Spain: April 1544, 11-15

Pages 91-115

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 7, 1544. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1899.

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April 1544, 11–15

12 April. 64. The Emperor to Eustace Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch. “Venerable, chier et feal,”—This will be in answer to your despatch of the 16th ult., (fn. 1) and likewise to what you yourself wrote to the Sieur de Grantvelle (sic) on the same day, and again on the 20th of March and 4th inst., all of which We have perused. We thank you for your good services and the continual care you take in fulfilling the duties of your charge by minutely informing Us of whatever occurs in that country. I earnestly request you to continue as hitherto; indeed, it is more important than ever if the success of the undertakings in which We are now engaged is to be secured beforehand.
This courier, moreover, is sent for the express purpose of giving you notice that some days ago the ambassador of England residing at this Our Court applied, in his master's name (as he said), to the Sieur de Granvelle for some good and experienced German captain to raise for his service and bring to him one thousand horse, besides and above those that Landenberg has charge to enlist. The English ambassador at the same time wished to know from the Sieur de Granvelle what Our usual articles and terms were when contracting for German cavalry for Our service, (fn. 2) in order that the King, his master, might be guided and know how to act in the matter. Upon which, and after much thought, no one could be found more apt for the service required than captain Siquingen, (fn. 3) who merely for Our sake (as he said), and not without many excuses and some difficulties, accepted at last the charge of raising for the king of England the above-mentioned body of horse. We must add that, as captain Siquingen is an officer of experience and credit in all military affairs, We ourselves had been thinking of retaining him for Our own service; but since the King wants German cavalry, and applies to Us for it, We have no objection to pass over to him the said captain and his thousand horse. But We cannot omit to say that when Our ministers began treating with him he asked persistently for a security from bankers and merchants of this country (Germany), such as the Fouchrers (Fuggers), the Welsers, and others, that he and his men shall be regularly paid from the day of their arrival until they quit the English service. The ambassador said that he was not empowered to make any engagement, but would willingly report home, though he doubted whether his master, the King, would consent to tender the securities demanded, and although the Sieur de Granvelle told him that such were the terms of German captains in general, and that in contracting with them We had always subscribed and signed obligations and deeds to that effect, yet the English ambassador persisted in his negative, (fn. 4) On the other hand, captain Siquingen (sic) and his Germans, though they have frequently been in Our service, have greater facilities and prefer to deal with Us to dealing with other princes, besides which, in case of non-payment, they might possibly recover their wages from Our own subjects, (fn. 5) yet they have, as above said, absolutely refused to enter that of that king of England's, except on the above specified terms and full security of their being paid, whilst the English ambassador obstinately refuses to take any engagement without consulting his master first.
Matters being in this state, and fearing lest the delay in an affair of this sort should prevent the king of England from joining the preconcerted enterprise against France for want of cavalry—as some time must necessarily pass before another thousand German horse could be procured—as, even if the King accepts the terms proposed, it will be difficult for the said Sechingen (sic) to have his thousand horse ready and pass muster to them before the end of May. We have promised him that the king of England will give the security asked for before the end of the present month of April, or within the first two or three days of May at the latest, and that should the King decline to do so, the 2,000 florins (fn. 6) which the English ambassador has already paid him on account of his engagement (retinue) shall remain in his hands and to his profit without his being obliged to do any service at all.
As you may conceive, it is highly important, nay, necessary, that the King give the security within the time above specified, and that is why We have despatched this express messenger that you may make haste and explain to the King and to his ministers the real state of this affair, giving them to understand that We have issued orders that his ambassador should be helped and assisted in his negociations with captain Landenberg, and pointed out the districts and places wherein the muster of the infantry as well as of the cavalry might be passed to the King's greater advantage, without stopping to consider the damage which Our subjects might receive through it. As, however, We intend to send soon [to England] some personage of Our Court to visit him and more amply inform him of all occurrences We shall make an end to this Our letter and refer you to Our next.—Spire, 12 April 1544.
French. Original draft.
12 April. 65. Eustace Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch. “Madame,”—On the 5th inst. Your Majesty's letter of the 1st came to hand at the same time as His Imperial Majesty's of the 18th ult., endorsing the draft (minute) abstract of proceedings and other documents referred to in the same. As the King (the message said) was still convalescent, and had not sufficiently recovered from his last illness to attend to business, he would not give me the trouble of going to Greenwich, conferring with his ministers, and declaring to them the news I had to communicate, as well as the particular charge I had from Your Majesty; he was pleased, on the contrary, to send two of his councillors to me that I might tell them what my charge was. (fn. 7) The two councillors came, and I, in the first place, demonstrated to them the great damage and loss that His Imperial Majesty's subjects in Flanders and in the Low Countries would have to sustain from so sudden a declaration against the Scots; and yet (I said) the Emperor, wishing, as he does, to keep and observe the treaty of closer friendship and alliance lately made, is willing to issue the said declaration against Scotland, provided the whole affair was conducted in a fair and honest way. Since the King hesitates and asks for delay in the matter of the duke of Holstein, alleging as an excuse that he was once on good terms with him, and wishes to save his subjects from the losses they might sustain in their trade in case of war, it is natural and reasonable that the Emperor have the very same facilities, not only because the late king of Scotland (James V.) was a Knight Companion of the Golden Fleece, the Emperor's Order, but because the people of the Low Countries have always lived at peace with the Scots, have been their friends and confederates, and, since the confirmation three or four years ago of the commercial treaties, carried on trade with them.
“With regard to the indemnity to the English merchants for their losses (said I to the privy councillors), the Emperor has certainly as much, if not greater, solicitude for his subjects of the Low Countries than the king of England can show for his men, inasmuch as the former had during the last few years wonderfully helped him with their substance, notwithstanding that they had suffered immense losses through the last wars; also because English subjects, (fn. 8) whatever the King might say of them, would never dare raise their voices or utter complaints in an affair of that sort, whilst those of the Low Countries, being more free-spoken, the least trifle likely to cause them loss or annoyance, might set them up against their lord and master, and perhaps, too, make them show their discontent by refusing to grant supplies. Besides which (said I), if the arrest of Scotch vessels and their crews has already commenced in the ports of Flanders and the Low Countries, there is no fear at all of the Scots going thither in future for the purposes of trade as long as the interdiction lasts. On the other hand, if the declaration is meant to intimidate the Scots, that will be more easily obtained by the Emperor sending to them a herald or king-at-arms, as I have already proposed, than by making that declaration in the Low Countries, which declaration after all very few people in Scotland will get cognizance of.”
To the above reasoning of mine the privy councillors had nothing to reply, and therefore, after a little more conversation on other subjects, the King's deputies, perceiving that they could not convince me, took leave and went away, promising to make their report to the King and let me know his resolution as to that as well as to the eleven thousand (unze mille) horse they want from the Low Countries, and the quality and size of the vessels to be armed and fitted out in compliance with the treaty.
Yesterday [the 11th] the King sent for me that we might talk over the three points, and chiefly to give me notice of what Your Majesty will see by the duplicate of my despatch to the Emperor. After a long conversation with him the King referred me to his Privy Council, where (he said) I would get an answer. Once there I found the privy councillors as obstinate as ever respecting the first point in the declaration against the Scots, repeating to me the very same arguments used on a former occasion, and being a long time before they agreed as to the hour and time at which the King their master would consent to make his declaration against the Duke. After much talking and wrangling they consented to have it ready one month after His Imperial Majesty had issued his against the Scots—an affidavit of the acts of hostility committed by the Duke, and another to prove that the declaration against the Scots had taken place and been publicly proclaimed in the principal towns of Flanders and the Low Countries. Even this they granted with reluctance, wishing to consult first the King their master, who was then in his chamber, as they actually did. The King's answer was that he would make no other promise in the matter, save that one month after the Emperor's declaration he would do what he was obliged by the treaty to do, (fn. 9) and that I (Chapuys) was to write home and procure that the Emperor sent him the said declaration properly attested and in due form; also an authentic affidavit of the hostilities committed by the Duke, as he himself had promised to do with regard to the Scots.
My answer to the privy councillors was short and sharp enough, (fn. 10) I told them that their demand was unfounded and unreasonable; the circumstances of each case differed much. As I had already told them, the King's declaration against the Duke ought to precede that which they want the Emperor to issue against the Scots, inasmuch as the hostilities of the latter were comparatively recent, whereas the Emperor's enmity to the Duke was of long standing; besides which, long before the King thought of the Scots, the wrongs of the first duke of Holstein (fn. 11) against the Emperor had become manifest and notorious. The Danes had often boasted that he would some day make war to England, and conquer this kingdom which he pretends belongs to him by right, and that some years ago, as the King himself had told me, he had actually made warlike preparations to carry out his designs—all reasons why the king of England ought to have no regard or consideration for the said Duke. As to the indemnity of his own subjects trading with Denmark, I did not hesitate to say that the Easterlings residing in England would willingly purchase and pay for all the goods and merchandize the English might have in Denmark, and even recover the money, if any, owing to them there. I went still further on with my argument. I told these privy councillors that I saw no way or means of doing good in that affair, since on the 3rd of March last the King their master had sent me a message to say, by two members of his Privy Council, that there would be no difficulty in his declaring against the duke of Holstein after His Imperial Majesty had declared against the Scots. “Am I now (said I) to write to the Emperor that all these assurances on the part of your master meant nothing at all, and that I am now refused what I was offered a few weeks ago without asking for it?” Hearing these words of mine, the Privy Council sent to the King one of its members, my lord Wyrothesley (lord Wriothesley) and the secretary (Paget), the former of whom returned soon after with the following answer:— “The King, Our master, owns having said something of the kind to the Imperial ambassador; but as the Emperor's declaration against the Scots, worded exactly as he wanted it to be, (fn. 12) was not forthcoming, and, moreover, the Emperor's ministers are now suggesting dilatory expedients of all kinds to avoid it, he thinks that he can honestly and fairly withdraw his promise. To show, however, that he is a man of his word, and wishes to proceed in the matter frankly and sincerely, he now promises to issue the declaration against the Duke six weeks after the Emperor has issued his against the Scots. As soon as he (the King) is informed by authentic letters and documents emanating from the Emperor himself, not from Flanders or the Low Countries, that the declaration against the Scots has been publicly made, and that at the same time authentic proofs are given of the hostilities committed by the Duke in that country, the king of England's declaration against Denmark shall not be wanting.”
In this manner was the affair settled, though not without my intimating to the privy councillors that I was not specially empowered to accept the King's proposal, but bad no doubt that His Imperial Majesty would condescend to do so. I, therefore, promised them that next day I would take to them the minute of the declaration, which Your Majesty did send me the other day, giving them to understand that if they found any fault or deficiency in it, I was ready to amend or supply it, and draw out a fresh one. It will be enough, therefore, that the affidavit (certification) come here in the same form as that which this King has sent to His Imperial Majesty.
I cannot omit to say that during the discussion with the privy councillors some of the latter tried to introduce His Holiness' personality, asserting to have positive news from various parts [of Italy] that he (Pope Paul) had actually raised and paid for a body of 4,000 Italian infantry to aid king Francis against England, and that if he did so, the Emperor, in a like manner, according to the letter of the treaty, would be obliged to declare the Pope his enemy. My answer to the councillors was that the news of His Holiness being about to arm in favour of king Francis and against England was a mere hoax (mocquerie); to suppose that pope Paul, fond as he is of his money, would disburse one single farthing of it in favour of king Francis was entirely out of the question. (fn. 13) The news (I said) must proceed from Venice, a city celebrated for its lying reports (bourdes). The King's councillors retorted: “Will you not attach faith to letters written by one of the Pope's secretaries to worthy personages (bons personaiges) at the Court of France, and near the King's person?” “Not I,” was my reply “for I believe and maintain that about His Holiness' person there are secretaries and other officials quite capable of spreading such news, either for their own particular interest or from mere conjecture. As to king Francis and his courtiers, I would attach no faith at all to them, for as you (the councillors) know by experience, the French never kept their word, and that there is not a drop or spark of truth (une goutte ou scintelle de verité) in them. You (the councillors) know the mariners and customs of the French too well to be deceived by their words, since, as is notorious, they never did scruple, in times of difficulty and pressure, to spread false reports and lies to make the World believe that they have intelligences in many countries, indeed almost everywhere. It is just the contrary now, as can be proved by the letters of the Imperial ambassador at Rome, and of many others [in Italy], and, if necessary, by His Holiness' own assertion and that of his ministers. Even if it were true that pope Paul had promised king Francis some sort of aid, it would only be in consideration of, and with regard to, Scotland, not on any other account: a point on which His Imperial Majesty has afforded more than sufficient satisfaction by his open, declaration against the people of that country.”
Respecting the number of horses that Your Majesty has offered for the artillery and carriage of ammunition and so forth of the English army, I must say that both the King and his ministers are scandalized at the very small offers made, positively declaring that it will be quite impossible for them to join in the future undertaking against France unless they are previously furnished with the number required, or nearly so; and that if their army is to cross the Channel and operate against the French, it must needs have a sufficient number of waggons and draft-horses to carry their heavy baggage, ammunition, victuals and so forth. That when the viceroy of Sicily (Ferrante Gonzaga) came to London they (the English) were persuaded at his request to almost double the number of men stipulated by the first treaty, and that, hoping to be furnished with everything he wanted, the King had considerably increased his forces, whereas he now found himself disappointed, and would be obliged to reduce his army to the number of men stipulated in the treaty of closer alliance, since the number of waggons and draft-horses offered was quite insufficient for their wants. This last sentence the privy councillors repeated more than once, all the time asserting that they would be obliged to give up entirely the idea of invading France, which they regretted the more that all the money spent in military preparations and armaments—on a by far greater scale than had ever been made in England—would be literally thrown away. “If so” (said the councillors to me), “the fault will not be ours but yours.” They went still further with their argument, telling me that they had in their possession a descriptive account of all the parishes in Flanders, Brabant, Hainaut and Artois, and that they were so numerous that if each of them would only furnish one waggon and a couple of draft-horses, four times the number required would be found, and that if Your Majesty wanted horses for the Emperor's army they could easily be procured in Germany; and after my replying to their argument with the one Your Majesty was pleased to use, I added that in that part of Germany, where the Emperor now is, it was difficult to procure horses, owing, in the first place, to the French having of late years exported a good many through Lorraine, and, secondly, because the river Ryn (Rhine) being navigable in all seasons, the peasants of the districts adjoining it did not pay much attention to horse-breeding, and consequently had few horses fit for draft (chevaulx de charroi). Even if horses were plentiful there it would be difficult to procure them, for no order, authority, or command would avail there as in the Low Countries, to induce the peasants to part with their horses except at a very high price. I ended by telling them that owing to my inexperience in that line I could not possibly advise them as to the best manner of procuring draft-horses, nor point out the localities where they most abounded; I only pointed out to them some of the means that Your Majesty was pleased to suggest, namely, that this King should send commissaries to Flanders and to the Low Countries, who, in union with those of Your Majesty, might travel through the countries under Your government and take note of the waggons and draft-horses (chevaulx de charroy) that can be obtained. It will likewise be the duty of the English commissaries to point out the number, class, size, and tonnage of the ships or hulks (navires ou hules) required for the passage of the English army. I hear that about two hundred will be wanted, and that the English commissaries, when appointed, will have charge of choosing and selecting the ships and hulks (navires et hules) that are to be sent to Suffolk, Norfolk, Quin (Kent) and other counties, which suggestion the privy councillors found good and most convenient. (fn. 14) They also desire and request that Your Majesty give orders that the waggons and draft-horses offered be at Calais or at the place of their destination on the very day fixed by the commissaries, so that when landed the men may not be idle, and consume their provisions and ammunition to no purpose.
As to the quality of the ships (navires) to be fitted out for sea service according to one of the articles of the treaty, these privy councillors and the King himself think that at least one-third ought to be of 300 tons burden, and the remainder no less than eighty tons each. Please Your Majesty to have them equipped and fitted out so that the whole of the fleet may be ready for the 18th of May at the latest to be in the Calais Strait.
With regard to the safe-conducts and the patents granted them, the privy councillors have assured me that I shall receive them this very day in due form. They have also promised me that Monsr. de Buren would be furnished with a supply of money to pay the men under his command; he (the King) had written to his commissaries to that effect, so that the said Monsr. de Buren will have reason to be satisfied.
I forgot to say that these people do not seem to care much for the arrest (arrestement) of Scotchmen over the way (de par de là), alleging that they have as many facilities as they had before for bartering and negociating, and are free and at liberty to do so. The King's ministers will not take into account the arrest of Scotch merchant vessels as long as their owners are allowed to sell their merchandise, and, perhaps, to transfer their property and goods to French merchants. (fn. 15)
Already, before the receipt of Your Majesty's letter, perceiving that after the departure of those who have left for Scotland this King's privy councillors did not show any particular desire for the preconcerted invasion of French territory, I ventured to ask one of them what might be the cause of the coldness and indifference which I observed, and how it was that those, who left this country for Flanders, had there spread the rumour that no military preparations of any sort were going on here, in England, at which the people of those Low Countries wondered much. I told him further that it seemed to me that if the Scots were, as they said, divided, and without a King, and there was, therefore, no fear of their invading England, the King, their master, might well have avoided the expense of so large a force as that which he had lately sent thither. Even supposing, as it is natural to suppose, that after the Scotch expedition the King intends the army returning to England to be employed against France, it might well happen that bad weather and contrary winds delayed the Royal fleet at sea, or else that the defence made by the Scots should prove stouter and longer than is anticipated, all causes which might retard beyond measure, if not impede altogether, the undertaking against France.
The privy councillor's answer was that I had no idea of the military preparations his master had been making for the invasion of France, nor of the activity and haste with which every one of the King's ministers and officers of his Royal army proceeded in the discharge and fulfilment of what they considered to be their respective duties. Every man was at his post ready to join the moment he received orders, and the transports from the Low Countries hove in sight. As to the army in Scotland the King did not intend to employ it in France, although if they had done their work by the time the rest of his army crossed over they might, and would most certainly, join in the invasion of French territory as a supplementary force. The very same assurances were given by two personages the King sent lately to me, and also by all the privy councillors whom I consulted on the subject. But, nevertheless, I see no appearance of their being able to achieve what they have in hand as quickly as they calculate, for the fleet, owing to contrary winds and rough weather, has not yet made much progress, and, besides that, I doubt whether the English have in Scotland the intelligences and large party of adherents of which they speak.
This is what the King told me on the subject as well as the two privy councillors who came to this embassy with his message. Indeed, all well-informed courtiers express the same sentiments and opinions about Scotland and the Scots; and yet I very much doubt their having in that country the intelligences and party they boast of, so much so, that the other day in the Privy Council, whilst I was there transacting business for the Emperor, after their reading a despatch of the earl of Hertford, commander-in-chief of the Royal army in Scotland, the councillors in my presence gave visible signs of displeasure and sorrow, and remained sometime thoughtful. (fn. 16) As to the English army on the Borders, whatever the English ambassador residing with Your Majesty may say about it, there is no infantry at all, or very little with it, but only cavalry, and that by no means numerous. The earl of Lennox, (fn. 17) who, as I wrote lately, had actually started for the Borders there to treat with the king of England's deputies, has been obliged to return home in haste to defend a castle of his called Dumbarton, which the governor of Scotland (Arran) and other noblemen of his party were about to besiege, and in his stead send commissioners or deputies of their own to negociate the treaty with England, to which I have alluded, (fn. 18) Of whatever else may happen under the new aspect of the Scotch question I shall not fail to apprize Your Majesty.
With regard to the money proceeding from the sale of the salt herrings, about which Your Majesty has been pleased to write to me, I have from the privy councillors the promise that the owners of the cargoes will be fully indemnified without asking them for a security.—London, 12 April 1544.
P.S.—This despatch was written on Friday last. Thinking that the King, according to promise, would let me know in a day or two what his resolution in these matters is, I purposely left it open for two consecutive days. Finding, however, that no message has come from the Privy Council, I have not considered it necessary to wait any longer, especially as the King may by this time have written to Your Majesty on the subject.
Signed: “Eustace Chapuys.”
French. Original, partly ciphered. 7 pp.
12 April. 66. The Emperor to Eustace Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch. “Venerable, chier et feal,”—In answer to your dispatch of the 16th ult, and also to your letters to the Sieur de Grantvelle (sic) of the same day, the 29th of March and 4th inst., the whole of which have been duly received, We have nothing particular to say except that We are very thankful for the good service you are doing Us in the fulfilment of your charge, and the care you take in advising news. We request you to continue as hitherto to inform Us most minutely of every event that occurs there, for you understand very well of what importance it is for Us under present circumstances, and in view of the undertaking that We are meditating, to be acquainted with political and other events in that country.
This present courier is despatched for the express purpose of informing you that the ambassador resident of the king of England did some days ago urgently request the Sieur de Grantvelle (sic), in his master's name (as he said) to point out and recommend to him some good captain or other, capable of levying and enlisting for his Royal service 1,000 German horse, over and above those that Landenberg has contracted to levy for him; at the same time asking what price We were in the habit of paying for each horseman thus retained, in order to decide and make the necessary arrangements, &c. To this request and question of the English ambassador, after long thought, no one seemed to Us so convenient and suitable as captain Sequingan, (fn. 19) who out of consideration for Our person and service has, after many excuses, accepted the commission of raising for the king of England the above-mentioned number of horse, and although We Ourselves had some idea of utilising his services—the said captain being a man of great experience in warfare, and who enjoys much credit in that line—We have no objection to pass him over to Our brother and ally the king of England. But when the captain was asked what were his terms, he stated that his contracting price was so much per each mounted man, but that he must have the security of German bankers like the Fockers (Fuggers), the Welzers, and others, for the payment of the said horse as long as they are in the King's service (fn. 20) according to contract. This conditional bargain the English ambassador expressly refused to accept, alleging that he bad no charge from his master to that effect; and although he was told that We Ourselves in treating with other German captains were in the habit of signing certain documents and obligations to that effect, and appending Our Imperial seals to them—a sort of security which contractors and captains very often have considered insufficient, notwithstanding their having been frequently in Our pay, their having greater facilities to treat with Us, and above all, in case of nonpayment, being entitled to seize the persons and requisition the property of Our subjects—the English ambassador persisted in his refusal, saying that he could do nothing of the sort without first consulting his master. (fn. 21)
Upon which, and perceiving that if the retention (retinue) of the men were further delayed it would be almost impossible afterwards to procure them that the enterprise against France might be seriously inconvenienced thereby, and that, however urgent Our request, captain Seckingen would refuse to raise the 1,000 horse without the required security for the payment, and have them armed and ready to pass muster by the end of May next, We have finally settled with captain Seckingen that the King will give him the security he asks for within the month of May, or the two or three first days of June at the latest, and that should the King fail in sending the said security within that fixed space of time the captain will be entitled to leave at once the King's service, and retain and keep the 2,000 florins (fn. 22) that the English ambassador has paid him in advance, without being obliged to serve any longer. (fn. 23)
As it is for many reasons requisite that the King give the security asked for within the specified space of time, We despatch this express messenger, that you may at once set about persuading the King to approve what has been done and contracted in his name and in the presence of his own ambassador. You will explain the whole matter to the King, in order that his ambassador may afterwards discuss the matter with captain Landenberg, and agree with him as to the most commodious places for the foot and horse to pass muster for the King's service, without considering the loss and damage which Our subjects may have to sustain through the temporary stay of the men at the said places.
As We intend shortly to send expressly a personage of this Our court to visit the King in Our name and inform him of Our movements, We shall not say more for the present.—Spire, the 12th of April 1544.
French. Original draft. 3 pp.
13 April. 67. The Emperor to King Henry.
Wien, Imp. Arch. Corresp. Engl. Sends Monsgnr de Chantonnay, gentleman of his Chamber, (fn. 24) to visit him and enquire about his health, also to communicate with him respecting certain affairs of his and ask his opinion. The King may attach faith to whatever Chantonnay tells him, as if the Emperor himself were speaking to him.—13 April 1544.
French. Original draft. 1 p.
13 April. 68. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
Wien, Imp. Arch. “Sire,”—Your Majesty's letter of the 17th ult., concerning the affair of the declaration against Scotland, came duly to hand on the 5th inst. As my orders were to follow in every respect the instructions and commands of the Queen Regent, whom I had already consulted, receiving from her most ample information on the subject, I have prosecuted the negociation, though I must confess that all my efforts have been vain, as Your Majesty will see by the duplicate of my letters to the said Queen. (fn. 25) In short, all I have been able to obtain from these privy councillors is contained in the duplicate of that letter, and yet in many respects and for considerations which will be explained hereafter, and Your Majesty, I am sure, will know best how to appreciate, I have accepted the Privy Council's views in that affair.
Yesterday the King sent for me, and when in his presence, after many preliminary assurances of his wish to proceed uprightly and sincerely with Your Majesty in all matters, as the close alliance and brotherly friendship between him and you require, he said to me that it was not his intention to conceal anything from Your Majesty, nor take steps without first communicating with you or your ministers; and, therefore, that he informed me that I might apprize Your Majesty of the fact that a Frenchman named Saint Martin, inhabiting a place close to the Calais frontier, had some time before entered into communication with and made overtures of peace between him and the king of France to an inhabitant of that town culled Master Halles, (fn. 26) and that the latter, suspecting that the Frenchman's overtures were mere sham and only an invention of his for his own private ends, had refused to listen to Saint Martin unless he produced proofs of his authority to treat of such matters, whereupon Monsr. de Saint Martin had brought and exhibited to him [Halles] an affidavit (certification) in due form under the signature and seal of the Sieur du Biez, governor of Boulogne, the purport of which was, in substance, that whatever Saint Martin had said proceeded from the wish, with the knowledge, and by the commands of the King, his master, who, as the document in question stated, could not persuade himself that so close and intimate a friendship as had existed between the king of England and himself could possibly be broken asunder at a moment's notice. And that, if the king of England consented and agreed to it, he (Francis) would send ambassadors furnished with full powers to treat with him of the means and ways of fostering and strengthening that friendship. That is (I am told) the substance of the paper signed by Biez which Saint Martin placed in the hands of Master Halles, as Your Majesty will be able to judge by the copy which this King has sent to his ambassador to exhibit there [at Spires].
After hearing the above from the King's lips, and having first made use of the prefatory compliments on such occasions, (fn. 27) I begged the King to tell me what he intended doing in the case. He said that he had not yet consulted his Privy Council about it; he would do so that very day, and after that declare his intention. Upon which, and after many protestations on my part, I (Chapuys) told him that in my own private opinion the answer to be given to French overtures, if any were sent to him, ought to be similar in context to that which Your Imperial Majesty had on a previous occasion returned to cardinal Farnese, namely, that before entering into negociations for peace it was quite indispensable that the French paid down the money they owe him, and restored, besides, the property usurped from Mons. de Savoie and any other since the beginning of the war. That (I said) had been Your Majesty's answer to the Legate, and such, I thought, ought to be his. I added, moreover, that I was very much astonished at his placing reliance in Monsr. de Saint Martin's letters and proposals, which, after all, were positively cold and unmeaning, and contained no overtures of any kind, and that he knew too well the stratagems of the French, whose only wish and aim was to sow jealousy and mistrust between Your Majesty and him, as I had already on a previous occasion warned him in Your Majesty's name. Then the King said to me that, as far as his own information went, he believed that the French would willingly make over to him the duchy of Guienne, and that, in his opinion, the mere act of giving audience to French ambassadors was not in any way a contravention to the articles of the treaty of alliance, especially if he did, as he fully intended, with the intervention and in the presence, as it were, of Your Majesty's ministers hear what they had to say. Nor would there be anything said or done without Your Majesty being fully apprized of it and consenting to it. Your Majesty (continued the King) had given audience to cardinal Fernez (Farnese), to the duke of Lorraine, and to a gentleman whom the queen of France (Elinor) had sent to Flanders after the cardinal's departure therefrom. To this last argument of the King's I replied, “Had there been any fear of king Francis, in despair of obtaining peace, applying elsewhere (fn. 28) for friendly intelligence and help—more prejudicial and dangerous, perhaps, than those he has hitherto procured—I do not pretend to say that to grant audience to his ambassadors would be contrary to reason; no, what I mean is that as such embassies are merely for the purpose of destroying and catching you asleep—they ought not to be received. As king Francis is now almost at his wits' end, does not know which way to turn, and has already exhausted all his malice in vain, (fn. 29) I candidly confess that I cannot see how and in what way the arrival here and reception of French ambassadors can be profitable to the allies; it will, on the contrary, encourage the French, and make them suspect that the good understanding between the Emperor and this King is not so firm and solid as it really is, (fn. 30) and give them occasion and opportunity to invent and dream of many things so as to introduce jealousy and discord into the heart of his enemies. Against the voice of such syrens we ought to shut our ears; for, as the French proverb says, “Woman who listens and fortress that parleys, half surrenders.” (fn. 31) That it was needful to avoid not only the evil but also the suspicion of it, and respecting the audience to the Cardinal that Your Majesty could not well refuse it on the above-mentioned considerations, the more so that he did not come from, nor was sent by, the king of France, but merely of his own accord, just as the duke of Lorraine, who many a time affirmed, protested and swore that he was not sent by King Francis, but went to Your Majesty of his own free will and moved by his desire of peace, and that Your Majesty, in order to be quit of the Duke, had hastened your departure from Valenciennes without allowing the Duke to return home through France. That all this had been said, related and declared to his (the King's) ambassador at the time, and that he ought to recollect that when I myself talked to him of the affair, I distinctly told him that Your Majesty, before starting for the Diet of Speir (Spires), had signified to the duchess of Bart (Bar) (fn. 32) that if her intention was to go to that town for the purpose of bringing forward overtures of peace, she had better remain at home (demeurer à, lhostel). As to the gentleman whom the queen of France (Elinor) had, as he said, sent to the Queen, Your sister, his mission was no other than to take to Flanders certain birds, and hear what sort of answer the Cardinal had received at his departure, and that upon the queen of Hungary being asked that question she had refused to answer until she, herself, knew Your Majesty's pleasure in that affair, owing to which the aforesaid gentleman had to wait some time at Court, and after all go away with an answer conceived in general terms like that made to the Cardinal. “This,” I said, “the Queen Regent herself had positively declared to his (the King's) ambassador at Brussels, who, perhaps, forgot to mention it in his despatches, or else the King, himself, feigned ignorance, though his privy councillors do not deny the fact of my having informed them of it.” With regard to the offer of Guyennes, which the King said had been made to him, I really believed that even taking for granted that the French wished to give that province over to him (which I do not think possible), I considered him too wise a prince to accept of such a gift as long as the king of France remained as powerful as he is at present without his wings being clipt, for that would entail upon himself considerable expense, and at the end of it all he would not be able to retain possession of that province. In short, that if he wished for a lasting and honourable peace, that could only be obtained sword in hand (lespee au poing), and in the midst of the enemy's country; he then would find the French speaking with greater courtesy and in more reasonable terms.
Such was the pith of my conversation with the King, who ended by saying that he had not yet consulted his privy council, nor made up his mind, and that this very day, or to-morrow at the latest, I should have his resolution in the matter.
After this the King said to me that, respecting other affairs which I had lately declared to the two privy councillors, whom he had sent owing to his not feeling quite well at the time, he intended to approve and ratify whatever decision his council might ultimately advise, and yet that he could not help declaring to me that in many things very little regard was paid on that side of the Channel to the treaty existing between Your Majesty and him, and especially in what concerns the declaration against the Scotch, the provision of horses which he wanted for his army, and that he considered that an ungrateful behaviour on the part of his allies, considering the very great expense he had to undergo last year.
The King manifested very great joy at hearing that His Most Serene Highness, the prince of Spain (Philip), had written announcing his marriage, and at the same time sending to him his most affectionate commendations, and graciously offering to please and be agreeable to him in every way possible, as the friendship between him and his own father demanded, on hearing which the King, putting his hand to his cap, expressed his most gracious thanks for the complimentary message, and begged me to write to this effect by the very first opportunity.
After some conversation on this and other subjects, the King began to speak about the duke of Alburquerque, whom he praised as highly as possible, declaring, among other things, that he had never known, seen or heard of a personage whose condition and manners pleased him more. All the English officers who had met him at Landresis were of the same opinion, and made him wish to see the Duke. Now that he had seen and known him he could judge for himself, and was extremely desirous to retain him with him near his person for his next expedition across the Channel. He himself had lately written to Your Majesty on the subject, but he would again repeat this request, and beg me write again expressing that wish of his, adding that I should do him the greatest possible pleasure were I to recommend his suit and press Your Majesty do order and command the said Duke to go with him to the French expedition, and at the same time I was requested to certify that the King considered the Duke's services on the occasion as valuable to him as if he had been an Englishman and a commander in his own army. I was likewise requested to advise and persuade the Duke—who, by-the-way, is thinking of going back to Spain by sea—not to quit England until he hears of Your Majesty's pleasure in a matter so important, as the King says, for Your Majesty's and his own service. I myself have spoken to the Duke on the subject, and made him the representations that I considered needful, and his answer has been that for many reasons he would not give a farthing for all the offers this King might make him, but that if Your Majesty thought that he could be of service here he would remain. In short, that if such was Your Majesty's express wish he will obey orders, and devote his person and property to the cause. (fn. 33)
Now, if I am asked to state my opinion in this matter I will say, under due and humb'e correction, that the Duke's acceptance of service under the King (should such be your Majesty's pleasure), might be wonderfully beneficial in the undertaking against France, for having, as he has, the King's favour, and enjoying much credit among the English, he might, if appointed, be of great use to the common cause by obviating delays, thwarting the enemy's practices, if renewed, and generally speaking any inconveniences that might arise, besides which he might be of great help and assistance to these people in military matters, for, as the English themselves own, they have few men experienced in warfare who know how to treat scientifically of such matters. (fn. 34) Lastly, should this King by a sudden indispositon or some other accident, be prevented from attending the expedition in person, as there is reason to fear, he, the Duke, might help to dissuade the King, as I hear several of his courtiers have already tried to do, from personally crossing over, which in my opinion would be a great boon for his own army, and especially for those commanders who wish the Duke to accompany the King. (fn. 35)
The reason why many of those who are about the King's person do not wish him to cross the Channel on this occasion is, among others, that they are afraid of his suddenly failing in health, and also that, if they have to take care of his person, all military operations will necessarily be delayed and the march of their army slackened through it; besides which the Kings chronic disease and great obesity (gravité) require particular care lest his life should be endangered. For my own part I think that for many reasons, which Your Majesty will be able to appreciate much better than myself, the King ought not to enter France in person. It would be enough for him to continue saying that he intends doing so, and even to cross the Channel, provided after his landing at Calais (fn. 36) he remain there, and does not go beyond that town.
Please Your Majesty to let me know your pleasure and commands respecting the Duke's business (fn. 37).—London, 13 April 1544.
Signed: “Eustace Chapuys.”
Addressed: “To the Emperor.”
Indorsed: From the ambassador in England of the 13th of April. Received the 21st of the said month, 1554. French. Original. 6 pp.
13–22 April. 69. Eustace Chapuys to Prince Philip.
S. E. L. 806, ft 85, 311. “Muy alto y muy poderosisimo Señor,”—Your Highness' letter of the 4th of January was duly received. I must begin by humbly thanking Your Highness for the interest shown at my last indisposition, and at the same time expressing my deep regret at hearing that Your Highness' health has not been so good lately. I hope Your Highness will have recovered completely, and that God, to whom I have lately addressed my earnest prayers, will grant you a long life, as befits the prosperity and happiness of all your vassals and servants (vassallos, criados y servidores).
The most Serene Majesty of this King has been exceedingly pleased at hearing of Your Highness' felicitous marriage, and of the good will and affection which you bear him. He has earnestly requested me to return your commendations at the rate of one hundred for one, and to signify his reciprocal good will and affection, as well as his desire to be useful to Your Highness. The same offers and protestations of friendship have come from the Queen and from the Princess.
Though I presume that Your Highness will be acquainted with what has passed at the Emperor's Court since I last wrote, yet in obedience to Your Highness' commands I shall state in two words that the States of the Empire in general at the Diet of Spira (Speier) have unanimously granted and promised to His Imperial Majesty help and assistance against Francis and the Turk, which resolution, as I fancy, will be anything but agreeable and pleasing to that King.
On the other hand, the Bohemians and other patrimonial subjects of the most Serene King of the Romans, and those also among the Hungarians, who follow his party and are devoted to him, have made much greater grants of money to him than they ever did on former occasions for the sake of currying on war against the Turks, so that there is every hope that, with the Emperor's help and assistance, king Ferdinand will now be able not only to resist the Turk most efficiently, but likewise recover part of the land which that Infidel conquered last year.
The people of Flanders and other countries bordering on the Emperor's dominions have agreed to tax themselves to the amount of 200,000 ducats for six months, to be paid by monthly instalments, and spent exclusively in wars against the French, who, as We here can plainly perceive, are now very much frightened and by no means so high-spirited as they were some time ago, having, as reported, asked the Pope's absolution for having treated with this most Serene King, whom they now call schismatic. Indeed, the King himself declared to me three days ago, on the 10th, that they have been, and are still, looking forward for every available means of procuring peace, though it must be owned that up to this present moment they have made no overtures nor proposals of any substance. For my part I have made all possible efforts to persuade the King not to admit to his presence nor give audience to the ambassadors whom king Francis proposes to send here. If he does I shall not fail to apprize Your Highness of whatever their errand may be.
The chief motion which these Cortes or English Parliament have discussed and passed is that of making over to the King the money which his private subjects (particulares) lent him last year. Besides that, they have agreed to give him one-tenth of their property, which will amount to a very large sum of money. For the present I hear of no other motion of importance in these English Cortes; should one be made worth mentioning I shall not fail to inform Your Highness.
Of other news I can only say that the most Serene Majesty of this King, besides having sent a body of troops—both infantry and cavalry—to the borders of Scotland by land, has now fitted out a fleet of one hundred and fifty sails, which fleet is to take on board no less than 15000 men, the most experienced and best soldiers that could possibly be enlisted. The fleet left the Thames on the 20th of March, but owing to contrary winds and to bad weather has not made much progress yet. It is, however, confidently expected that with a fair wind it will shortly reach the coast of Scotland, and that by means of that force on board the dissension between the Scotch and themselves will be put down, and that through the intelligences which the English have in that country, the King will be able to gain ground there, and make some sort of covenant, by means of which these two kingdoms of England and Scotland will in future live at peace with each other. May God guide matters as may best fit His service and the welfare of Christendom!
The news from Scotland is that the Patriarch of Aquileia (Grimani) had gone on board his fleet to return to France; but I suspect that when he hears of this King's fleet sailing thither he will not leave so soon, or trust now to safe-conduct and passport, any more than he did when this King offered him one to pass through here. (fn. 38) He (the Patriarch) has quite recently written a letter to this King, enclosing a very long discourse to persuade him to make peace with France, and likewise promising to make His Imperial Majesty and the king of France agree to it; but the Patriarch would have done much better had he forborne taking so much trouble in matters which he does not understand, and exposing himself to be laughed at by these courtiers, who are actually making fun of him for his foolish simplicity, and so forth.
Though the King is rather embarrassed just now, owing to the turn affairs are taking in Scotland, as above said, he is nevertheless as intent as ever he was in his purpose to carry on the war against France, in which war, should he himself be in health, he wishes above all things to be personally present. He loses no time or labour in providing the necessaries for his fleet (armada), which will be the strongest and most powerful that ever left the shores of England. May God keep him in that holy purpose (santo propo ito), and give him bodily health so as to accomplish his purpose!
I believe Your Highness may some days ago have heard that the duke of Alburquerque (D. Beltran II. de la Cuera) left Court to go to Spain, and that he undertook his voyage thither touching first here in England, and landing in this city of London on the 24th of March. He has since been obliged by stress of weather and contrary winds to remain here until now, and I apprehend that he will have to make a still longer stay, for this King's most Serene Majesty has been more pleased with him than with any other Spanish grandee that he ever conversed with. The day before yesterday the King spoke to me so highly of him, and so praised his qualities and manner, that nothing could surpass it. I must add that all and every one of the lords and knights of this court who have had anything to do with him are likewise enchanted; so much so, that the King wishes very much to take him into his service, that he may accompany him in his projected expedition against France, and has hitherto used all manner of persuasions and prayers to induce him to remain in England and take service under him. The Duke has raised difficulties, excusing himself for his duties which call him back to Spain, besides many other considerations; but the King still insists, and has written to His Imperial Majesty by this post asking that he (the Duke) be allowed to remain and serve under his orders. Indeed, two days ago the King himself signified to me that he was on the point of despatching another messenger to the Emperor with the same request, praying me to use all my influence (fn. 39) with His Imperial Majesty and with Your Royal Highness to that effect. Whatever may be the result of this King's request in this particular, I shall not fail to inform Your Royal Highness thereof.
I cannot, however, omit one circumstance with regard to the Duke's reception at this Court, which in my opinion is both very flattering and significative. Whatever his personal merits may be—and certainly they are very great—it must be said that the Duke's reception and treatment at this English Court has been really extraordinary, and that no other foreign nobleman ever met with half the honour and hospitality that has been lavished upon him; for I can assure Your Royal Highness that for a long time back no prince or lord did land in England and meet with such a cordial and magnificent reception as the Duke has. In order to please the King, and yield, as it were, to his importunities, the Duke has visited no less than six or seven Royal manors or pleasure houses of the best in this country, where feasts and carousals have been ordered for his entertainment, exhibiting before his eyes the best part of the gorgeous furniture and silver plate belonging to the King, without mentioning the pastimes of chase and sport, and others arranged for him.
Within the last few days a covenant has been agreed upon stipulating that His Imperial Majesty, according to the last treaty of alliance, will declare the Scots to be his enemies, and that this King will afterwards do the same with regard to the duke of Holstaçia (Holstein), who has usurped the kingdom of Denmark, unless he (the Duke) enters first into an agreement with His Imperial Majesty, having, as it is reported, sent to Spire for that purpose an embassy, at the head of which is the count of Odenburgue (Oldenburg). There is every hope that the agreement will be made, and that the Palatine duke Frederik, not to be thwarted in the succession to his brother the Elector, who died a short time ago, especially in what concerns the electorship, will not be so difficult to deal with as he has been hitherto. Respecting the restoration of the duke of Brunswick to his estate, nothing is known yet. It is hoped that His Imperial Majesty will get everything he asks from the Germans.
No other news for the present.—London, 13 of April [1544.]
P.S.—This letter remained several days on my table, (fn. 40) waiting for a courier to send it on. Meanwhile, advices from Spires came announcing that His Imperial Majesty had obtained from the States of the Empire that the help of 24,000 foot and 4,000 horse, with which they had decided to contribute, should be commuted for money, which has been a highly advantageous and more profitable arrangement for His Imperial Majesty than if the Germans had furnished double the number of men; for in this manner the Emperor will get sufficient money to raise 16,000 men wherever he pleases, whilst the king of the Romans, his brother, will have 8,000 foot and 1,000 horse to fight the Turk.
The Palatine duke Frederik has been declared Elector. A few days ago he was publicly invested with that dignity at Spire with great solemnity, and in the presence of the Emperor, attended by a large number of German princes and lords.
His Imperial Majesty is to leave Spire on the 22nd, taking the road to Metz, in Lorraine. The ordnance and ammunition left for Flanders several days ago in that direction, whilst the prince of Orange, with seven battalions (banderas) of Germans, will follow in a couple of days.
The king of France, as far as we can hear, has no foreign soldiers with him, except 2,000 Italians who are scattered about the frontiers of his kingdom. Nor is there any rumour of levies being made in France; if there is, the news has not reached us. The King himself is now near Rouen, engaged in hunting and sporting. May God be pleased that he himself may be hunted down, as he was once at Pavia, as his bad practices and worse intentions so richly deserve.
His Imperial Majesty sent me a message on the 12th inst. that very shortly I should hear from him news of His Imperial person and of. his plans. He was to send to that effect a gentleman of his Court. I am anxiously expecting his arrival, that I may write to Your Royal Highness.
Meanwhile, I will not close this despatch without adding that this King continues to prepare for the undertaking [against France]; he has ordered several handy ovens to bake bread that are to be put on wheel carts, and also several mills to grind the corn whilst the carts are in motion. The King's fleet (armada de mer) has not yet reached the coast of Scotland owing to adverse winds.
No other news; should there be any worth reporting, I shall not fail to acquaint Your Royal Highness with them.—Closed on the 22nd of April 1544. (fn. 41)
Signed: “Eustace Chapuys.”
Spanish. Original. 8 pp.
14 April. 70. Eustace Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch. “Madame,”—This morning the King, after dispatching a courier to Your Majesty, sent two of his privy councillors to inform me of the answer which his man at Calais, named Master Hars, (fn. 42) to whom the French had addressed themselves with the overtures of which I yesterday wrote to Your Majesty, (fn. 43) is prepared to make in his name to the Sieur de Biez. The substance of which answer is to be as follows:— “That, as the king of France is in the habit of making overtures, nay promising, and taking engagements which he does not observe or fulfil, it is fit and convenient that in order to show his sincere desire for peace, he should beforehand desist from giving help and aid to the Scots, and should bring forward honourable and reasonable conditions for the acceptance of the Emperor and the King. And that, should the French delay to do so, they shall soon find him at Calais ready to meet them anyhow.” (fn. 44)
The King has also sent me the duplicate of the very draft [of the paper] which I myself placed in the privy councillors' hands, with the addition of a short clause towards the end, and the omission of that which was agreed upon between Us, namely, that before the ratification of the convention a list of the safe-conducts granted by this King to the Scots should be submitted to Your Majesty's inspection. (fn. 45) I have told the privy councillors my mind about the clause, but they have not replied to my observations, save saying that they will report to the King. It is for the Emperor and for Your Majesty to decide on what is best and most convenient for your interest under the circumstances.
Having at present no leisure to write to the Emperor on this subject, and the privy councillors themselves seeming to be in great haste, I most humbly beg Your Majesty to tell me as soon as possible whether I am to approve of the proposed additional clause and the omission of the stipulated condition, that I may report to the Emperor the whole. (fn. 46)
I hear that the fleet (armee) that sailed for Scotland, and had separated at sea for the express purpose of encountering and capturing any Scotch vessels they might find, has met with rather bad weather (a couru quelque peu, de fortune), and I am also told that count Douglas (the earl of Angus) and his brother (Sir George) have again revolted against this King, and joined the Cardinal's party. It has not been within my power to prevent this King's undertaking against Scotland, so that he might employ all his energy to remedy the evil by punishing the king of France, who is the chief cause of it, as well as of many other troubles in Christendom. —London, 14 April 1544.
Signed: “Eustace Chapuys.”
French. Original. 2 pp.


  • 1. See No. 52, p. 78.
  • 2. “Et que communiquissions au dit ambassadeur les articles de retenue que baillous à nos gens de cheval afin de traicter selon ce.”
  • 3. Sickingheim (Francis von).
  • 4. “Le dit ambassadeur enfin a expressement respondu quil n'en avoit charge, ny ne le vouloit faire, combien que l'on luy ait remonstré que à nous mesmes les autres capitaines nous ont demandé la dite assheurance et nous a failli baillier nos lectres signees de nostre nom et scelleés.”
  • 5. “Nonobstant quilz soient estez souvent à nos gaiges et que leur soyons de plus facile convention et mesmes par l'arrest de noz subjectz s'il y avoit faculté.”
  • 6. “Deux mille florins” says the deciphering, but in another copy of the same letter, “dix mille.”
  • 7. “Et pour non estre le roy bien restauré de sa maladie, ni en disposition pour entendre au negoce, il ne voulu[t] me travailler d'aller en Court vers ses ministres pour leur declairer les nouvelles et charge que avoye, ains luy plust envoyer par devers moy deux de son Conseil, etc.”
  • 8. “Et aussi pour cause que les subjects de par deça (quoique feist le dit sr roy en cest endroit) ne seroient si osez ni si hardiz den faire querelle, ni en dire la moindre parolle du monde, ce que n'estoit de par de là ou ilz parlent plus librement.”
  • 9. “Le quel envoya dire resoloument qu'il ne vouloit faire aultre promesse sinon qu'apres la dite declaration de sa mate il feroit ce à quoy il estoit obligé par le dit traicté.”
  • 10. “A quoy leur respondis assez courtement et brusquement.”
  • 11. That is Frederick I., who in 1523 dethroned Christian II., King of Denmark and Sweden, married to Isabella, the Emperor's sister. Frederick died in 1533, and was succeeded by his son, Christian III.
  • 12. Alluding no doubt to the draft sent by queen Mary to Chapuys. See above, p. 85.
  • 13. “Et leur disant que ce estoit tout mocquerie que sa Stó voulsist employer un seul denier pour telles affaires selon quil est avaricieux, et aussi pour plusieurs aultres respectz.”
  • 14. “Aux cartier[s] de Suffocq, Norfocq, Quin (sic) et aultres ce que leur sembla tres bon et convenable.”
  • 15. “Que ceulx Escossois ont aultant de commodity de contracter et negocier illec que par avant veu quilz [s]ont en toute liberté. Et ne veuillent prendre en payement que ores quilz ne negocieut à leur plaisir, que ce n'est riens, seullement quilz n'ayent faculté de transporter leurs biens quilz out de par de là.”
  • 16. “Et doubte que ceulx-cy n'ayeut poinct toutes les intelligences quilz vouldroient bien avoir au dit cartier, ce que m'a meu (mÛ) a dire pour aultant que les dits du Conseil, apres avoir leu une lettre que le comte Darford (qui est chief au earner du Nord) escripvoit au dit sr roy, ilz se monstrerent tres tous malcontents et pensifz.”
  • 17. “Le comte de Lennox, le quel, comme jescripvis dernierement à v[ost]re. mate, se debvoit retrouver aux frontieres pour traicter avec les commis du dit sieur roy, a esté constraint d'aller deffendre une sienne bonne place appelée Dunbarton, que le gouverneur et aultres de sa partialité vouloient assieger, et en son lieu envoyer commis et deputez pour entendre au dit traicté.”
  • 18. That of August 1543, which after being approved of by the Scotch Parliament was not ratified. See Vol. VI., Fart II., p. 456.
  • 19. Sickinghen (?), though his name will be found to be variously written Seiquinguen, Sequiguen, and Sectquinghen.
  • 20. “Sur quoy apres y avoir beaucoup pensé n'avons trouvé personne plus convenable que le capitaine Sequingen, le quel en nostre consideration, et non sans plusieurs excuses, en a accepts la charge, voire et nonobstant que l'eussions deliberé de nous en servir, pour estre personnaige bien entendu au fait de la guerre, et de bon credit. Mais quand on est venu à traicter, et quil a persisté d'estre assheuré de marchans en ceste Germanie, comme des Fouckers. Welzers et aultres compagnies d'allemans et marchans de credit, du payement et solde des ditz gens de cheval pour le temps qu'ilz serviront selon la retinue.”
  • 21. “Combien que l'on luy ait remonstré que à nous mesmes les aultres capitaines nous ont demandé les dictes assheurances, et nous [a] fallu bailler nos lectres signees et sçelees, des quelles à ditticulté se veuillent ilz contenter, nonobstant qu'ilz soient esté souvent à nos gaiges, et que leur soyons de plus facile convention, et mesme pour l'arrest de nos subjectz s'il y avoit faulte.”
  • 22. “Deux mille florins,” says the deciphering, but a marginal note in a different hand has “dix mille.”
  • 23. “Quoy voyant et que s'il y avoit plus de delay quelconque à faire la dicte retinue pour le dit sieur roy d'angleterre, il seroit impossible de recouvrer plus les dits mille chevaux pour s'en servir en l'emprinse, et que encores apres toutes instances faictes en traictant dois maincteuant lon na peu induyre le dit capitaine Sechingen à pouvoir assheurer les ditz gens de cheval, et les rendre prestz à faire monstre jusques au dernier de May, nous [nous] sommes enfin faict fort et promis au diet Sechingen que le dict sieur roy baillern la dicte assheurance en dedans la fin de ce mois, ou dedans deux ou trois jours du prochain au plus tard, et en cas qu'il ne le face les deux mille florins que le dit ambassadeur luy a faict delivrer sur la dite retinue luy demeureront sans qu'il soit tenu plus avant servir.”
  • 24. “Gentil-hombre de la Boca” are the words used, Gentleman of the Valletus pro Ore Regis. His name was Thomas Perrenot sicur de Chantonnay, second son of Nicholas sieur de Granvelle, the Emperor's Lord Privy Seal (Guarda Sellos) and his principal minister till his death in 15—. Thomas had in the year before been employed by the Emperor in various missions to the Pope at Rome and to king Henry in England. See Vol. VI., Part II., pp. xix.–xx.
  • 25. That of the 14th of March (No. 54, pp. 81, 82, and that of the 30th of the same month No. 55, pp. 82, 83).
  • 26. “Maistre Hars,” says the original, but his name seems to have been Halle or Halles
  • 27. “Ayant le tout ouy, et usé des compliments que me semblerent necessaires, etc.”
  • 28. Evidently meaning to the Pope.
  • 29. “Mais pour quil estoit au bout de son sens, et avoit experimenté son extreme malice.”
  • 30. “Sinon donner cueur aux dits françois qui surprenneroient l'intelligence entre v[ost]re. mate et luy, et leur sera (fera?) ministrer occasion de inventer et seoner (semer?) beaucoup de choses pour mestre quelque zizanie (sic) et scrupule entre v[ost]re. mate et luy.”
  • 31. “Femme qui out (ouyt) et forteresse qui parle est á demy rendue.”
  • 32. “Que v[ost]re. mate avoit signifié á la duchesse de Bart (Bar?) avant de partir pour Flandre.” That is Christina of Denmark, the Emperor's niece, and widow of Francesco Sforza, the last duke of Milan. After the death of her husband she married François de Lorraine, marquis de Pont à Mousson and duke of Bar (Bar le Due en Lorraine). Christina had during her widowhood, which lasted six years, from 1535 to 1541, used the title of duchess of Bari in Naples, which explains why in this despatch and others Bar, Bari and Bart are erroneously made synonymous.”
  • 33. “Que pour tons les offres que luy sçauroit fere le dit sieur roy il n'eu donroit (donueroit)| ung maravedis pour beaucoup de raisons, mais que si v[ost]re. mate se pouvoit estre servye de sa demeuro et que icelle le luy fist entendre bien expressement, il ne deffauldroit d'y obeyr et y employer personue et biens.”
  • 34. “II pourra entre aultres choses obvier à toutes dilations et aux practiques que pourroieut survenir, et pareillement à diverses inconveniens, oultre l'assistance quil pourroit fere á ceulx-ci en matiere de guerre qui out peu de gens, comme ilz confessent, quen sçaichent gueres profondement en parler.”
  • 35. “Et speciallement aux aultres principaulx quen ont charge que le dit due soy trouve en sa compagnie.”
  • 36. “Et aussi quilz presupposent que s'il soy (s'y) retrouve en personne tous les affaires seront plus tardifz, car il fauldra marcher beaucoup plus lentement pour la gravité et indisposition du dit sieur roy, et aussi avec plus grant soing et respect pour uon le hazarder. Et croy quil ne seroit le pire pour beaucoup de respectz que v[ost]re. mate peult trop mieulx comprendre que (quil) face (sic) continuer le bruit d'y aller, et quil passe jusqu'à Callayx.”
  • 37. See pp. 84, 103, Don Beltran II. de la Cueva.
  • 38. “Se entiende que de aquella banda de Escocia el patriarca de Aquileya era enbarcado para pasar en francia; pero sospecho que si es avissado de la dicha armada deste Serenissimo Rey, que tardará un poco, y no se confìará mas de la dicha armada que se confió del salvo conducto y passapuerto que le havia otorgado el dicho Sereuissimo Rey de passar por aqui.”
  • 39. “Rogandome muy encargadamente (encarecidamente) de tener la mano en ello de toda mi pcder.”
  • 40. That accounts for the letter being dated the 13th of April, whereas the P.S. is of the 22nd.
  • 41. Chapuys' last despatches to Prince Philip are dated the 9th of November 1543 (Vol. VI., Part II., pp. 519–21), and 18th of January 1544 (No. 12, p. 15.) That accounts for Chapuys, in his general report of news, mentioning events both in England and Scotland between October 1543 and the end of April 1544. Grimani's landing at Leith took place in November, and Gonzaga's mission in December 1543.
  • 42. Master Halles, as above. See pp. 88, 104.
  • 43. See above, No. 68, p. 104. “M'a envoyé advertir par deux de son Conseil de la reponse quo son homme de Calais, nommé me Hars, à qui les françois se sont addressés pour les practiques dont hier escripvis à v[ost]re. mate, doibt faire au sr de Biez.”
  • 44. “Et que tardant à se resouldre les dits françois sur cela, ilz le trouveroient bientost eu Calais pour fere tous expediens “(sic).
  • 45. “Obmestant ce que avoit este arresté entre nous à sçavoir que prealablement les saulfconduictz ottroyez pour (par) le dict sr aux Escossois fussent presentez à v[ost]re. mate, et par icelle ratiffiez.”
  • 46. “Vos mate par leur tres grande prudence en uscrent comme semblera convenir à icelles. Suppliant tres humblement v[ost]re. mate (pour ce que nay loysir descripre presentement à sa mate, à cause de la haste du Conseil) quil plaire à icelle (si le cas le requiert).”