Spain: August 1542, 16-31

Pages 111-123

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 6 Part 2, 1542-1543. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1895.

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August 1542, 16-31

16 Aug. 50. Pope Paul to the Emperor.
S. K, L. Roma,
f. 150.
"Paul, &c.,"—Although the efforts We have made, and are making, to ensure the peace of Christendom have hitherto proved inefficient, yet We consider it Our duty—in the accomplishment of which We would not fail during Our life —again to call Your Imperial Majesty's attention to the subject, not only on account of the danger to which Christendom is now exposed, but also owing to the hope and confidence We have that Your Majesty will listen to Our prayer. Having despatched Cardinal Sadoletto (fn. n1) to the Most Christian King, and Cardinal Contareno to Your Imperial Majesty with a similar prayer, it has happened that the latter of those cardinals, unable from his old age to bear the fatigues of so long a journey, has died on the road. (fn. n2) We have therefore appointed the bishop of Viseu, Cardinal of Sanctorum Apostolorum, to be his successor; (fn. n3) he will verbally declare to Your Majesty Our intentions and religious admonitions, or rather prayers, for the welfare of Christendom.—Rome, at St. Peter, under the fisherman's signet, on the 16th of August 1542, and the 8th of our pontificate.
Latin. Original, p. 1.
17 Aug. 51. The Queen of Hungary to Eustace Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233.
"Monsieur l'ambassadeur,"—Before answering your letters of the 2nd and 9th inst. (fn. n4) by which you inform Us of what has passed there [in England], and also of the representations which that king addressed to you and to the French ambassador, We have deemed it necessary to let you know what Our good brother, the Emperor, answered to the letter We wrote to him on the subject of the closer friendship and alliance between him and that king. Although you will plainly perceive by the enclosed abstract of the Emperor's letters to me, dated the 15th of July, what his intentions are, yet that you may better appreciate Our brother's views of the affair, I shall make a few remarks for your guidance. As the Emperor does openly declare his intention on two most important points, it seems to Us that you ought to limit yourself for the present to employing all your usual dexterity and wisdom, without loss of time, in inducing that king and his ministers to forward the negociations for the treaty of closer alliance according to the Emperor's instructions, without stopping at the new title to be given to him, for fear of his resenting it. Should you, however, find that His Imperial Majesty ought to give him the title you speak of, it would be in Our opinion more convenient and better to suspend the negociation until you know what answer has been made in Spain to the bishop of Westminster's (fn. n5) mission. Our reasons for wishing you to make as much haste as possible with the treaty is chiefly for the purpose of the help and assistance promised Us not being longer delayed, for should the negociation be suspended or otherwise postponed, that king would only be bound to help Us in pursuance of the articles of the treaty of Cambray, which help and assistance, as you well know, would be of little use to Us. Should you, however, find that you can go on with the negociation before you know what has been the Emperor's answer to the bishop of Westminster's overtures, you will of course proceed with it. We have now appointed Franchois de Phallaix, (fn. n6) bearer of this letter, to repair to England, and according to his instructions, which he will show you, go with you to the King and request him to help Us in one way or other whilst the treaty is being negociated, considering the state in which We are, attacked, as We have been, on various parts of Our frontiers. We should have liked to send to the King one of the principal personages in these Low Countries, hut as the enemy is attacking Us on every side, and as all the great lords of this country are at their posts for the defence of Our territory, We have been prevented from doing what We should otherwise have done had We been at peace. Pray offer Our excuses to the King for not having deputed a person of higher rank, and give Our commendations to him whenever you have the opportunity of doing so.
With regard to Tournehem and La Montoire, the taking of which by the French might, as you wrote on the 9th of August, be the cause of the English losing courage, and cooling down in their affection for the Emperor, We must tell you that the worst has already happened, and that since the receipt of your letter those two towns have fallen into the hands of the enemy. We might decidedly have been of your opinion had the French kept those fortresses; but since they have utterly destroyed them, We do not see why the English, as you fear, should cool down in the matter of the alliance. On the contrary, they will see that the loss was unimportant, since the the enemy, after taking those two towns, did not keep them. In the opinion of military men, Tournehem could not, considering its situation, be held against a regular army, nor could it be fortified so as to sustain a siege. That is why many months ago We had ordered the heavy ordnance in it to be withdrawn. As to La Montoire, (fn. n7) the fortifications had not been completed, and therefore the town could not stand a proper siege.
The duke of Orleans, who laid siege to Yvoix, is still before that place. The French say that he has resolved not to raise it until he has carried the town. It is to be hoped that those inside will do their duty and stoutly defend the place, as they have done hitherto, until they are provided with all the necessaries for a long siege.
News has come that some war ships from France, as well as from Denmark, are on the coast of Zeeland and Holland. It is not known whether they have troops on board or not and whether they intend landing and where. We are in a bad condition for repulsing their attack, having so many places to attend to. That is why We pray and request you to do your utmost to induce that king and his ministers to assist Us promptly, because, otherwise, or should the assistance come too late, We may receive irreparable damage from the enemy before We can attempt to defend Ourselves efficiently,— Brussels, 17 August 1542.
Signed: "Marie."
Indorsed: "Draft of the Queen of Hungary's letter to the Imperial Ambassador in England."—17th of August.
French. Original draft, entirely ciphered, pp. 4.
21 Aug. 52. Eustace Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233,
ff. 77–80.
"Madame,"—By my last I informed Your Majesty that I had sent one of my men to the Privy Council to inquire for news. My man returned with a letter from the privy councillors, purporting that just at the time of my man's arrival in the Council rooms, they had received news from Flanders announcing that the castles of Tournehem and La Montoire (fn. n8) had surrendered to the enemy, at which news they themselves were, out of affection for Your Majesty, exceedingly vexed and sorry, the more so that it was no longer a question of attending to the succour of those castles, as we had solicited; though at the same time, in view of the information furnished by my man, and in order not to lose time, orders had been sent to the English governor of Guisnes to put himself at once in communication with the count du Rœulx, without waiting for Your Majesty's answer to my last despatch.
These privy councillors sent me word that they have news of some insurrection or other in Bretagne. It is not known yet whether it be on account of the new taxation (impositions et gabelles), or because they wish to have the duke of Orleans as their lord. Whatever may be the cause of their discontent, I really believe that the imprisonment of Chancellor Poyet has something to do with it, and that they (the Bretons) suspect that king Francis is going to unite them to the crown of France. The Chancellor has been taken to the tower of Borgez (Bourges?), and on the road thither wrote two letters, of which a copy is enclosed. (fn. n9) Even the French ambassador here (Marillac) is ignorant of the cause of the Chancellor's disgrace and imprisonment, and has received no particulars about it. He himself went to Antompton (Hampton Court) yesterday, but did not remain long there. I have not yet been able to ascertain what made him go thither, and I must say that in future I shall have less opportunity of knowing what that ambassador is about, for his man is no longer with him. I am sorry for that, as otherwise I might, as at other times, have got most valuable information from him, and the Emperor's service would have been better done in that respect
Soldiers are continually being recruited, armed, and equipped for war, which does not sound well in French ears and especially in those of the merchants of that nation, who, owing to that and to certain words they have heard from the French ambassador's lips, are fast abandoning this country, selling their goods and getting rid of their policies as quickly as they can at low prices. The Scotch ambassador is still here in London; he has, however (as I hear), been recalled by his master in very great haste, the cause being (as I am informed) that the Irish are nowadays under the obedience and rule of this king, and have just made a raid on the Scotch, with whom this king happens now to be very angry, knowing very well that what they lately did, and what they are now planning, proceeds entirely from the French.
The bishop of Vuaimestre (Westminster) arrived at Vervier (Bermeo) (fn. n10) on the 19th of July, and George on the 23rd of the same month, according to the report of certain English sailors coming from those parts. There was no talk yet in Biscay of war, neither were there any news from central Spain, except that letters from Lyons of the 10th inst. say that the duke of Alba was encamped near Saulcez (Salces) and Perpignan with 5,000 or 6,000 men, and that considerable levies of men were being made throughout Spain.— London, 21 August 1542.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph. pp. 3.
27 Aug. 53. The Same to the Same.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233,
f. 81.
"Madame,"—The bearer of this will be Jehan de Hons, (fn. n11) the man of the French embassy who was lately so useful in procuring Us a copy of the ciphered letters of king Francis and his ministers to the ambassador of France in this country (Marillac). I beg Your Majesty to be gracious to him and favor his application. (fn. n12) —London, 27 August 1542.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph. p. 1.
28 Aug. 54. The Emperor to the Pope.
M. R. Ac. d. Hist.
A. 48, f. 26.
B. M. Add. 28,593,
f. 132.
"Most Holy Father,"—The Papal Nuncio residing at this Our court has placed in Our hands the copy of Your Holiness' bull of June last convoking the General Council for Trent for November next, and has also at the same time spoken to Us of Your Holiness' laudable intentions and views respecting the said Council, the good offices done by Your Holiness to persuade all the powers of Christendom to join in it, and the great labour and exertions of Your Holiness in promoting and securing general peace, especially between king Francis and Us. Yet it seems to Us (and let this be said with all respect to Your Holiness) as if in your letters Your Holiness had followed too closely (as it has been said at times, and I think Your Holiness cannot have forgotten the fact) the example of the "Paterfamilias" who, in the most indulgent manner, recalled his prodigal son to duty. (fn. n13) For, although on his return, notwithstanding that he had before fled from him, he embraced him with the utmost benevolence, he did not compensate the elder, who had never relinquished his duty, and had borne the burdens and cares of the household, but acknowledged his continual obedience, and commended his good behaviour. This was quite unlike what God did when he accepted the good deeds of Abel and rejected those of his brother [Cain]. Indeed Your Holiness, knowing what Our labors have been for the public welfare of Christendom, what We ourselves have always done to obviate the very inconveniences specified in the bull, and how We have hitherto—with almost incredible fatigue and personal danger and so many journeys and voyages—carried out Our plans for Catholic reconciliation through the means of a General Council, and how, in short, We have always considered it a duty of Ours to promote general peace in Christendom, in order to be able to resist the attacks of the Turk and other enemies of Christianity, might have made some difference between Us and the prince, who, if the truth be told, has done, as Your Holiness knows, the very reverse of this. To speak frankly and truly, the context of the bull itself, and specially some passages of it, makes Us doubt (though We do not pretend in any way to impeach the integrity of the Holy College of Cardinals in this matter) whether it can be true that king Francis boasts of having the Holy College entirely at his will and command through the faction he has within it, as he has frequently asserted in writing; or else that those very cardinals have used the pen entrusted to them to write words and sentences which Your Holiness cannot approve. We conscientiously think that if such are Your Holiness' sentiments, they have been thus expressed for a good purpose. Were We to think otherwise, We should certainly resent it, not only for the causes above alleged, but for the dignity and authority which by the permission of God We hold and occupy in this World; besides which We rely on what Your Holiness—and, generally speaking, the whole of Christendom—knows of the acts of the one and of the other. Would to God that the mildness and favor so long used by Your Holiness towards king Francis had been the means of recalling him to a sense of his duty, putting him again on the true path, and inducing him to promote the General Council as well as resistance to the common enemy of Christendom. Then We should have considered Your Holiness' favors to him as profitable to Christendom; but as We are convinced that on the contrary king Francis will persist in his determination, We cannot do otherwise than warn Your Holiness thereof.
We will not allude to events previous to the year 1536, because they are well known to Your Holiness and need not be recorded here. It is a known fact that the truce planned at Nizza, and afterwards concluded at Aigues-Mortes, was chiefly due to the intervention, authority, good direction, care, and vigilance of Your Holiness, who, with great personal inconvenience and fatigue, went thither for the purpose. What good, after all, resulted from Our adventurous voyage to Aigues-Mortes, Our passage through France after that, and Our long stay in that country against the general opinion of those who wish Us well—and who have since blamed Us, and not without reason, for thus risking Our person in a foreign country—Your Holiness can judge. Without heeding what passed before, or the continual changes and variations in king Francis' politics, of which We will not speak at present; without listening to the rumour then prevalent in France—and which has since been verified—that there was a question of retaining Us [prisoner], We did confidently put Ourselves in king Francis' hands. Of what good was it the very moment We passed the frontier and entered the Low Countries again to offer the king of France to observe faithfully what We had stipulated with him before Our departure from Spain?
As it has been alleged on the side of king Francis' friends that, owing to the troubles in the Low Countries, We were actually obliged to go thither and pass through France, and that as it was then winter We could not go thither by sea, We must state that the insurrection of Ghent was not important enough to necessitate Our presence there. It had been promoted only by the rabble and scum of the town, not by citizens or well-to-do people; besides no other town had followed its bad example, and Our sister, the regent of the Low Countries, whose prudence and wisdom, as well as capacity for government, are well known, was on the spot. To the above reasons may be added that We naturally trusted to the truce of Nizza concluded by Your Holiness' intervention. Our original intention was to pass through Italy, and thence to Germany, to settle therein certain matters concerning the resistance against the Turk. That was the route We purposed to have followed had We not been urgently requested, as We can show by letters from king Francis and from his sons, from the Sieur and Dame d'Albret, and other chief personages of the French court, to pass through his kingdom. Indeed, so pressing and urgent was the invitation, that king Francis would have made it a point of honor had We selected any other route but that, and not shown him that confidence and trust, which, as he said at the time, was important for his honor and reputation, and indispensable for amending the nonobservance of former treaties.
And yet ever since that time king Francis has shown discontent on all occasions, pretending and saying in public that We do not choose to restore Milan to him—which restitution, he says, We have promised to effect—all the time keeping silence as to the conditions under which We really consented once to part with that duchy, and give the investiture of it to his son Charles, duke of Orleans. Since then king Francis has never ceased intriguing in Germany, as well as in Italy, with the Turk as with the titular king of Hungary, who, after making alliance with the Infidel, and being excommunicated in consequence, did, with his wife's father (fn. n14) and other princes, deliver Buda to Solyman, and bring the Turk into Germany.
Meanwhile king Francis was showing Us great affection, praising above all Our strict observance of the truce, and promising on oath that on his part it should be inviolably observed; and yet he was all the time doing exactly the contrary of that, as Your Holiness knows from his own words uttered precisely at the time that those protestations of unalterable friendship were going on, in the very presence of Your Holiness' legate and cardinals, nuncios, and others. We need not recapitulate here the mischief which his ministers have done everywhere, and especially in Germany, during the meeting of Worms and at the diet of Regensburg, and yet all that time king Francis was (as stated above) temporizing, and expressly assuring Us of his friendship up to the day of the loss of Cesare Fragoso and Rincon, of which he took occasion to resent the imaginary grievances of which he complained. As Your Holiness knows very well what We Ourselves have done, or caused to be done, in order to ascertain the whole truth of that affair, and how We did willingly agree to Your Holiness being the judge in the matter, and deciding on that and other pretended contraventions to the truce on Our part; and as We then (whilst at Lucca) fully complied with Your Holiness' request on that point, and placed the affair in the hands of proctors and lawyers for Your Holiness to decide, We need not dwell longer on it.
In short, We conclude from the above facts that neither Our own submission to Your Holiness' decree, nor the readiness with which the marquis del Gasto—mostly inculpated in that affair—did offer to place his person in Your Holiness' hands, has availed in the least to convince king Francis; whence it seems to Us apparent that his only object is to renew the old quarrel between Us, to trouble and distress Christendom and commence war against Us, as he said and repeated everywhere several months before the misadventure (perdition) of Fragoso and Rincon, whose deeds and bad offices with the Turk, as well as in Italy—undertaken at his (the King's) commands—not only against the truce of Nizza, but to the great injury and loss of the universal Christian Republic, are known to everyone. So criminal were their acts, that in any case they must have been considered as out of the truce, since they had passed secretly and in hostile array through the duchy of Milan, accompanied by "fuorusciti," which fact, according to the laws of the country, made them worthy of death. However this may be, We could not do more in favor of the truce and its observance than order the contraventions, if any, to be amended and repaired, leaving the truce, as it was, in full vigour, and adding for king Francis' greater satisfaction that, if he wished, We would submit the whole affair to Your Holiness' decision, at the same time that the person of whom he chiefly complained would willingly surrender and stand his trial.
Trusting, therefore, that king Francis would be satisfied with Our complying with his request, and submitting the whole affair to Your Holiness' arbitration, We left for the Algiers expedition, having first sent expressly to him a gentleman of Our household, presently bishop of Orense, (fn. n15) to visit him and announce Our departure, commending to him the peace and tranquillity of Christendom, and begging him to observe the truce. This king Francis readily promised, as expressly and completely as he is in the habit of doing, and yet Your Holiness is aware of what was done at Marano in the Friuli during Our expedition to the African coast, and must also have heard of that king's undertakings in Italy, as well as of his intrigues in Germany, Denmark, and other places, and of the enterprize which then and there, at a most propitious juncture, he meditated of invading Our kingdom of Navarre. Your Holiness knows also how matters between him and Us have since got worse and worse. We pass over in silence what his ambassadors did at the diet of Spires to feed the already existing differences in matters of religion, and how by skilfully favoring now one, now the other, party they managed to divide and separate them, and thus prevent the expedition against the Turk. We will say nothing of his urgently soliciting Solyman to send his fleet to the coast of Sicily, and penetrate into Italy, nor of his trying to surprise the Low Countries by means of an army commanded by Martin Van Rossen, the servant of the duke of Clèves. Perceiving, however, that the conspiracy had been detected, and that We were on the alert, what did he do? He recommenced war, made his son, the duke of Orleans, invade Our Luxemburg, and, after threatening Us boastingly of his alliance with the Turk, directed his army to the frontiers of Navarre and the Roussillon, having since the 10th of July publicly declared war against Us in the most dishonorable and cruel form possible, worse indeed than if We were barbarians and infidels, as Your Holiness must have understood, concealing from Us all the time that his ministers and commanders in Italy, as well as in the Roussillon, kept dissembling in imitation of their master, and pretending that they wished to preserve the truce.
Such has been the brilliant result of Your Holiness' favor and condescension towards him. All your persuasions to make him observe the truce; your tolerance of his iniquitous and unjustifiable arrest of the archbishop of Valencia—an act bringing great discredit and opprobrium on the Holy Apostolic See, and lowering the dignity and authority of the Church; and last, not least, the cruel treatment of several Spanish gentlemen, Our subjects—avowed as it has been by him, and in a town, too, like Avignon, belonging to Your Holiness—are but a natural consequence of the favor and tolerance which Your Holiness has shown him.
King Francis has never said or written anything to Us to show his discontent and cause Us to be on Our guard; on the contrary, he has always dissembled, though he must have been sure all the time that Our only wish was to go to Germany, and employ Our person and the forces of the Empire against the Turk. Of this very fact he has profited as much as he could by trying to take Us unawares in these parts; but We hope that with God's help he will be as unsuccessful in this his enterprize against Us as he has been in former ones. One can easily perceive that he tries to make his sons follow in the same path of ambition and lust of conquest in which he himself is engaged, for whoever considers how he invaded and took possession of almost the whole of Piedmont—which he still retains to the damage and injury of the duke of Savoy (Carlo), its legitimate lord—how he has fortified that country with the intention of keeping it for ever—as he has kept Provence, both of which countries are fiefs of the Empire—will easily understand what Francis' ambitious projects are, and what their tendency is. To show that his object is aggrandizement, no matter how or on which side of his frontiers, We will only mention to Your Holiness the usurpation of Astenay in Our duchy of Luxemburg, which is a fief of Ours, as well as the detention and fortification of that town against Our will; the enterprize against the Low Countries, commanded by Martin Van Rossen, the servant of the duke of Clèves, &c.
To put an end to this long letter, if Your Holiness wishes, as in duty bound, to remedy the evils by which Christendom is now afflicted, procure the union, peace, and tranquillity of the latter, and act as befits the authority and high repute of the Holy Apostolic See, Your Holiness must declare at once against king Francis, and demonstrate in vivid colours the consciousness you have that the disturbances in religious matters, the troubles of Christendom, and the danger from the Turk and other infidels, may all have been fostered by his means. Also that the offence and injury by him done to the Holy Apostolic See, to the authority of the Roman Church, and to your own personal dignity through the infraction of the truce and his renewal of the war; the detention of the archbishop of Valencia, and violation of the security given by Your Holiness, and, above all, the scorn and contempt which, as Your Holiness well knows, king Francis has shown in other matters connected with the Holy Apostolic See and your own most reverend person, demand a prompt remedy from you. If Your Holiness will put your hand earnestly to that work, the expectations of all good Christians will be fulfilled, and the vows of all good and honorable men accomplished. Your Holiness will give the example to such other princes and powers as may seem expedient, and by that means the Council will be celebrated, God's service done, and Christendom, which otherwise lies in extreme danger, restored to its former splendour. We again beg and entreat Your Holiness to look attentively to the above reasons and suggestions of Ours, assuring Your Holiness that if the above considerations—which We conscientiously think become a duty on your part—be attended to, We Ourselves shall not fail, as far as the Council is concerned—which Council, however, neither We nor the electors of the Empire, nor the prelates of Our various kingdoms, can possibly attend without that requisite—to do Our best for the good of Christian Religion and the peace of the World and that all the rest concerning God's service, the welfare of the Church and Christian Republic, shall be attended to with the help of Our Creator, whom, Most Holy Father, We beg to keep you under his guard and protection.—Montisoni (Monçon), 25 Aug. 1542. (fn. n16)
Latin. Original draft in the handwriting of Alfonso Valdés. pp. 18.
Indorsed: "The Emperor's answer to His Holiness the Pope, on the convocation of the General Council of the Church." (fn. n17)
28 Aug. 55. The Emperor to Eustace Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233.
"Chier et feal,"—Besides what you will hear by Our preceding letter, We now tell you that the king of France must have lost all sense of honor, since he declared war against Us on the 10th of July in much worse terms than he would have done against pagans and infidels, and has now invaded Our Roussillon, the capital of which (Perpignan) he is now besieging. We hope, however, he will gain there as little as he did in former enterprizes of his!! In addition to that, We hear from Our ambassador in Rome that the Pope, at his (the King's) intercession, is about to send two cardinals, one (Contareni) (fn. n18) to Us, another (Sadoletto) to king Francis, to persuade Us both to make peace. We have expressly sent orders to Our ambassador at Rome (fn. n19) to tell cardinal Contareni, who is the one designated to come to Spain, not to come to Us on such an errand, for We could not receive him. By such doings of the King you will easily understand what his game is; whilst be is threatening and bragging, he is in an underhand way trying to have peace. You will inform the king of England of these particulars, whenever you find a fit opportunity for it.
Should this present courier reach England first, you will send Our letters to the queen dowager of Hungary, Our sister; if he arrives in some port of the Low Countries, she will take care that they reach you.—Mousson (Monçon), 28 August 1542.
Latin. Original draft. p. 1.
30 Aug. 56. The Queen of Hungary to Mr. de Phalaix. (fn. n20)
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233.
"Tres chier et bien aimé,"—We send you here inclosed the instructions that We have ordered to be drawn up for your guidance in what you will have to represent to the Emperor, Our lord and brother. Since the drawing up of those instructions, the French, after getting possession of the town of Yvoix, have marched towards Arlon, which was entirely unprotected, the garrison having abandoned it when they found that it was defenceless. The inhabitants then surrendered without resistance and admitted the enemy. Thence they went to a town of Luxemburg, which also surrendered to them, as it could not be defended against so large a force. We know nothing more about the enemy, nor can We say in what direction they will march next. We request and, in the Emperor's name, order you to prosecute as soon as possible your voyage to Spain, as We have already written to you, leaving to the Imperial ambassador in England (Chapuys) the care of prosecuting the negociation for which you were sent thither.
Signed: "Marie."
Addressed: "To Franchois de Phalaix."
French. Original draft. p. 1.


  • n1. Sadoleto (Giacopo), card.
  • n2. Contareno (Gasparo), also a cardinal, died at Bologna in May or June of this year.
  • n3. This cardinal of Viseu was a Portuguese of the family of Silva. According to Vandenesse's Itinerary of Charles V., published by Bradford, (p. 534), that prelate had an audience from the Emperor on the 30th of September. The answer was: "His Holiness had better declare against king Francis, who, besides being the aggressor, is an open adherent and ally of the Infidel Turk."
  • n4. "Avant repondre a vos lettres du IIe et IXe," says the copy before me, but, as will be seen, there are none of that date. See respectively No. 87, p. 76, and No. 39, p. 41.
  • n5. "Levesque de Vincestre" clearly enough; but it must be an error of the decipherer for Westmestre or Westminster.
  • n6. Elsewhere François de Falaix. The same as Toison d'Or, the king-at-arms or herald to the Order of the Golden Fleece.
  • n7. Elsewhere La Mouterie and La Mouthoire.
  • n8. Written La Monthoire or perhaps La Mouthoire by error of the scribe.
  • n9. See above, Nos. 38 and 39.
  • n10. Bermeo, which Chapuys' secretary writes Vervier (Vermeo?), is the name of a small seaport town on the coast of Biscay.
  • n11. This is the first time that the secretary of the French ambassador is mentioned by his name, Chapuys having generally designated him as "the French ambassador's man," "our friend," "my confident," &c. In subsequent despatches, however, I find his name written Hons, Honz, and Dehons, though it must be said that once or twice his name is so indistinctly written that one might be inclined to read Hous instead of Hone, the "u" and the "n" being alike.
  • n12. A note on the dorse, purporting to be an answer to the above, has the following: "The Emperor, by his letter of the 10th of June, writes to the Queen to attend to the settlement of a pension on the personage alluded to in the ambassador's letter, who furnishes the news from England. The pension to be for his maintenance and that of his mother, and besides that his brother to have the first vacant prebend in the Cathedral Church of Arras." Another letter of Chapuys to the queen Repent, dated likewise the 27th of August 1542, though wrongly placed among those of the year 1543, has lately been found in the Imperial Archives of Vienna. It is also holograph, and though substantially the same as the above, is differently worded. "Pour ce quay çy devant par pluseurs fois escript à vre. mate de la bonne volonte, et dez bons officez de Maistre Jehan Dehons, porteur de ceste, et aussi de sez bonnes qualitez, je nen feray redicte, seullement suppliant vre mate tres humblement quil plaise à icelle lavoir en singuliere recommendation de sorte quil cognoisse quay du tout adyerty vre. mate, et que sez services ont estez aggreables." De Londres, le xxviie daoust, 1542. After which follows the above memorandum in the hand of secretary Bave (?).
  • n13. "Etsi nobis videatur (quod secundum debitam observantiam intelligi volumus) Sanctitatem vestram in suis litteris exacte nimis observasse quod non nunquam dictum fuit, quodque arbitror illi memoriæ non excidisse de patrefamilias qui prodigum filium indigentia sua ne deterius laboretur (sic) ad offitium revocavit, nam et si illum a redita" (the remainder of the sentence is so vitiated as to be unintelligible).
  • n14. Isabella, daughter of Sigismund king of Poland, married Jean Zapoli in 1536.
  • n15. D. Francisco Manrique, bishop of Orense (episcopus Auriensis) from 1542 to 1556.
  • n16. "Datum ex oppido nostro Montissoni in Regno Aragoniæ, die vigessima quinta mensis augusti, millessimo quingentessimo quadragessimo secundo."
  • n17. Two more Latin letters of the Emperor to the Pope, one dated Monçon, 8 Oct., the other Valencia, 16 December, are in the same volume of Alfonso Valdés, the Imperial secretary for Latin letters. Copies of them are in Bergenroth's Collection, Vol. XXII., pp. 132 and 145.
  • n18. Contareni (Gasparo?) went to Spain, Sadoletto (Giacomo) to France. Some of their letters may be found in the interesting collection entitled, Lettere di XIII. Huomini illustri by Tomasso Porcacchi, Venetia, 1572, pp. 83–97.
  • n19. Still the marquis de Aguilar.
  • n20. About this individual, whose name is also written Fallaix, see Vol. V., Part II., pp. 577–9.