Spain: June 1543, 21-30

Pages 407-426

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 6 Part 2, 1542-1543. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1895.

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June 1543, 21-30

22 June. 163. Articles presented to the Ambassador of France by the Duke of Norfolk, on behalf of the King of England. (fn. n1)
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl.
In the first place the King, our sovereign master, considering the troubles and divisions at present prevailing in Christendom, which troubles and divisions, it has been remarked, proceed entirely from the King, your master, by reason of this present war by him recommenced and prosecuted against the Emperor; considering also that the Turk, the common enemy of our Holy Religion, is daily advancing more and more for the purpose of invading the countries and territories inhabited by Christians; and wishing, as he does, to do the office of a good prince according to the dignity which God by his divine clemency has been pleased to grant him on Earth, has, by the advice and counsel of the Emperor, his good brother and perpetual ally, requested the king of France, your master, to consider and bear in mind that the Turk, the sworn enemy of all Christian princes, has never ceased employing all his power to invade the countries and territories inhabited by Christians in order to subdue and bring them under his sway, that he may ultimately destroy our Holy Faith and religion, to the great regret of all good Christians.
Our sovereign lord does also particularly and individually complain of the great injuries, damages, grievances, and annoyances which he himself has sustained from the King, your master, when he had reason to expect that your master, out of gratitude for the singular services and great benefits conferred upon him on several occasions, and especially in times of distress and need, would have made such reparation and given such satisfaction for the said injuries and wrongs as fully to compensate and reward our sovereign king for his many favors, as it would have been just and honorable to do. (fn. n2)
How much, and in what way, our sovereign lord has valued and prized your master's friendship, and what pains he himself has taken to preserve it, and how assiduously he has worked for its preservation and increase, carefully avoiding all causes and occasions of that mutual love and affection being in the least impaired or diminished, there is no need for us to show, since our master's enduring patience is a sufficient proof thereof. For, whatever may be said on the subject, certain it is that the king of France, your master, is specially obliged and bound by particular engagements and treaties, which he himself has sworn to and ratified as so many bonds for the preservation of an everlasting peace, to pay every year into the hands of our sovereign lord and master the sum of 102,180 crs. of the Sun, of 24 sous each. And yet he has entirely neglected to fulfil the conditions of those treaties with regard to the aforesaid annual pension, for he has not paid one single farthing of it for the last nine years, (fn. n3) though bound to make the said payments in full at the time and on the days fixed upon in the treaties. By not doing which, the King, your master, has shown little regard either for his own honor and reputation, or for the great friendship and esteem which our sovereign lord has always borne him, or for the favors received at his hands, or for the promises he himself has made upon oath; having, moreover, during the time, and when those treaties were in full vigor, received and sheltered in his dominions various rebels against the authority of our sovereign lord, such as an English born subject who, being the son of a knight of the Garter, boasted to be of Royal descent, and intitled himself without right or pretext of any kind La Rose Blanche, (fn. n4) although on many occasions he (the King) had been requested to deliver him up according to the letter of the treaties between France and England.
In like manner, for some time back, the King, your master, was soliciting and inciting the late king of Scotland [James], nephew of our sovereign lord, to break the peace and friendship with him, and invade England, not only aiding and assisting him as long as he lived, but after his death sending thither ambassadors of his own, as well as refugees of that country to keep up and fan the hostility of the Scotch against the English, offering to help and assist them in the war commenced by their late king against our sovereign lord, notwithstanding, and in complete disregard of, the leagues, alliances, and treaties existing between the two countries.
In addition to that, the ambassador of the King, your master, then residing in this country, (fn. n5) having by his practices and intrigues persuaded our sovereign lord to allow the passage of his own merchants to France for the purpose of looking out for and buying wine, as they had been always in the habit of doing, promising and assuring that their voyage to France and back should be without impediment or danger of any sort on their part or on that of the Scotch; yet, notwithstanding this engagement, when our sovereign lord's subjects and merchants, under faith of such promises and assurances, crossed the Channel with their ships and merchandize, they were, through the means and assistance of France, treacherously captured and put into the hands of the Scotch, to their great loss and damage.
And besides that the King, your master, has since arrested and imprisoned numbers of our sovereign's subjects, merchants and others, and seized their ships and merchandize without their having given any offence, or otherwise deserved it.
The King, your master, moreover, having under cover of certain proclamations issued by him in favor of our sovereign's subjects, induced many of them, merchants and others, to cross over to France, they have there, against all honor, reason, and justice, been arrested, and are still kept prisoners, in full contravention to the leagues and treaties existing between the two countries.
Such acts as these, so repugnant and contrary to the covenants, leagues, treaties and engagements between the King, your master, and our sovereign lord, together with the affectionate desire and zeal which, as a true, constant, and Christian prince, the King, our master, has always entertained, now more than ever, for the defence and preservation of Christendom—already much shaken and weakened by the wars which the Grand Turk has carried on against it, chiefly at the instigation of the King, your master, as generally reported—have stirred up our sovereign lord to the defence of that afflicted and injured Christendom, as well as to the reparation of the many injuries and losses hitherto sustained. He has, in short, united with the Emperor and joined his own grievances and complaints, private as well as public, to his, in order to summon and challenge the King, your master, to comply at once with our and the Emperor's joint demands, as Mr. de Chappuis (sic), his ambassador here present, will state and represent hereafter in his master's name.
Our sovereign lord, for his own private quarrel, demands from the King, your master, full payment in cash of all debts and arrears due to him, as well as a security and pledge for the annual pension to be paid in future, consisting of the towns of Boullogne, Ardres, Monstreuil, Therouannes, and the county of Ponthieu, with their respective territories and appendages, of whatever kind or nature they may be.
He shall release and set free all merchants, sailors (mariniers), and other subjects of the king of England, as well as all their ships, merchandize, and goods, of whatever description or denomination they may be, which he now keeps and detains unjustly; the merchants themselves to be fully indemnified for their losses, damage, and the interest thereof.
He is to abstain in future from practices or treaties with the Scotch or others likely to result in harm or detriment to our sovereign lord.
So, to put an end to the war with the Emperor, that the latter and other Christian princes may devote themselves entirely to resistance against the Turk:—
He is to restore to the said Emperor, our sovereign's dearest friend and perpetual ally, all his rights, compensation for all damages and for interests which have suffered, according to the annexed memorandum of Mons. Chappuis (sic), the Imperial ambassador here present, which memorandum and list of complaints our sovereign lord agrees with and considers as if it were his own.
Should the King, your master, comply with all and each of the above joint demands, our said sovereign, with the Emperor's consent, will be glad again to restore your master to his friendship, and live in peace with him as long as he keeps the conditions above stipulated.
Should, however, the King, your master, refuse to satisfy each and all of the above demands within the period of 20 calendar days, to be counted from this date, or else refuse to give sufficient pledge that within a short space of time the whole of those demands shall be complied with, then, in that case, our sovereign lord will, in addition to these present demands of his, summon him to surrender to him the duchies of Normandy, Gascogne, and Guienne, with the other counties, lordships, and territories belonging by right of inheritance and possession to our sovereign lord, which the King, your master, and his predecessors on the throne of France, have unduly obtained and usurped from him; and should the King, your master, again refuse to restore to our sovereign lord the above-mentioned duchies, counties, lordships, and territories belonging to him, and satisfy in full the other demands, requests, and restitutions hereby mentioned with reference to Christendom at large, to our own sovereign lord, or to the Emperor, his good brother and perpetual ally, our sovereign lord is determined to carry on war against him, and not to cease in his hostility, causing him every possible molestation and annoyance, so as to show him the path he ought to follow, and oblige him to listen to reason.
In short, should not this last and the other demands (our own and the Emperor's) be fully complied with within the period of 20 days, counted from this date, our most sovereign lord will declare war to the King, your master, both by sea and land, from which war he will never desist nor in anywise listen to proposals of peace or truce without the consent of his brother, the Emperor.
Indorsed: "Copy of the paper read and put into the French ambassador's hands by Monseigneur de Norfolk, in the name of the King's Privy Council, on the 22nd of June 1543."
French. Contemporary copy. pp. 7.
23 June. 164. Articles presented to the Same by the Imperial Ambassador.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl., 11.
"Monsieur l'ambassadeur,"—The Emperor, my master, &c. [as in the preceding], after which follows:—
"That is the reason why His Imperial Majesty exhorts the king of France, your master, who bears the title of 'Most Christian,' to refrain and desist from his friendly intercourse with the Grand Turk, to recall the ambassadors and agents he keeps residing at his court, and altogether consider him as his enemy.
"Also to restore to the king of the Romans, to the princes and Christian States [of Germany], and, in fact, to all those constituting the Holy Roman Empire, the sums of money (damages and interest included) spent by them in the war against the Turk, which war, as is well known, was chiefly promoted at his instigation. Also to restore to the said king of the Romans the town of Maran, (fn. n6) which against all sense of honor the king of France now holds and occupies.
"To abstain in future from making war on His Imperial Majesty, his kingdoms, territories, subjects, and allies. To restore all the money, damages and interest thereon spent by him or his allies in the defence of the countries invaded by France up to the present day.
"Also to restore and deliver up all the countries, provinces, territories, or lands which he and his predecessors have usurped from the Holy Empire or from its vassals, thus bringing great injury and contempt on the authority of the Holy Roman Empire. To reinstate the duke of Savoy, the Emperor's uncle, in all his estates, countries, and provinces of which he has violently been deprived, besides indemnifying him (the Duke) for all the expenses, damages and interest thereon which he has had to sustain during the unjust wars carried on by king Francis against him. To pay to the king of England and France, His Imperial Majesty's good brother and perpetual ally, all the monies he owes him according to the treaties between them, together with the reparation and satisfaction of all damages, injuries, and interests specified in the annexed note of milord, the duke of Norfolk.
"Should the king of France promise to fulfil the above conditions, His Imperial Majesty will, with the consent of his brother and perpetual ally, the king of England, again admit him to his friendship, make peace, and come to terms with him, provided the above-mentioned conditions be fulfilled, or fit securities given for their speedy accomplishment.
"Should the king of France disregard the above just and reasonable admonitions and requisitions, and not comply with them within the term fixed and declared by Mons. de Norfolk, then His Imperial Majesty will further summon him to comply with the above demands, and in addition to that, will ask him to restore to His Imperial Majesty and his successors, the duchy of Burgundy, the counties of Charolois, Auxerrois, Masconnois, viscounty of Auxonne, the lordships of Noyers, Chastel Chinon, Bar sur Seine, and the resort of Sainct Laurens, Amiens, Abbeville, Corbie, Peronne, and Sainct Quentin, with their territories, bailiwicks and jurisdictions, besides the required compensation in money for the taxes levied during the time that each of those have been occupied by France.
"Also that he deliver up and restore to the said king of England and France, his brother and perpetual ally, all the countries, provinces, and estates which he retains, though belonging by right to him, as Mons. de Norfolk has already declared and explained.
"Also that he surrender and restore to His Imperial Majesty the town, castle, and bailiwick of Hesdyn (Hêdin), the town and 'chastellanie' of Estenay (Stenay), and the towns and territories of Ivoix and Dampvilliers, as well as the neighbouring villages and lands belonging to the Empire. (fn. n7)
"To restore likewise Provence, the Dauphinois, and other adjacent countries, which his predecessors once usurped from the Empire, and which king Francis still retains unduly.
"Lastly, that he be summoned to fulfil all the conditions of the Madrid convention, as well as those of the treaty of Cambray, and pay all the damages, with interest thereon, which His Imperial Majesty and his subjects have suffered by cause of his contravention to the said treaties, and restore to the archbishop of Valence the 25,000 gold crs. which, by his unjust detention in a French prison, that prelate was obliged to pay as ransom, with all the damages and interest thereon which he (the archbishop) has had to suffer in consequence of his long and unjust imprisonment and captivity.
"Otherwise, and for want of compliance with each and all the above demands, His Imperial Majesty, with the help of God, who grants victory to those who are in the right, and with the assistance of the king of England and France, his good brother and perpetual ally, intends to prosecute against the king of France the war so unreasonably commenced against him, and continue the same by sea and land, without listening to any proposals of peace unless he has the consent of the said king of England and France, his good brother and perpetual ally, whose quarrel is one and the same with his own, &c." (fn. n8)
Endorsed: "Copy of the paper given to the French ambassador."
French. Contemporary copy. pp. 3.
23 June. 165. Eustace Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl.
"Madame,"—Your Majesty's letter of the 6th inst. came duly to hand. The King has taken in very good part, as have also all the members of his Privy Council, the answer made by Your Majesty to the articles proposed by them, as well as the account and enumeration of the forces under the orders of the duke of Aarschot and count du Rœulx that are ready, if necessary, to take the field. As to the chariots and horses for the artillery, provision for the men, ammunition, heavy luggage waggons, and so forth, as well as chargers for mounting Mr. de Cheney's escort, it has been agreed between these privy councillors and myself that, as Mr. de Cheney, who is in command of the English force, leaves this very day for Calais, he will on his arrival let Your Majesty or the King's ambassadors know how many of each sort are wanted. With regard to provisions for his army, the King has already given orders for a sufficient quantity to be drawn from Calais itself and the rest from England.
Immediately after Jarretière's (Garter's) departure from that town the Debitis (Deputy) received a letter from Mr. de Biez, the substance of which is that he has orders from the King, his master, to listen to what this king's herald had to say in his name. That whenever the herald came he would be well received and handsomely entertained (il luy feroit tres grosse chiere), and that he would besides do his best to obtain a speedy answer to his business, whatever that might be. This, Mr. de Biez wrote, would be far better for the said king-at-arms than to expose his person to danger among soldiers of so many nations. Besides which the King, his master, would hardly have leisure to communicate with Garter, owing to his being then much engaged with the business of war. Should the king-at-arms come [to Boulogne] with a message from the king of England, he (Biez) would return such an answer in his master's name as would be highly satisfactory to the king of England.
On the receipt here of the French governor's letter, the privy councillors met and deliberated long on its contents, some of them voting for not sending the king-at-arms [to Boulogne], whilst others voted for his going thither and delivering the message of which he was the bearer. Then the earl of Hertford and Mr. de Cheney came to me from the King to ask my advice and learn whether Garter could not go alone and declare in Thoison d'Or's absence what the latter himself had to say in the Emperor's name. My answer was that I had no power to decide in the matter, and believed that Your Majesty could not either; even if I had the power I would never consent to Garter's going to France alone to make the intimation of war, were it for no other reason than the honor and reputation of the King, their master, of whom the French were evidently making fun (se gaudissoient), inasmuch as the letter of Mr. de Biez had evidently been written after Garter's departure [from Boulogne], and after refusing him, as it appears, access to the king of France. That the French ambassador resident in this country, as the true representative of the king of France, was a far more authorized person to receive communications of that sort than Mr. de Biez, who, whatever his charge and commission might be—of which, however, neither they (the councillors) nor I knew anything—was not a competent person to receive and answer the message. And that it seemed merely a mockery on the part of Mr. de Biez to say that when Garter came he would get such an answer to his application as the King, his master, would be glad to hear; for, after all, if the latter felt disinclined to answer the declaration and intimation of war about to be made, he might just as well, and better, have communicated confidentially with his own ambassador here than with Garter himself, who is no herald of his.
Lastly, on Wednesday, the 20th inst., it was resolved in the Privy Council that, according to my first opinion in the matter, the two heralds [Garter and Thoyson d'Or] should conjointly make the formal declaration and intimation of war to the French ambassador. This was done yesterday, the 22nd, after dinner, at Westminster, in the presence of all the privy councillors, and of several lords and gentlemen, it having been previously settled between the King's privy councillors and myself that Garter, the English king-at-arms, should read this king's intimation of war first, lest the French ambassador, hearing that of the Emperor's from the lips of Thoyson d'Or. should reply that he had nothing to do with me, and no charge from his master to listen to or report upon anything that I or the Emperor's herald had to say, &c. It was therefore decided that the duke of Norfolk should speak first in his master's name, reading slowly, and word by word, a paper which he had in his hands, and of which Your Majesty will receive a copy by the next post. (fn. n9) The duke, however, did not recite the whole paper at once; he stopped at the end of the paragraph containing the summary of the demands made from the king of France, leaving me room to intercalate those of the Emperor. This being done, the Duke proceeded to state the additional claims and demands on the part of his master, and intimate war in case of not receiving a categorical and satisfactory answer to his first demand within the term of 20 days, ten of those days being considered sufficient for the journey to France and back of the courier. I did the same, intimating the continuation of the war, (fn. n10) in pursuance of the Instructions given by Your Majesty to Thoyson d'Or, the whole of this being read and declared by the respective kings-at-arms in the manner that Your Majesty will see by the documents to go by the next post.
On my return from Westminster, very late in the day, Your Majesty's letter of the 19th was received, which I will answer as soon as I myself can go to the Privy Council. As there are here at present two Imperial couriers, who may perhaps be wanted in that court, I have thought of despatching one of them with this my letter, though most likely he will not be able to take the papers and documents above referred to, in consequence of the copies not being yet ready. I cannot, however, omit to say that after the French ambassador had left the room where the declaration and intimation of war were made, the privy councillors asked me whether Mr. du Rœulx would feel inclined, after the raising of the siege of Bappaulmes (fn. n11) by the French, to invade some part of their frontier. My answer was that I thought he would, provided it were one of those towns of which there had been a talk once, and provided also they themselves sent an auxiliary force in addition to that which they are bound to send to Your Majesty's assistance, as stipulated in the treaty. But, as far as I can judge, there is very little appearance of this king's ministers agreeing to that; one of them particularly making such difficulties whenever a proposal of that kind is put forward, that every chance is spoilt by his indecision and vacillation; perhaps when the minister alluded to (fn. n12) sees that French affairs do not go on so prosperously as was generally thought at first, there will be a change of opinion in this matter.
I was also asked by the privy councillors whether, in case of the King, their master, sending across the Channel a greater force of infantry, as well as cavalry, than that which he is bound by treaty to furnish, Your Majesty would consent to keep that force under Your pay. I answered that I knew nothing about that, but would willingly write home to inquire. They also told me that Mr. de Chenay, who by all accounts must already be at Calais, had taken with him 400 men-at-arms, not only for the support in the field of the infantry under his command, but for any other service that might be required, all of them private gentlemen, and the flower of the English, among whom was the ambassador now resident at Your Majesty's court. To which remark I replied that Your Majesty had precisely ordered me not to ask for cavalry, but merely for infantry, according to the letter of the treaty. Nevertheless, I fancied that there would be no objection in that, and therefore answered that cavalry would be equally acceptable. Wishing to know how many horses each man-at-arms was counted for, I asked Mr. de Cheney (Cheyne) before his departure [for Calais], and he told me that the 400 cavalry would count for, or have the same pay, as 500 infantry; whereas, according to the duke of Norfolk's calculation, they would be reckoned at 600, that is, three foot men for each two horses.
These privy councillors keep telling me and affirming that the affairs of Scotland are going on prosperously for their master, the King. Everything, they said to me, had been settled according to his wishes; there was nothing more to do than to have the whole set down in writing.—London, 23 June 1543.
P.S.—I have at this moment received the copy of the paper which the duke of Norfolk read yesterday in the Council room, and which was then and there put into the French ambassador's hands. I here enclose it, (fn. n13) begging Your Majesty to forward it to the Emperor, together with the papers and documents relating to the affair, after having it examined in the Council of State.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph. pp. 3.
23 June. 166. The Same to Mgr. de Granvelle.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl., 11.
"Monseigneur,"—Your Lordship will see by the enclosed papers and letters the news of this country, as well as an account of what passed with the French ambassador when war against his master was declared and intimated, I do really believe neque vobis, neque Plutarco auctore, that the said ambassador received the papers that were put into his hands, and promised to send them home and return an answer as soon as possible. At which all our friends here, and specially myself, have been much pleased and rejoiced, for the reasons which your Lordship may guess. I am anxiously expecting to hear what resolution His Imperial Majesty will now take, and what aid it will be my duty to ask and solicit from this king and his ministers, in order to execute his Imperial commands as soon as possible.—London, 23 June 1543. (fn. n14)
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To Monseigneur, Monsr. de Granvelle, Knight, Councillor of State, and the Emperor's lord Privy Seal."
French. Holograph. p. 1.
24 June. 167. Eustace Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl., 11.
"Madame,"—My letter of yesterday, the 23rd, must have informed Your Majesty of occurrences in this country. Since then, this very morning, the King has sent me a message in answer to my pressing solicitations for the stipulated succour, saying that he is actually promoting it as briskly as he possibly can; all depends upon Mr. de Chenay (sic), who is to take the chief command of the force, being ready to start, which he will do as soon as possible. As to making the force already in Calais, amounting—as the privy councillors showed me the day before yesterday by the muster rolls—to 5,500 infantry, march out of the place, that could not be done until the arrival of Mr. de Cheyne himself. There was no one (he said) in those parts competent to take the command of troops, and it was, in his opinion, far preferable to delay the attack a few days longer, than expose his men to danger and loss of reputation. Having then suggested to him—as I did the first time that I spoke to him on the subject by the advice of one of his privy councillors—that whilst Mr. de Cheyne was occupied in England, the captain of Guisnes, (fn. n15) a very experienced and trustworthy officer and a particular friend of Mr. de Cheyne, might take his place, the King answered that he wondered much how I possibly could suggest to him to abandon and leave without a governor in times like these one of the strongest places in all Christendom. And upon my replying to him that there would still remain at Guisnes enough officers and gentlemen for the defence of the place, which, in the meantime, and whilst the Emperor's army kept the field, could run no danger from the enemy, he seemed to be hurt and annoyed, saying that it was quite unfair for a friend to advise and recommend to another an affair which might turn out to the inconvenience or disrepute of the latter. (fn. n16) Hearing this I tried to mend matters by apparently leaving the whole affair in his hands, saying that I trusted entirely on his prudence and good will, and had no doubt that all would be right. This much said I to him, not without having first placed before his eyes the advantages to be gained by employing at once the force he had on the other side of the Channel, which, whilst it is doing no service at all, is causing him considerable expense. I also remonstrated with the privy councillors as to that, and will keep them as well disposed to favor our views as they all now seem to be, with the exception of two, about whom I wrote some time ago, (fn. n17) especially Mr. de Cheney (Cheyne), who has indirectly put forward so many difficulties (respectz), that in point of fact the long protracted delay in sending out the auxiliary expedition may fairly be placed to his account.
Respecting the opposition offered by the merchants of this country to have their ships and merchandize examined in the ports of Flanders and the Low Countries, and the gift they propose making to Your Majesty as an equivalent for the 1% duty, the King, whenever I have spoken to him about it, has assured me that they (the merchants) will do their duty on that score, and that he himself has given commission to his Privy Council to look closely into the affair, and see that they fulfil their promise. I really believe that had Your Majesty, without any previous declaration of Your intentions to this king's ambassadors residing at Brussels, given me the commission to settle the affair, the gift which these merchants offer, and are quite prepared to make, would have been larger and more substantial. (fn. n18)
The King has been exceedingly glad to hear of the retreat of the French from the siege of Bappaulmes (Bapaume), and at the loss they have there sustained of 600 men and two or three captains, as he tells me, at the same time wondering that no news at all have come of any undertaking against Montreuil. I failed not on this occasion to remark, in compliance with Your Majesty's orders, that Mr. du Rœulx was only waiting for the French army to lay a formal siege to some other fortified town of Flanders to undertake Montreuil, which he purposed to do as soon as they were occupied elsewhere.
The King has also heard with pleasure that Your Majesty has issued orders for the fitting out of the fleet according to the treaty, in consequence of the enemy being thoroughly aroused, and getting every day stronger by sea.
The privy councillors tell me that the King has ordered a very large (inestimable) amount of provisions for his army to be shipped and transported across the Channel; that is to say, four or six thousand quarters of wheat, 10,000 of corn for brewing beer, 20,000 ducats' value of cheese, and an incalculable quantity of lard, beans, and other articles of food, adding that within a very short space of time 6,000 more men, over and above the force stipulated in the treaty as assistance to the Low Countries will be sent across.
I have not considered it advisable under present circumstances to speak again to the King about the safe conducts, for whenever I broach the subject to him he does invariably raise so many objections that I fear the application will be refused. As, moreover, there is no time for a full explanation of Your Majesty's motives in recommending the grant of the said safe conducts, I have altogether refrained from making the application, though I have debated long, and will again debate, its expediency with the privy councillors, who, to say the truth, did treat the affair rather roughly at first, are now more rational and better disposed to take it into consideration, so much so that they have lately released without the least difficulty three vessels belonging to the Guicciardini, (fn. n19) laden with wine, that were captured three or four days ago in this Channel by an English privateer.
The day before yesterday, when I wrote to Your Majesty, I forgot to mention that the French ambassador, when the war was intimated to him, made no answer at all, save to observe that it was Garter's own fault that he had not proceeded on his mission and journey to France; he (the King's herald) needed no safe conduct for that, and upon its being argued that Garter had his reasons for acting as he had done and asking for one, knowing that this King's last ambassador in France had been unduly and dishonestly detained, the Frenchman did all he could to excuse and justify the English ambassador's arrest. Nevertheless, he could not with all that persuade the audience; for Master Paget, happening to be present in the Council room, got up and contradicted his statement, relating how he himself had been arrested and detained in France by the King's commands. Then the French ambassador observed that the term of 20 days fixed for his master's answer seemed to him very short, all the time protesting that in making that observation he was not seeking to gain time and prolong the affair, but, on the contrary, to accelerate his master's answer to the intimation of war.
Yesterday the French ambassador sent a message to the privy councillors purporting that the King, his master, had written to say that the state of his affairs at present was most prosperous; he had under him an army of 16,000 lanskennets and 25,000 soldiers of fortune (aventuriers), besides 18,000 light horse and 2,000 men-at-arms (gendarmes); he expected soon to add 10,000 Germans and 12,000 Swiss. He was about to send forward with the vanguard his marshal Hannebault, (fn. n20) and he himself would shortly follow with the remainder of his army. This piece of news from the mouth of the French ambassador was received with much derisive amusement by both the King and his privy councillors—London, 24 June 1543. (fn. n21)
P.S.—Just at this moment, about six o'clock in the evening, the King sends me word in all haste that intelligence has come of the prince of Orange's complete success in the district of Hainsbergue (Heinsberg), at which he and all his Court have greatly rejoiced.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Original. pp. 4.
27 June. 168. The Same to the Same.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl., 11.
"Madame,"—The duke of Norfolk has forwarded to me the enclosed petition of a poor and simple man, his subject and household servant, that I may recommend it to Your Majesty, and beg that his vessel be released and allowed to continue her voyage.—London, 27 of June 1543.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Original. p. 1.
27 June. 169. Fragment of a Petition of Master Alexander.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl., 11.
Alexander Ffavokké is owner of the vessel called La Marie Ffortune d'Albrough (Aldborough), which, laden with coals, was seized by the custom house officer (coustumier) of Myddelburg, in Zeland (Zeeland). The Marie Fortunee was bound for Neuport (Nieuport). She and her cargo, as well as the master of the said ship (John Ffowell), (fn. n22) were taken by the officer to the said town of Middelburgh, where the master was informed that both his vessel and her cargo were confiscated for no other reason, as it appears, than his not having answered, when interrogated, as to what part of the country he was taking his coals, and having only inquired what was the price of his freight and where he could dispose of the cargo.
French. Original. p. 1.
28 June. 170. The Queen of Hungary to Eustace Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl., 9.
"Monsieur l'ambassadeur,"—Monsr. de Chantonnay, gentleman of the Chamber to the Emperor, Our lord and brother, bearer of this letter, is now sent to the king of England on a special mission, and with certain Instructions, which he will show you on his arrival. Among other charges which We find to be wisely conceived and sufficiently well explained, Mons. de Chantonnay has that of acting entirely under your guidance and by your advice. We, therefore, take this opportunity to recommend to you certain affairs of Our own to which no particular reference is made in the Instructions of which he (Chantonnay) is the bearer, having, moreover, supplemented them, as it were, with additions of Our own in that which regards the state of the country that We are governing in Our brother's name. One of them is that you (Chapuys) are personally, or accompanied by your colleague, as it may be, to try and procure that the King hasten the succour in men or money that he is bound to afford Us by the treaty of closer friendship and alliance. The same application has been made to the King's ambassadors residing in these parts, for it appears now that king Francis, at the head of a considerable force, has already penetrated far into the country of Haynnault, and is doing all the harm he can there. We have ordered part of the army at Hainsberge (Heinsberg), after compelling the enemy to raise the siege of that town, revictualling and providing it with the artillery and ammunition gained from the French, to march at once against the enemy. With that force, with the 3,000 Spaniards lately arrived, the small divisions of our national army in the Haynnault and in the Arthois, and the contingent which that king is bound to furnish, should it come in time, We hope to prevent the enemy from penetrating farther into the country, and to force them to retreat. I therefore beg you to make all possible effort to obtain from the King, at least, the aforesaid assistance in men or money.
Considering that the forces king Francis has in the field amount to 30,000 infantry, good and bad (bons et mauvaix), 8,000 cavalry, and 30 pieces of heavy ordnance, it seems to Us that We ought not to place too much reliance on the difficulties of his position, or the hesitation he himself may feel as to his future movements, (fn. n23) but that by massing together the English forces, those which His Imperial Majesty is bringing with him, and Our own army here—in all 7,000 horse and 30,000 foot—we may prevent king Francis from accomplishing great things, whilst We ourselves will be in a situation to meet him successfully.
That is why it is requisite to attend to what the King will say to you respecting Scotland, and ascertain whether the agreement entered into with the Scotch is really and truly concluded as those privy councillors tell you, for if it is not, king Francis is sure, if he can, to embroil affairs, and to favor and assist the party opposed to him in Scotland.
As to the help and assistance to be given by the King in case of his resolving to invade France together with the Emperor, We could not add anything more to Mons. de Chantonnay's Instructions in the matter, save that in such an event it ought to be settled beforehand with what forces We Ourselves are to help according to the letter of the treaty.
Respecting the letter of the French ambassador at Rome to the Pope, intercepted in Italy, it seems to Us that it would be of the utmost importance to show it to that king, that he may judge what king Francis intentions are.
In answer to your two despatches of the 23rd and 24th inst., We must tell you that you did right in persuading the King's privy councillors at once to declare war against France. We find the act of the declaration and intimation of war excellent, and approve of it entirely. We request you to send Us a duplicate of it, as well as of the one in the Emperor's name, besides a copy of the King's oath to observe all and every one of the articles of the treaty of closer friendship and alliance.
As to the undertaking against Montreuil, or any other town of France mentioned in your despatch of the 23rd inst., We do not see the possibility of it, whilst king Francis with all his power is attacking this country, unless he himself laid siege to some town or fortress which kept the whole or part of his army engaged during three or four months to come, so that part of Our forces in the field may be employed in making an invasion elsewhere; for We ought to attend in the first place to the defence of the countries under Our government, to which the King himself is bound before thinking of acting on the offensive. As We presume, moreover, that if the English keep talking to you of the enterprise in question it is for no other purpose than to delay the departure for Calais of the men they have enlisted for future service in these frontiers with France, it would be exceedingly inconvenient to treat of it just now, when it is desirable that they should be employed on the side of Haynnault to repulse the French invaders.
The captain of Guisnes (fn. n24) has written to Mons. de Biez (fn. n25) not to injure the Emperor's subjects in the vicinity of that fortress, as otherwise he should be obliged to take up arms in their defence, according to orders received from his master, the king of England. Upon which the French have published at Ardres, as We hear by letters from the governor of Gravelinges (Gravelines), that no one is to harm or injure the Emperor's subjects on that frontier, which, to tell the truth, We find strange enough, for such being the case, it looks as if the two kings might play into each other's hands and temporise. You must, therefore, take care, when the opportunity offers, to remonstrate against such an arrangement, and according as the general (fn. n26) who is coming from England to fake the command of the royal forces on the continent may act, go at once to the Privy Council and complain; for if he (the general) raises difficulties before leaving England, ten to one that he will, when in the field, do very little, or nothing at all, without consulting his master at every step. That is the reason why We request you to use all dexterity in ascertaining whether the said commander will feel disposed to do what his own master, the King, and the general-in chief of Our forces shall order him to do; otherwise his services will be of no use at all.
With respect to the safe conducts, you did well to represent to the King that although the three ships (navieres) of the Guicciardini have been released; but you must add that the agents (facteurs) residing at Antwerp have now addressed a petition to Us complaining that the English have again seized and laid an embargo on fourteen more vessels of their own laden with biscuit and wine, (fn. n27) notwithstanding that the said vessels and their cargoes belong really and effectively to merchants and traders, natives of these Low Countries, and consequently the Emperor's subjects, with the exception of a few belonging to Portugal. You will take care that these latter may also be released, since they cannot in any reason or justice be considered as prizes in time of war, as the enemy has no interest or share in them, and they were seized before the King had actually declared war against France.
Addressed: "The queen of Hungary to Chapuys."
Endorsed: "To the ambassador in England on the 28th of June 1543."
French. Original draft, entirely ciphered.
29 June. 171. The Same to Messrs. de Chantonnay and Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl., 9.
Should the king of England ask for details of the duke of Clèves' defeat before Haynsberge (Heinsberg), Mons. de Chantonnay will show him the note that will be put into his hands [before he leaves for England].
The prince of Orange, captain-general of the army sent to the relief of Haynsberge (Heinsberg), having assembled all his forces, consisting of 4,000 horse and 20,000 foot, including in that number 4,000 peasants and 16 pieces of field ordnance (artillerie des champs), after making such preparations as were needed for revictualling the town of Haynsberge (Heinsberg), was encamped with his forces one league from the said town, when on the 21st inst., in the early morning, having the whole of his army placed in order of battle and divided into three strong bodies, he determined to push on with the vanguard and offer battle to the enemy, should he accept it. The enemy's force, on the other hand, amounting, as it was said, to 6,000 horse and 20,000 foot, with 30 pieces of heavy ordnance, hearing of the Prince's arrival, raised their camp, and having detached a strong cavalry division, amounting, as it was said, to upwards of 2,000 horse, attempted to give the alarm, and, if possible, surprise the Prince's camp. In this manner they advanced until they approached it; they were at about a spear's length from it, intending, no doubt, to surprise us. Finding, however, that Our men were on the alert and ready to meet them, they withdrew some distance off without coming to blows with Our cavalry, which pursued them for some time. Twice did the enemy turn face and stop on the road, as if willing to fight, firing occasionally the pieces of field ordnance they had with them; but whenever Our men came near they moved on, thus continuing their hasty retreat until they arrived at their own camp, which they actually entered. Meanwhile Our men approached Heinsberg, and managed so well that the town and garrison were completely revictualled. This being done, the prince of Orange sent forward scouts (coureurs) to "reconnaitre" and ascertain whether the enemy had or had not a fortified camp, and finding that they had not, sent a good portion of his army against them to try and see whether they showed an inclination to fight; but when the enemy saw Our cavalry approach they took to flight, leaving their ordnance and all their luggage behind them, and throwing down their armour in order to run the faster. The enemy's loss on this occasion is calculated at about 1,500 men. (fn. n28)
Indorsed: "Minute pour monsieur le president du Conseil."—Brussels, 28 June 1543.
French. Original draft. pp. 2.
29 June. 172. The Emperor to Eustace Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl., 9.
"Venerable, chier et feal,"—Supposing that Mr. de Chantonnay has arrived in that country, (fn. n29) and that both of you have received news of these parts, as well as taken cognisance of the instructions which Our sister, Madame the queen dowager, must have given to your colleague respecting his extraordinary mission, We will now proceed to inform you of the result of Our interview and conference with the Pope [at Cremona], as you may see by the enclosed copy of Our letter to the Queen, Our sister—of the contents of which you may apprize the king of England as far as you deem it convenient. You may tell him that what the French have felt most, that of which they have made the strongest demonstrations to the Pope, as We have been informed, and which has given them hopes of being able to defeat Our arguments and thwart Our views, has been Our last treaty with England. That His Holiness has over and over again tried to bring Us over to his views, inquiring whether means could not be found of making Us withdraw from the treaty made with him (the king of England), and whether, notwithstanding that treaty, We would compound (comporter) for his (the Pope's) aiding and assisting king Francis; and last, not least, whether in the case of his deciding to aid and support France We would still observe Our treaty with England and assist the king of that country as We are bound to do. We have absolutely refused to countenance any favouring of France, declaring that We will help and assist the king of England to the end against king Francis, and will consider any assistance given by the Pope to France as given against Ourselves, which makes Us think that, if pressed by king Francis, the Holy Father will absolutely refuse the assistance asked, and thus the King will be left alone in the contest.
After informing you of this Our resolution, which We have purposely left for "la bonne bouche" of the Holy Father, (fn. n30) and that you may inform that king thereof, We cannot say more for the present, since by the enclosed copy of Our letter to the queen of Hungary, you will be apprized of Our progress in Italy. We have no doubt that you (Chapuys) will make use of the information contained in this Our letter respecting king Francis' intentions, and the endeavours he has made, and is still making, to get the Pope's help and assistance against Us two. It will, We have no doubt, help you in the negociation entrusted to Mr. de Chantonnay.—Pistoya, the 29 of June 1543.
Headed: "The Emperor and King."
French. Original draft. p. 1.


  • n1. In a modern hand: "Articles presentés à l'ambassadeur d'Angleterre par le Duc de Norfolk de la part du Roy d'Angleterre."
  • n2. "Et aussi nre. dit souverain seigneur se plainet en particulier et à part de les grandz iniures, tordz, griefz, et desplaisirs quil a souffert et endure de vre. dit maistre, ayant eu tousiours espoir que pour les gracieusetes, plaisirs et grandz bienfaictz quil luy à faict en mainctes manieres et en ses grandz besongnes et necessites de temps passes, vouldroit avoir faict tel redres, recompense et satisfaction, comme appartenoit à raison, honneur et justice."
  • n3. "De payer chascun an à nostre dict souverain la somme de cent deux mille cent quatre [vingt] escuz au soleil [de] vingt quatre soulz tournois contans (comptants) tant sen a fallu quil ait voullu tenir et garder les dictz pactz en cest endroit, que ces neuf ans passes non ait este paye ung denier."
  • n4. Richard de la Pole, son of John duke of Suffolk, K.G., and Edward IV.'s sister Elizabeth. He was killed at the battle of Pavia in 1525.
  • n5. Marillac himself or Morvilliers?
  • n6. That is Maran or Marano in Frioul.
  • n7. "Semblablement quil restitu et rende à sa mte les (sic) chasteau et bailliage de Hesdyn, la ville et chastellenie (chastellanie) d'Estenay, et les villes et territoires d'lvoix et Dampvilliers, et des terres de lEmpire adjacentes."
  • n8. A marginal note in Chapuys' handwriting reads thus: "Icy reste dadjouster (d'ajouter) le surplus des articles contenus en l'instruction de Thoyson dOr."
  • n9. See above, No. 163, p. 407.
  • n10. No. 164, p. 412.
  • n11. Rappaulmes in the original, which is evidently a mistake of the copyist for Bapaulme.
  • n12. Mr. de Cheney, or Sir Thomas Cheyne, which was his real name.
  • n13. See above, pp. 407–11.
  • n14. Another letter from Chapuys to Granvelle, not holograph, as this one is, but in his secretary's hand, is to be found in the Imperial Archives of Vienna. Though its contents are exactly the same, the date is London, the 16th of June 1543.
  • n15. Sir John Wallop.
  • n16. "Il s'est pensé picqué, disant que lon ne debvoit tant avoir recommendé les affaires que de presser l'amy de chose que luy pourroit tourner à inconvenient et desextime."
  • n17. See above, pp. 272, 413–4, 416.
  • n18. "Et croy Madame quant vre. mate sans riens declairer aux ambassadeurs diçy residens devers vre. mate m'eust donne commission d'en faire la response que le dit present eust este plus avantageux."
  • n19. "Toutesfois ilz ont lasche sans difficulte ny question trois navieres des guijchardins chargeez de vins, que pour trois ou quatre jours avoient esteez sprines d'ung anglois."
  • n20. Claude de Hannebault, or Annebaut, baron de Retz et de La Humandaye, lieutenant-general in Piedmont, marshal of France. See Vol. VI., Part I., pp. 202, 345, 370–1, 415, &c.
  • n21. Another copy of the same letter is appended, though the cipher is different from that which Chapuys used in writing to the Emperor or to Mr. de Granvelle.
  • n22. "Et la fist arrester le dit navire et les biens en cela et amenast le maistredu dict navire (John Ffowell) avecq luy au dit lieu de Middelburgh (sic), et la le dit coustumier luy dise (dist) quil avoit confisque navire, biens et tout, pour ce quil navoyt synon demande le pays (pryx?) du charbon et sen alloit." The names of the owner and of the master of the Marie Fortunee (from Aldborough in Suffolk), seem to be much corrupted; Ffarvokke might perhaps be Fawkes, and Ffowell Howell.
  • n23. "Nous semble que ne fault se trop fonder sur la necessite et perplexite du roy de France."
  • n24. Sir John Wallop.
  • n25. Oudard or Oudart de Biez, French governor of Boulogne sur Mar.
  • n26. Sir Thomas Cheyne or Cheyney.
  • n27. "Vins et pastes," elsewhere "vins et pastels," that is, wine and dyer's woad.
  • n28. Both this paper and the preceding are appended to the queen of Hungary's letter to Eustnce Chapuys of the 28th (No. 170). The first seems to be a memorandum or report by the president or secretary of the Queen's Privy Council in Flanders intended for the Emperor's perusal. The second is addressed to the Imperial ambassador in England for the purpose of Mons. de Chantonnay and himself laying before the King a true and official account, as it is called, of the engagement before Heinsberg, which, according to the duke of Clèves' agent in London, had been favorable to his arms. See above, No. 171, p. 424. It is, however, worthy of remark that the first paragraph of this draft is entirely crossed over, and the rest is full of erasures and emendations, and that a copy of the same document, entirely ciphered, is also annexed.
  • n29. He arrived in London on the 2nd of July.
  • n30. "Bien luy pourrez vous dire que ce dont les francois ont faict plus [de] demonstrance (remonstrances) devers le pape, et en quoy ilz ont pense plus nous, povoir traverser, a este touchant le dernier traicte. Et nous a faict Sa Ste pluseurs admonicions et persuasions pour sçavoir si lon sçauroit retirer le dit traicte et entendre de nous si non obstant icellui vouldrions comporter quil assista[t] au roy de France, ce que nous avons absolutement reboutte; et sur ce point dit que nous assisterions le dit roy d'Angleterre jusques au boult contre le dit roy de France, et tendrions lassistance du dit pape en ce cas comme contre nous mesmes, tellement que nous tenons comme pour certain que le dit St pere refusera absolutement la pretencion du dit roy de France. Et cecy a este le dernier point que (dont) nous avons pour la bonne bouche parlé au dit St pere."