to any other ecclesiastic considered fit for the purpose, to ascertain as carefully and secretly as possibly the briberies, intimidations, and promises which His most Serene Highness the King may have used to win the votes of some doctors in sacred Theology; by which means Your Holiness will be able to judge what faith and trust is to be placed in the said doctors and in their votes.
	4th. That the said Papal Nuncio [in England], or any other ecclesiastic deserving Your Holiness' approval, be empowered to inquire and ascertain from Queen Katharine whether "fuit cognita, necne, per Serenissimum Arcturum, primum eiusdem Reginæ maritum seu sponsum."
	5th. That some of the Parisian doctors who voted in the divorce case against ecclesiastical authority, against the Papal brief of Your Holiness, and against their own conscience, be summoned to Rome.
	6th. That the English Parliament, as well as the nobility and gentry of England, be forbidden to interfere in any way in their assemblies (comitiis) or elsewhere in this case of the said matrimony, pending the time that it may lay before Your Holiness; the native judges being also recommended to forbid and oppose any attempt made by others than the parties concerned.
	7th. That another Papal brief be addressed to all and each of the universities and colleges, "turn ultra quam citra montes," enjoining them not to pass judgment, or in any way give their opinion on this question during the trial, &c.
	10th. As in the library of the convent of brothers Preachers of Paris a manuscript work is preserved by Petro de Palude, considered as of the utmost importance for the present controversy, and not to be found elsewhere; as it is, moreover, to be feared that the text of the said work may be altered or interpolated, the undersigned procurators and solicitors of the Queen of England beg Your Holiness to have the original manuscript safely brought to Rome, or at least an authentic copy made of such passages or chapters as bear on the present case or similar ones.
	Signed: "Maius, Orator et Procurator. And. de Burgo, Orator et Procurator." (fn. n17)