Spain: January 1544, 16-31

Pages 13-32

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 7, 1544. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1899.

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January 1544, 16–31

17 Jan. 10. Eustace Chapuys to Mr. De Granvelle.
Wien, Imp. Arch. “Monseigneur,”—As the courier, bearer of this letter, is in a great hurry to depart, almost immediately, I will only write two words to state that I am in receipt of the letter, which your Lordship was pleased to write to me by Don Luis de Avilla (Avila), who arrived in London yesterday evening (sur le tard). After conversing with me for a while on the affairs, which form the object of his mission, Don Luis thought, as I also did, that he ought to wait immediately upon the King, which he did on the very same day of his arrival, after dinner. D. Luis was welcomed and kindly received by the King, by the Queen, and by the Princess. The great haste in which the messenger is will not allow me to enter into details now, and inform your Lordship of the very kind words which the King addressed to Don Luis on the occasion; suffice it to say for the present —and this I can assure your lordship—that the Emperor's gentleman-in-waiting could not have come at a more opportune and fit occasion to consolidate and increase this King's affection for his Majesty, and insure the effect of the future undertaking.
I have also received His Majesty's letter of the 3rd inst. respecting the three points proposed by the ambassador of this King, and, as far as I can judge, it seems as if the King himself and his ministers were well satisfied with the answer and excuses made; at least up to this day neither the King nor his ministers have given any sign of resentment or displeasure. This may perhaps be owing to the hope they seem to entertain that on his arrival at the Emperor's court, Don Fernando Gonzaga will be able to obtain from His Imperial Majesty that their requests in that particular be granted. Until an answer to their application comes, I will abstain from broaching the subject to them, and yet I have prepared Don Loys and instructed him as to the way in which he was to answer had the King alluded to it any how. (fn. 1)
I very much regret not having been able to do service to Don Loys as I would have wished.—London, 17 of January 1544.
Signed: “Eustace Chapuys.”
Addressed: “ To Monseigneur de Granvelle,” &c.
French. Original. 1 p.
17 Jan. 11. Eustace Chaputys to Mr. de Granvelle.
Wien, Imp. Arch. Rep. P., Fasc. C. 235. “Monseigneur,”—Yesterday, the 16th, Don Luis de Avila (fn. 2) [y Zuniga] arrived in the city, and went immediately to Court to pay his respects to the King, to the Queer, and to the Princess.—London, 17 January 1544.
French. Original. 1 p.
18 Jan. 12. The Same to Prince Philip.
S. E. L., 806, f. 79. B. M. Add. 28,594, f. 297. I wrote to Your Majesty by Don Alonso Manrique (fn. 3) the news of this country, and as I am almost certain that Your Highness has received my despatch, I will not repeat what I then wrote. Since then His Imperial Majesty sent here Don Fernando de Gonzaga, with full powers, in which I myself was named, to treat of and conclude with His Most Serene Majesty this King an agreement as to what may be required for next summer's undertaking. After various conferences, in which the point in question was discussed, it was resolved that both His Imperial Majesty and His Most Serene Majesty the king of England, unless prevented by illness or any other accident—which may God forbid—should be personally present within France not later than the 20th of July next; that the Emperor should enter that country by the province of Champagne and march directly on Paris; and, lastly, that His Most Serene Majesty of England should likewise enter it by way of Picardy and march also on Paris. That, although in the first draft of the treaty of alliance it was stipulated that the invading force of each ally should consist of 20,000 foot and 5,000 horse, yet, upon second thoughts, it has been considered that the forces ought to be increased to 25,000 infantry and 7,000 cavalry respectively, with 60 pieces of ordnance, 4,000 pioneers (gastadores), and 100 pontoons (barquetes) for the throwing of bridges across rivers and watercourses. This King is hastening as much as he can, and still persists in his determination to fulfil all the clauses of the treaty, notwithstanding that the affairs of Scotland do not go on so prosperously for him as was anticipated, for the earl of Lennox, who, as the King thought at first was to take his part and turn against the French, has, it appears, changed his mind owing to the latter having removed all cause of offence by actually contracting with him, not only for what they had promised many days before, but making him most brilliant offers besides. (fn. 4) This King, therefore, wishing to provide more efficiently for the affairs of Scotland whilst he himself is absent from England and personally engaged across the Channel, wishes that His Imperial Majesty would send him a number of Spanish hackbutiers. In return for which aid, if granted, he offers to contribute with 20,000 ducats for the undertaking that the duke of Savoy and the marquis del Gasto might, whilst king Francis is occupied with the allied armies, lead into the Delphinal (Dauphinois) by way of Savoy, and thence into the Leonés (Lyonnais), an undertaking which, if achieved, would be of immense importance, owing to the harm it might inflict upon the common enemy.
As Your Royal Highness will hear verbally from Don Luis de Avila, (fn. 5) bearer of this despatch, the rest of the news from this country, I shall bring this letter to an end.—London, 18 January 1544.
Spanish. Original in cypher. 2 pp.
18 Jan. 13. Eustace Chapuys to High Commander Cobos.
S. E. Inglaterra. The enclosed despatch of mine addressed to the Crown Prince (Philip) will apprise Your Lordship of the news of this country, and likewise of the details of the negociations carried on here in December last by Don Fernando [Gonzaga] and the agreement entered into with His Most Serene Highness the king of England.
As to the affairs of Scotland, they do not seem to me to go on of late as prosperously as this King and his privy councillors anticipated; for count Lins (the earl of Lennox), who, as these people thought, would turn round and rise against the French, thereby following this King's party and looking out for an affinity or relationship with him, has lately changed his mind owing to the French having just won him over to their party by promising not only to give him [the Count] what they had offered many days ago, but grant him new favours and distinctions. (fn. 6) —London, 18 January 1544.
Signed: “Eustace Chapuys.”
Spanish. Original. 2 pp.
19 Jan. 14. The Emperor to Eustace Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch. “Venerable, chier et feal,”—We wrote to you last from Louvain an account of what the English ambassador, resident at this Our Court, represented to Us, and afterwards to the Sieur de Granvelle, and the answers made to his various applications, and more especially to the demand that We should declare against Scotland, and forbid the Scots to frequent and trade in the Low Countries. Since then the queen dowager of Hungary, Madame, Our sister, has written that the English ambassador resident at her Court, (fn. 7) has made the very same application to her; stating, nay assuring her, that the King, his master, is already at war with Scotland. And, whereas, if such be the case, We shall be obliged to comply with the treaty, and observe the agreement entered into with Don Fernando [Gonzaga], it occurs to Us that if We are to declare the Scots Our enemies, it is but reasonable and just that the king of England should himself make a similar declaration against the duke of Holstein (Christian III.) now occupying the throne of Denmark, considering that the said duke is Our enemy, and king Francis' confederate, and has openly challenged and declared war to Us.
On the above and other like representations, such as your practical knowledge of that Court may suggest, you (Chapuys) shall insist to the very end, taking care to inform Us as soon as possible of the result of your negociation, and of the answer you get from those privy councillors.
As nothing worth mentioning has occurred since Our last, and We are daily expecting the arrival of Don Fernando de Gonzaga, We need not enter into details now, save to say that We have come as far as this town (Köln) without accident of any sort, and that We shall continue Our march to Speir (Spire) as quickly as We possibly can, fully intending to let you know from time to time the progress of Our journey to that place Conlogne (Cologne).—19 January l544. (fn. 8)
P.S.—You might also tell the King that We have received reliable information of king Francis having sent to Scotland and Ireland secret agents to disturb and embroil that King's affairs in those countries, and mar, if he can, his projects, imagining that by doing this and employing such means, he (king Francis) can throw impediments in his way and prevent his interference against himself elsewhere.
Our news from Italy is that king Francis, wishing to play the part of a good Catholic prince, has asked for the Pope's absolution for having once made treaties with the king of England, a schismatic and heretic. Since he has been so long about it, and has become so conscientious it is probable that in a few years hence he will confess and make penance for having allied himself to the Turk, and for his wretched practices and dealings with him. (fn. 9)
French. Original minute. 2 pp.
21 Jan. 15. Eustace Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch. “Madame,”—Your Majesty's letter of the 11th inst. came duly to hand, in answer to which I could not say more than I have said in my despatch to the Emperor, herein inclosed.
Your Majesty did some time ago write to me respecting the personage, (fn. 10) and I have not answered before, because in the first place, the departure of couriers from this place, and the importance of the affairs lately discussed, prevented me from attending to Your Majesty's commands, and secondly, because I thought that what I had often written concerning the dexterity, talent, good doctrine and aptitude for various charges of the said individual seem to me quite sufficient. As to his affection for the Imperial service, and the success of the negociation entrusted to him, having, as I have, constantly alluded to it in my despatches, I considered myself justified in not returning to the subject immediately, the more so that there are near Your Majesty several personages more apt to judge in one day of that individual's qualities and parts, than I myself could in ten years' time and acquaintance. Monsr. de Praët, with whom he has conversed longer, will be a better judge, and report to Your Majesty, and yet, as far as I myself am concerned, I cannot do less than confirm my first impression of the character and parts of the personage alluded to and beg Your Majesty to show him favour.
I likewise beg to be excused for not having written before on the subject of war ammunition and so forth, though I must say that in that particular I have followed Your Majesty's instructions and orders to the letter, though I could not prevent the King's privy councillors and others from applying directly to you on the subject, all the time declaring to them that my letters of commendation would be of no use to them.—London, 21 January 1544.
Signed: “Eustace Chapuys.”
Addressed: “A la royne.”
French. Holograph. 1 p.
22 Jan. 16. The Queen of Hungary to Eustace Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch. “Monsieur l'Ambassadeur,”—From the viceroy of Sicily, who left this city (fn. 11) for Spire, We heard all that passed between the king of England and himself, as well as the former's urgent solicitations that the Scots should be at once declared by the Emperor common enemies of both the allied princes, and lastly, that We Ourselves should forbid to them the frequentation of, and intercourse of trade with, these countries under Our government. We had previously written to the Emperor, Our brother, informing him of the singular and remarkable persistance with which the English ambassador brought forward his master's demands and requests, and he has written to you a letter, of which the enclosed is a copy, signifying his resolution in that affair. Although before the war broke out between the English and the Scots the Emperor made no difficulty about declaring and treating the latter as his enemies, the very moment that hostilities commenced on both sides; as he then promised to Master Bryant before his departure home, in compliance with the treaty of closer alliance, he has no objection now to repeat what he then promised to do —publicly declare the Scots his enemies and interdict to them the frequentation of, and trade with the Low Countries. That will be done as soon as We are duly and authentically informed by you (Chapuys) that the war between the two countries has really commenced, and provided the duke of Holstein, who has actually challenged Us, and declared war to the Low Countries, be also declared the common enemy of the allies and Our's in particular, as the king of England is bound reciprocally to do in virtue of the treaty of closer alliance, defensive and offensive.
As to the request made by that King's privy councillors to Don Fernando Gonzaga that after Our declaration against the Scots We should respect any safe-conducts that the king of England might grant to them, so that the said Scots may freely frequent and reside in these Low Countries, hoping by that means to gain some of them over to his party, and improve his own affairs in Scotland, We will grant the King's request, though it stands to reason that before obtaining from him such safe-conducts, they ought first to apply to Us. The safe-conducts granted by the king of England to the Scots We again declare shall be respected by Our people, provided those which We have granted, or may grant in future, be equally respected, and that the merchants and shipowners in possession of such safe-conducts may freely, and without being in any way molested or harmed, navigate the sea and enter even the ports of England for the purpose of taking in cargoes. On the above conditions the King's request shall be readily complied with, and We have already been assured that all masters of vessels having safe-conducts from the king of England may go to the ports of the Low Countries they having no cargo on board but expecting to receive one, provided they belong to a neutral country and not to the enemies. In this manner, and by observing such rules, the proclamation posted in the Low Countries enjoining that no goods and merchandise from France shall be imported into the kingdoms and countries under Our domination will remain in full vigour. As We are given to understand that a similar proclamation has been issued in England, there will be no difficulty in that case, We think, and therefore you (Chapuys) are requested to take care that an agreement be made with the King's privy councillors so that what We wrote to you on the 10th, and the above-stated exposé of Our intentions and resolutions in this matter of the safe-conducts, may be your guide in the negociation. Let this too be an answer to your despatch of the 9th, which has been duly received since then.
The English resident ambassador has not yet said anything to Us on this matter of the safe-conducts; when he does he will get an answer from Our ministers in conformity with the above.
By way of a supplement to Our letter of the 10th inst., (fn. 12) in which We announced to you the arrival of Cardinal Farnese at the frontier, (fn. 13) We deem it necessary to inform you that he came riding post through this city, and stayed only a few hours, during which he presented to Us a breve from His Holiness exhorting and admonishing Us to use all Our influence with the Emperor, Our brother, to find means of making peace with France, as the Cardinal, bearer of the breve, would declare unto Us. He, himself, told Us that he had been expressly entrusted by His Holiness with the charge of exhorting and persuading the two princes to put an end to the war and make peace, thus avoiding the great evils that Christendom is suffering in these calamitous times. To that end the Cardinal Legate had passed through France, where he had seen king Francis, and found him greatly inclined on his part, and willing to make peace. He was the bearer of such overtures on the part of king Francis as he hoped, nay was sure, the Emperor would not reject altogether. The Cardinal Legate ended by requesting Us to try and do Our best with the Emperor and induce him to accept king Francis' overtures, though he did not tell Us what they were. My answer to the Cardinal's speech was that, in my quality of Dame, I would do my best to procure the peace he spoke of, as I had always done; and that I was sorry to see that king Francis had not considered better the affairs of the past, and observed faithfully the treaties instead of recommencing war as he had done, thus placing the whole of Christendom in danger and trouble as it is now.
After this the Cardinal took leave of Us to proceed on his journey, which he did soon after. We immediately sent for the English ambassador, resident at this Court, to whom We related the substance of the Cardinal's conversation; he has no doubt written home, and yet you would do well in informing him of the whole in Our name.
We have no news yet of the Cardinal; We cannot tell whether he has seen the Emperor or not; as to the overtures he said he had from king Francis We know nothing. We have no doubt that if he really has any, the king of England will know as soon, or perhaps sooner, than Ourselves what their nature and importance are.
To pass to another topic, We recommend you to solicit that the vessels (navires) with a cargo of herrings, seized in England some time ago, be released at once, in virtue of the safe-conducts with which their masters were furnished, otherwise the merchants who freighted them and the owners of the cargoes will sustain great loss and injury. Safe-conducts granted by the allies respectively ought to be respected, and therefore We find it both unreasonable and unjust that the English should detain and seize vessels furnished with such documents, and still more unreasonable and improper that they should keep the goods, paying for them any price they may think fit (as may be presumed they will do).—January the 22nd, 1544.
French. Original draft. 4 pp.
23 Jan. 17. Eustace Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch. “Madame,”—Your Majesty's letter of the 10th inst. came to hand two days ago. I had already been informed by one of the Emperor's of the three points brought forward by the English ambassadors at Your Majesty's court; but I was not aware until now of the discontent and annoyance likely to be felt by these people should not the said three points, on which they particularly insist, be settled to their satisfaction. Possibly they may be expecting an answer to their demand sent through Don Fernando Gonzaga, whom this King and his ministers begged and entreated to intercede with His Imperial Majesty in their favour, more particularly about the two first points, namely, the Spanish hackbutiers, and the declaration against the Scots. When that answer comes I have no doubt that, if unfavourable, these people will show their disappointment and complain to me. I am prepared to reply to them according to the instructions and commands of Your Majesty, who, with your usual prudence and tact, has considered and weighed the affair as one of much importance.
With regard to the first point, that of the Spanish hackbutiers, I must say that when brought forward by the King, Don Fernando [Gonzaga] did start, among others, the objection that the Emperor had not, at present, the means of sending from Spain such an inconsiderable number of hackbutiers as the one asked for to serve in a foreign country so distant from that of their birth, alleging, as an example, that of the Italians, who, after joining the Emperor's camp in Germany, had all to a man returned home, chiefly on the plea (as they said) that their number was too small, though, in reality, they were three times more numerous than the Spaniards this King is now asking for.
As to the second point, which is the declaration against the Scots, there was no objection, he (Gonzaga) saying that Your Majesty wished, before deciding, to be certified of the real state of affairs in Scotland, whether a complete rupture with England had already taken place, or whether there was any appearance of their differences being peaceably adjusted, for though it be true that Count Douglast (the earl of Angus) and his brother (George), who were so kindly and honourably treated by this King during their exile, have lately allied themselves with the opposite party, yet they have, as asserted, written a letter to the King saying that they have taken this step under compulsion and promising that when time and opportunity offer, that is to say, whenever the King enters Scotland at the head of his army, they (the Douglases) and the whole of their adherents and friends will do him notable service. (fn. 14) The truth of the matter is, that nowadays both English and Scots are daily making raids on each other, and war is carried on between them with as much animosity and cruelty as ever. (fn. 15) I have not heard of any official proclamation of war between them, but still they go on, as usual, attacking each other, and from time immemorial have considered themselves each other's enemies, unless there happens to be an occasional truce between them. At any rate, my opinion is that, if the declaration against the Scots, on which this King and his ministers so strongly insist, is to be made in the Low Countries, as Your Majesty says, it is but just and reasonable that these people (the English) should reciprocally do the same with regard to the duke of Holstein and his adherents.
Touching the third point, or the 1 per cent, duly (le centiesme denier) it seems to me that Your Majesty's remonstrances are very urgent and fit, and cannot well be answered to, for considering the frauds and cheatings (la fraulde et tromperie) that are practised at Anvers (Antwerp), the same might take place at Cadiz, where the duty to be paid by English merchants amounts to a much larger sum, which the Emperor would also lose by the exemption. (fn. 16) In order to reply to their importunities, should they persevere in their demands, I think that the best and quickest remedy to be applied would be that which I have pointed out in some of my earlier despatches.
Respecting the late seizure of French ships (navieres) near the island of Gurnesay (Guernsey), these people refrain from mentioning or alluding to it in any way, knowing very well that it is without foundation or reason, perhaps, that they may have further occasion of contravening the safe-conducts granted by Your Majesty or by the Emperor. For three consecutive days have I gone to the Privy Council and remonstrated with its members, who have answered me, by way of excuse, that the release of the cargo of herrings, about which Your Majesty had written to this King, could not be effected save in virtue of a statute and ordinance of the kingdom authorising the seizure of all vessels coming to England with victuals, and taking the cargoes thereof at a reasonable price. And upon my arguing that if such was the tenor of the ordinance, as they (the privy councillors) pretended, other goods and merchandize, not consisting of victuals, ought to be allowed to go freely to France, under Your Majesty's safe-conduct; they replied that they would not, for the present, deny or dispute Your Majesty's and the Emperor's right to grant safe-conducts without infraction of the treaties—which, nevertheless, they had on a previous occasion attempted to do, in virtue of Art. VI. of the last treaty, though it was shown to them that they could not avail themselves of it in support of theory; but they maintained that the article was to be interpreted thus: That if by stress of weather or otherwise, ships having a safe-conduct should be driven on the coasts of England they (the English) were perfectly justified in seizing and detaining them, whatever the origin and nature of their safe-conducts might be. (fn. 17) That for the same reason His Imperial Majesty might do the same if any English vessel was found carrying merchandize to the French. They did more, they denied entirely the neutrality of Guernsey with France.
I then represented to them that there was no cause, reason, or equity in their opposition to the safe-conducts, and that the use they intended to make of them would be tantamount to opening the gate to, and creating dissension and enmity between, the Emperor's subjects and the English. Yet, notwithstanding this and other arguments of mine, they persisted in their resolution, and, although I begged and entreated them to let me know the King's final resolution on the whole, and they promised to do so, up to this day and hour no message from them has come, so that I am determined to write them an official note on the subject. Whatever the answer may be, I shall not fail to acquaint Your Majesty. Meanwhile I suggest, under correction, that Your Majesty would do well in having a Memorandum drawn for the use of the English ambassador at your Court, wherein the above and other reasons be specified in favour of the safe-conducts, for him to write home. I think that, among other arguments, the following one might be employed, namely, that had former safe-conducts been used in the form and manner which they pretend is the right one, the people of Cadiz and other Spanish ports, those of Messina in Sicily, and the rest of the Emperor's dominions, might stop and seize all vessels carrying English goods to the Levant, or coming therefrom, on the plea that those goods and merchandize are destined for Turkey, with which country His Imperial Majesty is now at war. The same might he said with respect to Flanders. Were the ships of war of that nation to meet at sea any English vessels with goods and merchandize for the Easterlings, they might stop and seize them on the ground that their cargoes were meant for the country over which the duke of Holstein now rules, or, at least, that he himself is to benefit by the transaction, and the money to be paid to the Custom House at Copenhagen.
As to the future undertaking against France, it must be owned that the King is showing great diligence and care. He was heard to say a few days ago that the French are very much mistaken if they think that their intrigues in Scotland will prevent him from crossing over; on the contrary, he himself will go to France with a more considerable force than that which he intended to take at first.
I must not omit to say that on the receipt of Your Majesty's letter of the 12th inst. concerning the safe-conduct which Jehan Paulo and Jehan Henry Helbert, brothers, merchants of Augsburg, are soliciting, I immediately after sent my man to the Privy Council with all the papers, memoranda, and requests (requestes) relating to the business which their factor in this city had addressed to me; and that when the King's privy councillors had seen and examined those papers, they began to look at each other and smile, and that, notwithstanding the solicitations of my man, who pressed them for an answer, they would give none, nor even offer an excuse, and that, in order to avoid his importunities, they went away and dispersed right and left.
This conduct on the part of the privy councillors emboldens me to say that it will be a shame if I do not pursue most briskly this affair of the safe-conducts. Since we have gone into it so deeply, I think that I ought to do so for the Emperor's honour and reputation, as well as for not giving these people occasion to assume such authority in matters concerning the Imperial service.
Respecting the Papal Legate (fn. 18) this King has news that at his arrival in France he had been treated at first with apparent coldness and dissimulation, as if king Francis would not in any way listen to his overtures of peace; but that in the end he (the King) had consented to do what His Imperial Majesty pleased in that respect. Upon which the Legate had called on the queen of France, and asked her for a letter for the Emperor, her brother, and for Your Majesty in favour of that peace. (fn. 19) I do really believe that whatever trust and reliance this King may place in the Emperor's words and doings, his mind will not be at rest until he hears that the Legate has actually quitted the Imperial Court, and that his work there has come to nothing. Indeed, this King, as I calculate, would have been much more pleased, had the thing been possible, that the Legate's visit had been somehow or other prevented altogether.
The privy councillors, and especially the one who was lately this King's ambassador to France, (fn. 20) on whose word and assurance count Bernardino di San Bonifacio came to this country, do not cease to importune me respecting the release from prison of the said count. I, myself, would join my prayers to theirs, if it can easily be done, for, as the King's Councillors say, the count might at this season do some service to this King.—London, 23 January 1544.
Signed: “Eustace Chapuys.”
French. Original, partially ciphered. 4 pp.
25 Jan. 18. The Emperor to Eustace Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch. “Venerable, chier et feal,”—After writing to you from Cologne (Köln), and close to this place, (fn. 21) Cardinal Farnese arrived, sent by Our Holy Father, the Pope. He came by way of France, where, as We suppose you must have heard, he stayed some days (aucuns jours). After explaining to Us in two or three audiences We granted him the nature and bearing of his political charge, he himself holding several conferences with Our ministers, the result has been that which you will see by the enclosed copy of the letter which We have written to Our ambassador at Rome on the subject, and the particular answer given to the Cardinal Legate in writing, (fn. 22) by the final paragraph of which answer you will be able to understand that if king Francis wishes to arrive at a good peace, he must beforehand make restitution of the places and towns of Ours that he holds in the Cambresis, and pay his debts, past and present [to the king of England]. As We particularly insist upon these two preliminary conditions, We refuse altogether, unless they be previously fulfilled, to listen to any overtures of peace.
You may inform the king of England, Our good brother, of these particulars, in order that he may know and appreciate the respect and consideration We entertain for his person and affairs, in conformity with which sentiments We have spoken to his ambassador (fn. 23) resident here with Us.
As Don Fernando de Gonzaga has not yet arrived here, and there is no news to communicate to him, We shall say no more, and will at once put an end to this letter.—Worms, 25 January 1543 [before Easter].
French Original draft. 1 p.
26 Jan. 19. Mons. de Granvelle to Eustace Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch. “Monsieur l'ambassadeur,”—You will see by the enclosed copy (fn. 24) of a letter written to cardinal Farnese that he is returning to Rome with an answer [to his mission]. The Emperor stopped at Cologne (Kohln) two days, waiting for the Papal Legate, to save him the trouble and fatigue of a longer journey. (fn. 25) The English ambassador has received from me full notice of all that the Cardinal Legate did represent in His Holiness' name, as also of the answer which he got to his proposals. This would take me too much time to relate, and therefore, to avoid prolixity, and that you may have an idea of what the answer has been, I will tell you in two words that he (the Cardinal) was not at all welcome, neither well received, nor kindly treated; nay, he was contradicted in his assertions, and his proposals and the means he suggested for insuring peace were rejected altogether, as you will see by the contents of the answer given to him. In short, the Emperor's answer and the rejection of the Legate's proposals will effectually bar the way to similar practices. The latter was evidently disappointed and annoyed when he heard it, saying that he had no commission or mandate from the Pope, but that, knowing how much the Emperor wished for peace in order to turn his arms against the infidel Turk, he had come without the knowledge or permission of His Holiness to suggest means for promoting and helping to the defence of threatened Christendom. If to this be added that the Legate's journey was through France, where he was known to have talked with the King's ministers, no wonder if the Emperor's answer to the Legate's proposals was curt and sharp. He told him in plain terms the bad turn (mauvais offices) which His Holiness had done him in the Turkish affair, as I myself, by his own commands, have occasionally written to Rome and to Paris with little or no success at all, for in the former city especially I am accused, as the Cardinal himself told me, of being the chief promoter of the treaty of alliance with England, and that I alone would prove to be an impediment and an obstacle to the peace with France; but I care not for what my enemies may say, and since I was once miraculously saved by the hand of God, I hope that this time the malignity of my enemies will not prevail.
But to resume the account of the Cardinal's mission. He repeated many a time—as if he were a “Bocler a toutes mains” (?) for excusing the Pope and himself, that had the alliance of the Emperor with England not taken place, he (the Pope) would have had no objection to declare against France. To which the answer was that the Pope's dissimulation must have given rise to suspicion, for the political relations of king Francis with the Lutheran Princes of this Germany were notorious enough. It was through his means that the Imperial cities of Lausanne and Geneva and a good portion of the kingdom embraced the sect of Zwinglius; that the king of France has granted his Orders to the duke of Holstein, and the foolish declaration of the duke of Orleans (fn. 26) that he wished to become a Lutheran. Such was the Duke's declaration at the time, too, when our religion was, and is, as scrupulously observed and kept in England as in any other kingdom of Christendom, save, however, as to Papal authority, which the King of that country refuses to acknowledge for his own particular and private reasons. (fn. 27)
Apropos of this, His Imperial Majesty said to the Cardinal that king Francis and his people wished His Holiness would help and assist France in the future war with a number of men from those he had for his own personal service. That, however, I cannot believe, for I do not think that the Pope is over liberal with his money; yet I must warn you that should His Holiness send one single man to France to the King's assistance and against king Henry, his ally, the Emperor will surely consider that a personal offence.
In short, both the arrival here of the Cardinal Legate, his departure, and the conversations he held with me and other Imperial ministers, are really strange facts which I cannot sufficiently account for. He has been very favourably received in France, indeed treated as if he were God on Earth (ung Dieu en terre), though not so sincerely. You, who know best the ways of the Court in France, will know how to appreciate this remark of mine.
However this may be, as the Cardinal Legate in question assailed as he was by our justifiable remonstrances, has given out hopes that His Holiness will henceforward give his attention to Turkish affairs in direct opposition to the wishes of king Francis, all things considered, the prospect is better than it was; though, on the other hand, no great reliance is to be placed in it. As soon as he goes back to Rome you shall hear; and meanwhile, not to delay the courier, who is about to leave for Flanders, I shall say no more, &c.—Spire, 26 January 1543 [before Easter].
French. Original draft, all in cipher. 2 pp.
27 Jan. 20. Eustace Chapuys to Mgr. de Granvelle.
Wien, Imp. Arch. “Monseigneur,”—As there is nothing important to communicate, and I am only waiting to hear what these people will reply after the answer made by the Emperor's ministers to the three points contained in the Imperial letter of the 4th inst., I deem it quite unnecessary to weary (attieder) His Imperial Majesty with useless writing on the subject. Therefore I will not allude to it at present, further than to refer Your Lordship to my despatch to the Queen, of which a copy is here enclosed. (fn. 28) Your Lordship will see by it that nothing new has occurred here worth mentioning.
For want of other intelligence, (fn. 29) I deem it opportune to tell Your Lordship that among the things which I myself suggested to Don Loys Davila for him to say to this King, on my part, as a manifest proof of the Emperor's affection for him, there was one with which this King was admirably pleased, namely, the assurance that nothing could be so agreeable to the Emperor, Our Master, as to see him (the King) in full possession of whatever he claims in France; for as His Majesty has no other purpose and object but to make war on the Turk, not only will he have thus his shoulders entirely protected, but he will also, as he hopes, have the help and assistance of the king of England, as required by the sanctity and importance of the undertaking. This suggestion of mine produced its effect, for on Don Loys telling him so, the King listened with complacency, and declared that, the case being so, he would do the office of a good prince, such as suited the perfect and sincere friendship by which he and His Majesty were united.—London, 27 January 1544.
Signed: “Vostre plus que tres humble serviteur, Eustace Chapuys.”
Indorsed: “ A Monseigneur, Monsr. de Granvelle,” &c., &c.
French. Holograph. 1 p.
30 Jan. 21. Monsr. de Granvelle to Eustace Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch. “Monsieur l'ambassadeur,”—By the enclosed copy (fn. 30) of the answer that was returned to the Papal Legate (card. Alessandro Farnese), you will hear that he (the Cardinal) is now going back home, without having gained the object for which he came here [to Worms]. The Emperor had actually stopped at Cologne (Köln) eight-and-forty hours to save the Cardinal the trouble of a longer journey. (fn. 31) Full notice of all this has been given to the English ambassador (Nicholas Wotton), acquainting him not only with the Cardinal's proposals, but likewise with the answer returned to him. To tell you what the Emperor's answer to the Legate was would take me more time than I can spare just now; suffice it to say that he was anything but welcome, and was worse received, (fn. 32) and that his proposals in His Holiness' name were entirely rejected, as you will see by reading the said answer.
The viceroy of Sicily (Ferrante Gonzaga) has not yet arrived here; nor have I anything more to say for the present.—Worms, 30 January 1544.
Signed: “N. Perrenot.”
French. Original. 1 p.
— Jan. 22. Opinion of an Imperial Privy Councillor on the Agreement made by the Viceroy of Sicily in London.
Wien, Imp. Arch. Respecting the agreement made by the viceroy of Sicily, and the business transacted by him in London during his late mission, my own private opinion is that there is nothing in its various articles and clauses contrary to His Imperial Majesty's interests, and that it ought to be accepted at once; and that the conditions stipulated between the Royal deputies and the Imperial ambassador at the Court of England (Eustace Chapuys) ought to be approved of and ratified; any contradictions or opposition to the said agreement might, on the part of the English, engender scruples and suspicion, which are to be avoided under present circumstances; besides which, there is nothing in it that is really objectionable, neither is there in it any mutual condition that the Emperor cannot accept at once. For it must be considered that after all the agreement itself conforms entirely with the preceding treaties of closer friendship and alliance, defensive and offensive, against the common enemy, and has besides one advantage, which is, that the time at which the Imperial fleet is to put to sea is not fixed or specified, which, after all, is reasonable enough, as otherwise the Queen Regent of the Low Countries would not have failed to remonstrate and protest against the article had any stipulation of that kind been introduced in it.
As to the demand of assistance made by the Emperor for the war in Italy, the king of England offered 20,000 ducats, on condition, however, of the Emperor contributing with about 1,000 Spanish hackbutiers for the Borders of Scotland, six hundred of them to be paid by the Emperor during three months. It seems as if the condition ought to be absolutely rejected; first of all, because the Imperial army is in want of them, as it has already been answered when the application was made; and, secondly, because the hackbutiers themselves dislike going to England, and chiefly to the Borders of Scotland, in so small a number, as they said to Don Fernando when he passed lately through the Luxenburg. At the same time, the Emperor's ambassador in London ought [in my opinion] to inform the king of England that great provision has already been made, and is now making, on the side of Italy against the reinforcements which king Francis has sent thither, with a view, no doubt, to prevent and forestall the invasion of his Own dominions by the allied armies; such being, according to reliable information, king Francis' plans. The Imperial ambassador in England should, moreover, be instructed to say that the Emperor is willing and ready to fulfil all the conditions of the treaty, as no doubt the king of England is doing on his side, and at the same time try to obtain from him the promised 20,000 crs. [for Italy] without the condition of the one thousand Spanish hackbutiers for Scotland. Though the promised sum is rather inadequate, and might by many reasons have been much larger, the Imperial ambassador ought to say that the Emperor will be satisfied and contented, but if he meets with resistance in the matter he must not insist too much upon it.
It would also be advisable that the Imperial ambassador in England should say to the King that although the Emperor intended to secure the personal services of Monsr. de Büren for the approaching campaign, yet, to do the King's pleasure, he (the Emperor) is willing to place him at the King's disposal with a force of 2,000 horse and 2,000 lanskennets, provided the King pays them and sends money besides for the enlistment of 2,000 more Germans, whom he wishes to be added to Monsr. de Büren's force.
Money to be likewise provided for the levying and enlisting of the 4,000 foot and 2,000 horse, and be remitted as quickly as possible to the persons having the charge of recruiting, etc., so that they may have able and experienced soldiers well equipped and mounted.
Item.—If the King has not already sent his own deputies to the Queen Regent in Flanders, let him do so as soon as possible, that the English commissaries, in union with those of the Queen, may look out for provisions and so forth.
Respecting money to gain the Swiss over to our party, the Imperial ambassador is to be instructed to try again whether he will not be able to persuade the King to furnish the cash, although there is very little chance of the English complying with our wishes in that respect.
The Imperial ambassador must try to ascertain as far as he can from the King or from his ministers, what is the real strength of the English army, and what military preparations, if any, are now being made to increase and reinforce the same; if there is any difficulty or hesitation about it; on what terms the King is with the Scotch, and whether, on the part of the latter some movement may be apprehended likely to prevent the English from crossing the Channel at the time fixed for the invasion of France; and, lastly, whether the French persevere in their intrigues, and are still trying to gain over the English, and if the King persists in his idea of crossing over in person, and who are to be the chief commanders of his forces. All this the Imperial ambassador should be ordered to investigate and ascertain as closely as possible, taking care to report to the Emperor, or to his Sister, the dowager queen of Hungary, the result of his enquiries.
With regard to the suggestion urgently made by the King's commissioners (commis), both to Don Fernando and to the Imperial ambassador, that the fleet of the Low Countries under Monsr. de Bèvres, or whoever may be its admiral at the time, be entirely regulated by the advice of the English admiral, and act, as it were, in obedience to the latter—a sort of suggestion and prayer which Don Fernando would not admit then, but has since been requested by the King's commissioners to lay before the Queen dowager—that is a sort of thing which can in no wise be accepted, not only for the sake of reputation, but because the adoption of the measure proposed might be followed by untoward and disagreeable events; for the Imperial fleet being, as it were, under the supreme command of an English admiral, would be exclusively used for the King's particular aims and designs in Scotland, and if destined afterwards for the coast of France, the precedent once established, it would again have to serve and operate under the English admiral. For the above reasons the ambassador ought to be instructed to say, should the said suggestion and application be renewed, that there will be no fault of good and amicable correspondence and co-operation on our part respecting the preconcerted common enterprise and endamagement of the enemy by land and sea.
As to the declaration which the king of England wishes the Emperor to make against the Scots, the measure seems to me reasonable enough, provided the King does the same against the duke of Holstein, who is professedly the Emperor's enemy, and has defied and challenged the Low Countries.
What the Queen, herself, has answered respecting the safe-conducts seems well, and for the present there is nothing more to say about it till we hear what the Imperial ambassador [in England] has written and given as his opinion on the subject.
It seems also that it would be desirable that the Emperor's ministers should tell the English ambassador at the Imperial Court that the Emperor approves of and agrees to whatever his own ambassador in England has done or promised in the Büren (fn. 33) affair, and others of which the King or his privy councillors have spoken to him.
Indorsed: “Opinion of an Imperial Councillor (fn. 34) on the agreement made by the viceroy of Sicily.”
French. Original. 4 pp.


  • 1. “Et peult estre que cest sur que le Sieur Don Fernando à son arrivee impetrera (sic) de Sa mate leurs requestes et jusques quilz ayent aultres nouvelles ne me semble dentagmer (d'entamer) la matiere; toutesfois bien en avois-je embouche le dit Sn Don Loys pour en respondre au diet Sr roy, en cas quil luy en eust faict quelque mention.”
  • 2. Elsewhere Don Luis Davila, a great favourite of the Emperor, who employed him on various missions. In October 1539 he went to Italy for the purpose of informing Pope Paul and the Italian Powers of the Emperor's determination to go to Flanders through France. His Instructions may be seen in Vol. VI., Part II., pp. 191–3. He was the author of a history of the German war (Guerra de Alemana del Emperador Carlos V., 1550, 8o) which is said to have been dictated to him by the Emperor himself. This opinion, however, is contradicted by Sandoval—Historia del Emperador Carlos V., Pamplona, 1614, fol., vol. II., p. 595.
  • 3. Don Alonso Manrique, most likely a relative of Don Juan, marquis de Aguilar, whose family name was Manrique, although there was at the same time another family of the same name known as Manrique de Lara, dukes of Nájera. The despatch alluded to by Chapuys must be that of the 28 Nov. 1543, No. 264. See Vol. VI., Part II., p. 526.
  • 4. “Y el conde Linos (sic) que pensaba que debia volberse y alçar contra franceses y tomar el partido y affinidad del dicho Serenissimo Rey ha mudado del proposito à causa que los franceses han quitado la occasion contraendo no solo lo que muchos dias ha le havian prometido, pero endemas le han hecho grandes partidos.”
  • 5. Don Luis de Avila y Zuñiga. See above, p.14.
  • 6.
  • 7. Dr Layton, dean of York.
  • 8. According to Vandenesse's Itinerary of Charles V., translated by William Bradford (p. 544), the Emperor was no longer at Cologne (Köln) on the 19th of January 1544; he left that town on the 14th, was at Bonn on the 15th, next day the 16th at Rombach, on the 17th at Andernach, on the 18th at Coblentz, and on the 19th at Sonne, a castle of the Palatinate.
  • 9. “Aussi avons entendu d'Italye que le dict roy de France, pour faire en bon catholique, fait demander absolution au Pape de ce qu'il a traicte avec cellui du dit Angleterre, seismatique et heretique. Et puisque il a tant atendu, et se rend si consciencieux, est vraysemblable que d'icy à aucunes années il so confessera et fera penitence de l'alliance du Turq et des malheureuses pratiques et emprinses qu'il a eu avecq luy.”
  • 10. Most likely Don Luis de Avila y Zuñiga. See above, pp. 14, 16.
  • 11. Brussels, which he must have left a few days before.
  • 12. See above, p. 18, No. 9.
  • 13. On the 9th, after having passed some time in France, for according to Mary's letter to Chapuys of the 10th; he left Rome in November. See above, p. 13.
  • 14. “Et mesmes veu que le conte Douglast et son frere, quont reçu durant leur exil d'Ecosse du diot sieur roy tant d'honneur, biens et faveur, se sont realliez avec leg aultres. Bien est vray que ce a este pour constraincte, comme ilz alleguent, et ont faict entendre an diet sieur roy, lui promestans (sic) que en temps et lieu, à sçavoir venant à entrer le dict sieur roy avec une armee au dict pays, que eulx et leure amys luy feroient notable service.”
  • 15. “Il n'est riens si vray que journellement ceulx-cy et les Escossois font courreries lung sur laultre et en usent aussi hostillement et cruellement que oncques.”
  • 16. “Au regard du tiers (sic) poinct concernant le centiesme denier il me semble les remonstrances de v[ost]re. mate cstre tres urgentes, et mesmes que oultre la fraulde et tromperie quilz pourroient faire en Anvers aussi feroient ils aux drois (sic) qui se levent en Cadiz, qui sont plus grands, et dont les diets anglois en sont exemptz.”
  • 17. “Ilz me respondirent quilz ne vouloient disputer ni contendre, pour lorsque sa mate ne peust sans infraction du traictez donner les saulfconduitz, ce que toutesfois au commencement ilz contradisoient en vertue du VI. article du dernier traicte, dont comme leur fust remoustre ilz ne se peuvent bonnement ayder en cest endroit, disant et maintenant davantaige quil falloit entendre que si par fortune [de mer] les navyres, quelque saulfconduitz quelles eurrent abordoient en ce royaulme, elles seroient prinses et detenues.”
  • 18. Alessandro Farnese.
  • 19. “Quant au Legat ce roy est adverty comme á son arrivée en France l'on luy avoit faict quelque miue, et aussi dissimulation, comme si le roy du dit France ne ce[t] pas voulu ouyr parler de paix, et que à la parfin il s'estoit condescendu à vouloir faire tout ce quil plairoit à sa mate et que le dit legat avoit sollicité envers la royne de France lectres addressantes à sa mate et à la v[ost]re. en faveur de la paix.”
  • 20. Sir William Paget?
  • 21. The Emperor arrived at Worms on the 24th of January. He there gave audience to Cardinal Farnese, who received an answer to his communication and took leave. Vandenesse's Itinerary of Charles V. by Bradford, p. 544.
  • 22. Neither the Emperor's letter to Juan de Vega, his ambassador at Rome, nor his own answer in writing to Cardinal Farnese, have been found in the Imperial Archives of Vienna.
  • 23. Dr. Nicholas Wotton, dean of Canterbury.
  • 24. Not found in the Imperial Archives.
  • 25. According to Vandenesse the Emperor, on the 20th, was at Kreuzenach, in the Palatinate, where the Papal Legate (Farnese) had just arrived, having travelled post through France. The Legate was there visited by Mons, de Granvelle and by the bishop of Arras, p. 544.
  • 26. The Duke's letter to the Landgraf of Hesse, the duke of Saxony, and other Lutheran Princes about to assemble at Francfort, has been abstracted at p. 479 of Vol. VI., Part II. In it the Duke promises that in the Grand Duchy of Luxenburgh, recently conquered by him, the Gospel might be preached without hindrance of any sort.
  • 27. “Et que nostre religion se gardoit aussi scrupuleusement, aultant bien en Angleterre que en toutes les aultres provinces de la Chretienté, si ce n'est seulement l'autorite du Pape que le roy d'Angleterre ne veult pas reconaitre par motifs particuliers.”
  • 28. Not found in the Imperial Archives.
  • 29. “Et en deffault d'aultre matiere m'a semblé d'advertir v[ost]re so (seigneurie) que entre plusieurs propoz que fust d'advis que le Sieur Don Loys Daville (de Avila) tinst (sic) à ce roy pour enrichir l'affection de Sa mate envers luy, il y eu (eust) ung que le dit Sr roy gousta merveilleusement, à sçavoir, que Sa mate ne desire riens plus que de [le] veoir possesseur et joyssant de ce quil pretendoit en France, car, comme Sa mate n'avoit aultre scope (sic) fin ny pensement que de fere la guerre au Ture, non seullement icelle auroit les espaules asseurées, mais aussi comme icelle esperoit ne luy deffauldroit l'ayde et assistance du dit Sr roy.”
  • 30. See above, No. 19, p. 26, where the answer in writing here alluded to has been mentioned.
  • 31. According to Vandenesse, the Emperor left Brussels on the 2nd of January, was at Cologne on the 15th, at Coblentz on the 18th, on the 20th he was at Kreuzenach, where the Papal Legate, Farnese, had just arrived, travelling through France. He was visited by Monsr. de Granvelle and by the bishop of Arras (his son); on the 21st be had audience from His Majesty. On the 24th the Emperor entered Worms.—Bradford's Itinerary of Charles V., p. 544.
  • 32. “Il a este le tres mal venu, et de mesmes reçu et traicté, et on luy [a] reboulté à plat; comme contient la dite response, les moyens [de] paix quil a proposée.”
  • 33. Here written Büeren.
  • 34. Most likely Louis de Flandre, sieur de Praët, once Imperial ambassador in England, 1523–5, who, owing to his great knowledge of English affairs, was often consulted by the Emperor and by queen Mary.