Spain: July 1546, 1-15

Pages 417-427

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 8, 1545-1546. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1904.

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July 1546, 1–15

July 3. Vienna Imp. Arch. 287. The Emperor to Van der Delft.
We have received your letters of 10, 12 and 14th ultimo, and have been much pleased to read of the conversation between the King of England and yourself respecting the peace he has concluded with the King of France, in which peace the treaty of alliance between the former and us has been expressly reserved. We have already written to you instructions to thank him on our behalf, and to assure him of the great pleasure we have felt at hearing the news of peace. We have also instructed you to explain to him the reason why we are assembling forces, and we need not enlarge again upon that point; only saying that if on the receipt of this you have not already done so, you should lose no time in making the declaration on the first opportunity, using the kindest expressions possible; and reporting to us, as secretly as you can, what is going on there.
We send you enclosed the report we have received from Spain, as to the money and other property that was in the ship from the Indies pillaged by Renegat and other Englishmen. It will be necessary for you to take up the matter and claim restitution; letting us know as soon as possible what you obtain, in order that we may take the necessary measures in Spain respecting the claims made by Englishmen there.
Ratisbon, 3 July, 1546.
July 3. Simancas. E. R. 873. 288. Juan de Vega to the Emperor.
His Holiness has been asked for the money for the cavalry to be raised by the Prince of Sulmona, but he refused to give it, as he also did that required to bring the Spanish infantry out of Piedmont. To-morrow Sunday, Cardinal Farnese will receive the cross (fn. 1) of legate, and his brother the Duke (Octavio Farnese) the staff. The Cardinal says he will leave the same evening or on Monday, the Duke departing on Tuesday or Wednesday. Rome, 3 July, 1546.
July 4. Paris. Archives Nationales. K. 1486. 289. St. Mauris to Prince Philip.
I have already informed your Highness of all I had been able to learn about the conditions of peace between France and England; and, as something fresh has come out here every day since, I have done my best to ascertain the true particulars for your Highness' information. First: I find that everyone agrees here that Boulogne and the forts are to remain in the hands of the English for eight years. The English also retain the territory of Boulogne on the Calais side; which they define as that on the other side of the river near Boulogne; the territory on this side (i.e. the South side) of the river to remain in the hands of the French. The English insisted on keeping the territory in question, on the ground that if the money they demand was not paid they should at least hold a valuable pledge to represent it, and in the meanwhile that the revenue derived would remunerate them for the loss of interest on the sum which should have been paid down. Some dispute was raised as to the ownership of the river itself, but it was finally arranged that it should be held in common. At the same time it was settled that the owners of property situated in the English zone might return to their homes, and retain their possessions, on taking the oath of allegiance to the King of England. It is true, Sire, that many persons asserted that the owners were not to be allowed to retain their possessions until the eight years of English occupation had expired; but I am positively assured that. the conditions are really as I have stated them.
It has also been agreed that the King of England is to be bound to restore Boulogne at the end of the eight years, and not before, on the King of France paying him in current legal money of full weight the sum of 2,000,000 sun-crowns in gold, to represent the overdue pensions and the works on the fortifications of Boulogne, and the other neighbouring forts. The French assert that no mention whatever is made of a war-indemnity; and that they would never have consented to the shame of such a thing as to have paid an indemnity in a war where their own expenses have exceeded those of the English. The King of France is furthermore bound to pay at the-expiry of the eight years the pensions then due. They say here now that the King of England is bound to accept the money and evacuate Boulogne before the end of the eight years, if the French wish to pay it: but it is believed for certain that he is not so bound.
The King of England has promised the King of France that when he receives the money, at the end of the eight years, he will give up Boulogne and the forts with the territory adjacent etc., as well as the other forts which the King of England has enormously strengthened. The Admiral of France is making very much of this point; as he says that the King of France could not have fortified-these places for a million in gold.
Both sides are to be allowed to strengthen or finish the new forts they have made. The Holy See has not been included in the peace, but it is looked upon as certain that, by common consent, your Highness (i.e. Spain) has been included: the King of France I am assured, especially, having brought this point forward. On his part it was insisted, not only that he could not make peace without the consent of your Highness, but that you must be expressly included in it, and great demonstration of a desire to retain your friendship was made. In any case both of them are bound to this effect.
Cardinal Ferrara positively assured Mme. D'Etampes that the King of England binds himself by this peace to aid the King of France, if your Highness first violates the treaty of peace, the King of France being desirous of preventing your Highness from raising war against him, as he wishes to live in peace until his people have recovered. I have not heard this detail from any other quarter. When I was conversing recently with the. Chancellor (Olivier), he told me that the Scots had been included unconditionally in the peace; and I have also heard this from the Queen of France, (fn. 2) she having learnt it from Châtillon, a friend of the Keeper of the Seals. When her Majesty told me this she said that the King of France undertook by the treaty to aid, so far as he could, the marriage of the young Queen of Scots with the Prince of England. He the (keeper of the seals) had divulged (to Châtillon) that during the negotiations the King of England had insisted that this clause was, in effect, an agreement that the marriage should take place, as everything, he said, depended upon the King of France. The latter, however, replied that the maiden was not yet at liberty, nor was she of an age when any definite talk about her marriage could be undertaken. Two gentlemen had thereupon been sent to Scotland, one French and the other English, to learn the views of the Regent (Arran). The Regent and all the Scottish Council replied that they submitted the matter entirely to the decision of the King of France. The latter had expected another answer; but in the face of it he could not avoid making a promise that when the Princess of Scotland reached a proper age he would do his best to incline her to such a marriage. The people here, Sire, insist that these promises and purposes do not really bind them to anything: but the truth is that they themselves confess that the English will endeavour to hold them to them; and they add that the King of England has not taken the eight years for the purpose of restoring Boulogne, but because at the end of that time the Princess of Scotland will be marriageable; and if the King of France fails to promote the marriage, the King of England will refuse to fulfil his part of the treaty. This means that the King of England not only aims at obtaining the payment of his money, but to be able at the same time to allege the excuse of the marriage for making war upon Scotland, which he will easily subdue, unless France aids the Scots. If such aid is given he will pretend that the King of France has failed to promote the marriage, as he undertook to do. On the other hand, it is argued that the King of France might assist the Scots, as the latter are included in the peace.
We also learn through Châtillon that the Keeper of the Seals told him that he held a secret clause in the treaty, which is not included in the main document, mutually, binding the Kings of France and England and the Protestants to aid each other if any of them be assailed. Châtillon told this in confidence to the Queen of France, adding that the Admiral had suggested that the Protestants deserved to have something done for them; as they had been the intermediaries who had brought about the peace. This, he said, would also be another cut at the Pope, to whom, he continued, the King of France bore no great love. No more, Sire, was learnt on this point, Châtillon being unable to say whether the mutual aid was to be furnished only in case of religious war, or in case of any attack whatever. Châtillon, however confirms that the King of France bound himself to help the Protestants if they were assailed; and the agreement was repeated when the Duke of Lunenburg was here, as Châtillon says he was told by the Keeper of the Seals, who was the principal instrument of the King of France in the negotiation of this mutual assistance clause. I can give no further assurance than this to your Highness of the truth.
The King of France recently informed the Queen that he had communicated to your Highness all the conditions of the peace treaty, as he had also done to the Queen of Hungary. (fn. 3) He had, no doubt, he said, that people would try to represent them otherwise. Your Highness will therefore be able to compare his version with mine; but these facts make me suspect that he has acted, or at least has endeavoured to act, sincerely towards your Highness in the negotiations.
People here are not well pleased with the peace, seeing that the detention of Boulogne by the English will cause them a greater pest than before. And in good truth, Sire, the encroachments that will result are obvious.
In conclusion, I may say that public opinion is firm in the belief that the King of France has not negotiated the peace for the purpose of traversing your Highness' affairs, but out of sheer necessity, his realm being so exhausted and the people so impoverished that they can hardly maintain themselves. I am assured that, unless he is attacked, the King intends to preserve peace for some time.
With regard to the collection of the money to be paid to the English, it is asserted that the King of France, with the approval of his Council, has decided to impose during the next eight years four tithes each year, and to shut up the money in some place, so that his Church will pay the whole amount agreed upon. The people, however, are saying that the ladies will oppose this, as they would like to be recompensed and treated with this money. (fn. 4)
Melun, 4 July.
Another letter, of the same date, from St. Mauris to the Prince, refers to the embargo of a French ship in Spain. No complaint has been made yet to him about it. He is of opinion that the French Government may have addressed the Emperor direct about it, but he has been told that the French are keeping quiet, in order suddenly to embargo Spanish ships in France. “ Truly the Admiral is very unjust. He openly declares his desire to enrich himself at the expense of others, under the pretence of his office.” “ Sire, the principal object of this letter is to inform your Highness that the King of France has received intelligence of the death of the Cardinal of Scotland. He was killed by two of his servants, at the solicitation of certain Scottish enemies of his, who are partisans of the King of England. The French are certain that the King of England himself caused the murder to be committed; as he hated the Cardinal mortally, because the latter opposed the marriage of the Princess of Scotland with the Prince of England. The worst of it is that after the deed was done the aforesaid Scots threw themselves into a very strong Scottish fortress, and the Cardinal's friends say that they will have them expelled by the Regent's forces, whilst possibly the King of England may help the other party, and thus a fresh conflict may arise through these Scotsmen, even before the time comes for the restitution of Boulogne. It is certain that the King of England will do all he can to keep the territory (i.e. the Boulognais), whilst the French will make every effort to prevent him; for they will not consent on any account that it shall remain English.
Melun, 4 July, 1546.
July 4. Paris. Archives Nationales. K. 1486. 290. St. Mauris to Cobos.
I reply to your enquiry of 20 June as to how the King of France and his ministers speak of the Emperor's undertaking in Germany. When they first heard of it, they rejoiced exceedingly, as they thought it would mean a perpetual war between his Majesty and his own people; the King himself saying at table that the Protestants would fight a hundred battles, and the Emperor was now just in the place that he (the King of France) had wished him in for a long time past. But afterwards, when they saw that Catholic Germany would rally to his Majesty's aid, and that the Lutheran towns and cities had not yet declared themselves against him, they began to say that as his Majesty had only to deal with a few individuals, he would carry through the enterprise as he liked. They are very downhearted at this, as they always believed that his Majesty would not put his foot down; and they are now saying that he is acting very cruelly in declaring war against a few princes who had risen against the Empire, but without touching the question of religion. I spoke two days since with the King of France on his Majesty's behalf, for the purpose of requesting him to refrain from helping those against whom his Majesty was making war. His answer was that he was not in any way bound to, or allied with, Germany or the Princes; and would not give any such help as that referred to, which, moreover, had not even been requested. Certainly all good people greatly esteem his Majesty for taking up arms in such a good cause. I took the opportunity to congratulate the King of France on the peace he had recently made. He replied that he was very much pleased at it, as the English had undertaken to return Boulogne to him. The Pope is moving the King of France to set on foot a reconciliation between the Holy See and the King of England, and he (the Pope) offers that, on condition that the King of England recognises the papacy, he (the Pope) will deal with all there matters to the King's satisfaction. The Pope also promises the King of France, in return for his good offices in this matter, that he (the Pope) will personally visit the Emperor, and intercede with him about Piedmont, and will use every effort to bring about a marriage between our Prince and Madame Marguérite. (fn. 5) The King of France has replied that he would most willingly intervene in the way desired, but that he is unable to do so at the present time, as he has recently been in negotiation with the King of England, and the latter had refused to allow the envoy sent by the Holy Father to France to go to England with the ordinary French ambassador sent thither. (fn. 6) The Pope, however, still persisted in his endeavours to find some means of bringing about a reconciliation, and intends to employ for the purpose a Venetian (fn. 7) who took part in the recent peace negotiations, as he is popular in England.
The ordinary Nuncio here only a week ago again begged the King of France to send his prelates to the Council (of Trent) setting forth that the said Council will now commence to deal with the settlement of the faith (conclusiones de la fe). The King of France replied that he was astonished that the Holy Father should so continually exhort him to send his prelates to the Council, as he himself was acting in a way that impaired its completeness (hacía actos contrarios a la perfection del Concilio). He (the Pope) was assisting the Emperor with 10,600 men against the Dukes of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse. This was a great responsibility for him to take, as it was promoting war during the continuance of the Council, where he should have endeavoured to avoid it, and so have rendered its deliberations safe. There was good reason for not sending the prelates to the Council, even without this. Thus he (the King of France) showed himself extremely displeased at the Pope's aid being sent to the war, and excused himself from sending representatives to the Council.
I have already served here for a year and seven months, and have only received 500 crowns from Spain and 600 from Italy, much less than is due to me. Please send me 500 crowns as soon as possible. The Emperor decided that my salary of 5 sun-crowns per day should be paid by Spain; and promised me that the crowns should be sent hither in specie. They now want to pay me in Spanish crowns. Please let me be paid the difference, which will be 3½ sueldos per crown. I will send you a recently published decree, fixing the value of the Spanish crowns at 46½ sueldos and the French crowns are worth 45; so that in addition to my back pay I should be credited with 3½ sueldos for each crown that I have received. (fn. 8) Melun, 4 July, 1546.
July 6. Vienna. Imp. Arch. 291. Van der Delft to the Queen Dowager.
I have received your Majesty's letter of 22nd ultimo; having on the previous day received that of the Emperor, dated 20th of the same month at Regensburg (Ratisbon), with a letter of credence for the King on the same subject as that sent by your Majesty. I sent to the Court at Greenwich to ask for audience, for the purpose of presenting the letter, and I was duly received by the King on Sunday, the day before yesterday. It happened that, at the same instant, the French Ambassador (son of the late first President of Paris) who had arrived here the previous day, and myself, entered the Court together. I should have preferred for him to have had audience first, so that I might have sounded the King as to how things were going: but I was preferred, and was accorded first admission. The King received me very graciously; and after having handed him the letter of credence, I assured him of the great pleasure that his Majesty had experienced at learning of the conclusion of peace between him (Henry) and France, with the reservation of the treaties of amity between the Emperor and himself, which was in accordance with the confident expectation that his Imperial Majesty had always felt in him. He took this in good part; and I then stated to him the causes and reasons of the enterprise of his Majesty against certain princes of the Empire, who were disobedient, and perturbers of the general tranquillity of Germany, to the detriment of the imperial authority. The King appeared much displeased at this, and, interrupting me, he said that he had heard something of the enterprise; but he could not well believe that his Majesty would take up arms against his own people, especially in such times as these. Was the matter definitely decided? he asked. I replied that I believed so, and that the Emperor could not do otherwise than he had done, having endured so long the injuries, threats, and wrongs that they (the princes) had committed against the Duke of Brunswick and his sons, who were kept prisoners, without any regard to the fact that they were the Emperor's vassals; and, indeed, against all the Catholic nobles and ecclesiastics, forcing them by threats and other evil means to join their confederations. This, I said, was directed to the weakening of the imperial authority and the oppression of all Germany; where, although the Protestants were powerful, the party of those that desired tranquillity, union, justice, and keeping of everyone in his proper place, was not less so. These had long yearned for a remedy for the evil, which increased every day, and his Majesty had hitherto sought by gentleness to overcome the trouble. Since, however, no result had been attained by this means; but, on the contrary, things had gone from bad to worse, his Majesty had listened to the exhortation of his subjects, and for the maintenance of his authority and justice had been obliged to adopt extreme measures to reduce the disobedient elements to reason. The King repeated that he was displeased with this enterprise, and said that, if his Majesty had taken his advice, he would have postponed it. The reasons alleged by me, he said, were mere shadows: it was really the Pope's money that had induced the Emperor to do as he had done; and he much feared that his Majesty would find himself deceived after all; for the real origin of the war was perfectly well understood, and it was quite probable that those who pretended to be on his Majesty's side now would be against him some day. I replied that there was nothing shadowy in what I said as to the causes of the war but the plain truth; and the Emperor trusted that he (Henry) would see the matter in the same light, and not lend ear to those who would otherwise disguise it. So far as regarded the religious question, his Majesty would refer that to the Council. “What Council?” asked the King. I replied, “the Council of Trent”; whereupon he seemed not much pleased, and I though necessary to repeat the words about his Majesty's trust that he would not listen to those who would endeavour to represent matters otherwise. I besought him, to reflect on and consider the question sincerely, for he knew, I said, better than I, how much the Emperor had endured from some of his vassal princes. He replied that he had nothing to do with them; but that if he could do anything to avoid or pacify such a pitiable war, he would very willingly do it. He then asked me if M. de Buren had set out with the troops it was said he had raised in Flanders. I replied that I did not know anything about that; and the King then questioned the wisdom of denuding Flanders of troops at the present time, with such a neighbour as we had. Although it seemed to me that this remark referred to the French, I am not sure that he had not Denmark in his mind, as some people here tell me that the Danes are arming to invade Holland. I therefore answered that the cavalry raised by Buren were foreigners, with the exception of one or two bands, and that the Netherlands were well guarded. He did not follow up this; but again expressed his displeasure that his Majesty should have entered upon this war. The French ambassador (Odet de Selve) was afterwards led into the King's presence by the Lord Admiral. He remained a considerable time with the King, and in the meanwhile I had several conversations with Winchester and Paget, whom I found very favourable to the public good, and to the interests of his Majesty. As these are the Councillors most in favour with the King, I doubt not that they will be good instruments for maintaining the existing friendship, and for preventing the Protestants from gaining footing or favour here. They (Gardiner and Paget) have confidently promised me this.
With regard to the peace conditions between the English and the French, I have been unable to ascertain anything beyond what I have already written to your Majesty. The Scots are, it appears, comprised in the peace, on the conditions mentioned to me by the Bishop of Durham, namely that they have to comply with all the treaties and engagements that they have entered into with the King of England; though I have not been informed what these engagements are. As your Majesty desires further enlightenment on the point, I asked the Councillors what was the position between them and the Scots; and if they were at peace or at war. I said it was necessary for us to know, because we were at war with the Scots for their (the English) sake, and for that reason the Emperor had declined to include the Scots in his treaty of peace with France, notwithstanding all the efforts made with that end by the French. They (the English Councillors) replied that the Scots were included on the condition I have mentioned; and that they (the English) had sent to Scotland to learn what the intention of the Scots was. A reply, they said, was expected shortly.
When I was conversing yesterday with Paget on the same subject, he told me that in the course of the recent peace negotiations, the Admiral of France and others had affirmed that the Scots were included in the peace between the Emperor and the French, although on the advice of those who conducted the business the point was not included formally in the capitulations, for certain reasons. On his (Paget's) asking them if he might state this fact confidently, they replied in the affirmative; and said that they would confirm him. As I saw that Paget made this assertion in good faith, I said that, although it was not true, I could easily believe that the French had told him so, for they had dared to tell us that the Scots were included absolutèly unconditionally in this new peace (between England and France) in opposition to what the Council had told me last Sunday. I said it seemed very strange to me that he should take for gospel what the French told him, whilst he would not believe what we said. He ended by assuring me that the Scots were only included on the condition mentioned, and promised that, as soon as their reply was received, he would advise me. Immediately he does so I will report to your Majesty.
I have heard from a secret source that since the French Ambassador and I have spoken with the King, the latter has continued melancholy. It is certain that he was on that day fully dressed and ready to go to mass, but did not go; nor did he go into his gardens, as he is in the habit of doing in the summer months. The coming of the Admiral of France is also deferred, and this is arousing suspicion on the part of the King: the Earl of Hertford, who was at Boulogne ready to come hither, having been ordered to remain there. The Admiral of England (Dudley) was ready to set out (for France), but now remains uncertain from day to-day; so I fancy that affairs are not yet entirely settled. Many persons say that the French have accepted the peace, because they saw that the Emperor was gathering his forces, and they thought it was in order to attack them (the French).
There is a great examination and punishment of the heretics here, no class being spared; and as those who have retracted have been pardoned, the principal doctors have publicly revoked the condemned doctrines, and this has had a very good effect upon the common people, who are greatly infected. The King comes to Westminster to-morrow. He is very well.
London, 6 July, 1546.
Postscript.— After having written the above I have heard from a trustworthy informant that great difficulty is foreseen here from the delay in the coming of the Admiral of France; and they (the English) are much chagrined that they have dismissed the Germans, since the King of France has not entirely broken up his army. The King (of England) is making ready all his ships, it is said to go against Scotland, but I suspect rather that it is to guard against surprise at any point.
July 15. Simancas. E 1318 292. Advices from Venice.
Ludovico delle Arme had arrived at Venice, and the next day, he was with the chiefs for a long time, greatly alarming the country and the Cardinal of England, who is 15 miles away. (fn. 9) Delle Arme told Montesa that he had first been with the chiefs on private business for friends of his; and as the chiefs knew he had come from here (Germany) they had asked him what news he had. He had thereupon greatly magnified your Majesty's forces, and told them that you could do as you liked in the war, which would end sooner than was thought. He told the chiefs of the Council of Ten that he had gone to Ratisbon to see what your Majesty was doing, and had then taken a tour through the country to obtain information. He had found your Majesty the master of all. It was, he said, agreed upon by your Majesty and the Pope that on the passage of the Papal troops they were to steal a large stretch of territory belonging to the Seigniory, and stay there; aided by the Neapolitan and Milanese troops, as well as by those which were being raised in the neighbourhood of Trent, and others raised by the King of the Romans. If they, the Seigniory, were thus taken unaware before they could move, they would lose most of their territory on the mainland. The Seigniory were much alarmed at tins, and they immediately sent the Duke of Urbino to Verona, and ordered the guards to be doubled everywhere. Cardinal Cornaro, a true and devoted servant of your Majesty, advised us of this.
A similar paper of advices from Venice of the same date states that the Seigniory was very indignant at a rumour, said to have been set afloat in Rome by the Cardinal of Trent, to the effect that they had been endeavouring to dissuade the Pope from aiding the Emperor. The Seigniory had emphatically declared that they were innocent of such an “infamous” proceeding. In order to clear the Cardinal of Trent of the blame, Cardinal Cornaro had published some letters he had received from Rome, saying that the Venetian ambassador there had brought great pressure upon the Pope and his friends to dissuade them from aiding in the war against the Protestants. The Seigniory had thereupon sent for these letters, and after reading them had published that their ambassador in Rome had acted thus without instructions and should be punished.


  • 1. That is to say of papal legate to the Emperor for the purposes of the religious war: Octavio Farnese (Duke of Camarino), the son-in-law of the Emperor, being given at the same time the baton of Commander of the Papal contingent.
  • 2. It must not be forgotten that the Queen was Eleanor of Austria, the sister of the Emperor.
  • 3. Mary of Austria Regent of the Netherlands, the Emperor's sister.
  • 4. The sentence is somewhat obscure. It runs thus, “Mas, el pueblo, Syre, dizen que las damas se oppornan porque estan en possession de ser recompensadas y gratificadas de los dichos dineros.” The translation from the original French to Spanish for Philip's use has evidently not been made by a Spaniard, and there are several instances of similar obscurity in the text.
  • 5. Between the recently widowed Philip and Margaret of France, afterwards the wife of Emanuel Philibert of Savoy.
  • 6. Odet de Selve, who had just been Bent as ambassadar to England, where he remained until 1549.
  • 7. Francisco de Bernardi.
  • 8. The nominal value of the sun-crown was thus 50 sueldos. The complaints of the ambassadors and other officers of non-payment or short payment of their salaries are continually repeated in their letters to Cobos, but they are not usually reproduced in the Calendar, as they are only interesting as marking the general penury and the almost exclusive dependence of Charles upon Castile for his resources. The above paragraph, however, is printed in full, as it is important in fixing the somewhat disputed value of the current coinage at the time.
  • 9. It will be recollected that Ludovico delle Arme was an Italian condottiere in the service of England. The fear with which his negotiations with the Seigniory inspired Cardinal Pole arose probably from the idea that an alliance between Venice and the Protestants might lead to the Cardinal's surrender to the English King. Arme had gone to Monferrat on his way to Venice for the purpose of bespeaking mercenary troops for the English service from his house in Castelgoffredo. The Cardinal Regent of Mantua was greatly alarmed at his presence in Monferrat-Mantuan territory and refused to receive him, and finally requested him to leave the duchy. See Venetian Calendar.